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THE COMPLETE
WORKS OF
JOHN RUSKIN
Two thousand and sixty-two copies of this
edition — of which two thoiisand are for sale in
England and America — have been printed at the
Ballantyne Press, Edinhtcrgh, aiid the type has
been distribided.
Engraved ly "VTilliam Rof fe
: ') ra'ffii "by John. RusHu
ST ^>
By CinmLue at Assisi.
LIBRART EDITION
THE WORKS OF
JOHN RUSKIN
EDITED BY
E. T. COOK
AND
ALEXANDER WEDDERBURN
LONDON
GEORGE ALLEN, 156, CHARING CROSS ROAD
NEW YORK : LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
1908
All rights reserve.
LIBRARY EDITION
VOLUME XXXIII
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
VALLE CRUCIS
THE ART OF ENGLAND
THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
VALLE CRUCIS
THE ART OF ENGLAND
THE PLEASURES OF
ENGLAND
LONDON
GEORGE ALLEN, 156, CHARING CROSS ROAD
NEW YORK: LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
1908
BY
JOHN RUSKIN
THE GZHY CEfj.r-
LIBRARY
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXIII
PAGE
List of Illustrations ......... xiii
Introduction to this Volume ....... xix
" Our Fathers have Told Us : Sketches of the History of
Christendom for Boys and Girls who have been held at
its Fonts " : —
I, "The Bible of Amiens": being Part I. of Om- Fathers*'
(1880-1885):—
bibliographical note . . . . . . . 5
contents ...... ... 19
TEXT . . . . . . . . . .21
II. Chapters for Later Parts of " Our Fathers " : —
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE . . . . . . .1^0
Notes for " Ara C(ELI " (the intended Part III. of " Our
Fathers") 191
" Valle Crucis." Studies in Monastic Architecture :
being chapters for the intended Part VI. of " Our
Fathers": —
\. candida casa ....... 205
2. mending the sieve ; or, cistercian architecture
(1882) . 227
Lectures delivered at Oxford during the Author's Second
Professorship (1883-1884): —
III. "The Art of England" (1883): —
bibliographical note . . . . . . .259
contents . . ...... 265
text 267
ix
PAGE
CONTENTS
IV. "The Pleasures of England" (1884): —
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE . . • . • • .413
CONTENTS . . . . • • • • .419
TEXT (with ADDITIONAL MATTER) . . . . .421
V. Final Lectures at Oxford (1884): —
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE ....... 522
1. PATIENCE (NOVEMBER 22) ...... 523
2. BIRDS, AND HOW TO PAINT THEM (NOVEMBER 29) . . 527
3. LANDSCAPE (DECEMBER 6) 532
The FOLLOWING Minor Ruskiniana are also included in this
Volume : —
Letter to Sir William Butler, K.C.B. (1877) 22 w.
Extracts from Ruskin's Diary at Brantwood : —
sors horatiana (ferruary 28, 1879) xxvi
AN INTENDED BOOK ON HORACE (mARCH 7, 1879) . . . . Xxiii
"jealous of every golden minute" (march 1.3, 187*.)) . . . XXV
notes on HORACE (april 10, 1879 MAY 3, 1883) . . xxiii ;/.
a call to action (JANUARY 2, 1880) xxvi
the storm-cloud (JANUARY 5, 0, 8, Fkuri ARV 2(), 1880) . xxviii
A CARPACCIO library (FEBRUARY 10, 1380) ..... Xxiii
"fiction, fair and foul" (april 13, Ji'LV 1.3, 1880) . xxvi, xxvii
crowding THOUGHTS (april 29, 1880) xxiii
paradise with ^'^joanie" (may 2, JLLY 2, 1880) .... xxii
dew on sweet WILLIAMS (augist 11, 1880) ..... xxii
"beaten and tired" (DECEMBER 20, 1880) .... xxviii
grotesque DREAMS (JANUARY 0, 1881) ..... XXviii
RECOVERY FROM ILLNESS ( APRIL 7, 1881) XXViii
A year's work (DECEMBER 1, 1881) ....... Xxix
"our fathers HAVE TOLD US " (DECEMBER 18, 1881) . . . Xxix
languid days (JANUARY 15, 1882) xxix
RE-ELECTION AT OXFORD (jANUARY 17, 1883) xlv
MONTALEMBERT (jUNE 25, JULY 18, 1883) xlviii
"too much on my mind" (may 26, 1884) 1
NEW plans (JUNE 29, JULY 2, 12, 1884) 1
HAPPY days with "joanie" (july 13, 15, 1884) . . . xlviii
a visit from JOWETT (SEPTEMBER 10, 12, 1884) . . . . 1
the NEED OF QUIET WORK (DECEMBER 23, 1884) . . . . Iv
CONTENTS xi
Minor Ruskiniana : Continued : —
Extracts from Ruskin's Diary in France (1880) : —
PAGB
A HAPPY DAY AT ABBEVILLE ( AUGUST 27) Xxiv
FROM ABBEVILLE TO AMIENS (aUGUST 29) ...... Xxiv
AT BEAUVAIS (aUGUST 31) Xxiv
SUNSET AT CHARTRES (SEPTEMBER 10) Xxiv
Report of Ruskin's Lecture on "Amiens" at Eton (November 6, 1880) 5
Extracts fro»i Ruskin's Diary in France, Switzerland, and Italy
(1882) :—
THE TOWER OF CALAIS ......... XXxiii
LAON (august 12) xxxiii
disappointments at rheims (august 15, 16) .... xxxiv
the church of CHALONS ........ XXxiv
ST. URBAIN AT TROYES ........ XXXlV
turner's "rivers of France" (sens, august 19) . • . xxxv
VEZELAY xxxv
NOTES ON FLOWERS ......... XXXVi
CHAMPAGNOLE revisited (SEPTEMBER 3) .... . XXxii
ST. Bernard's birthplace (September 3) . . . . . xxxvi
SALLENCHES revisited (SEPTEMBER 10) XXXVii
THE NATURAL HISTORY OF JOB (SALLENCHES, SEPTEMBER 11) . XXXVii
THE INN AT ST. 3IARTIn's (sALLENCHES, SEPTE3IBER 13) . . XXXll
A MIRACLE OF AERIAL MAJESTY (SALLENCHES, SEPTEMBER 14) . XXXVii
IN THE VALLEY OF THE ARVE (gENEVA, SEPTEMBER 15) . . XXXvii
TURIN (SEPTEMBER 23) ........ XXXViii
THE JOURNEY TO GENOA (SEPTEMBER 24) ..... XXxix
DISAPPOINTMENTS AT GENOA (sEPTExAIBER 25) .... XXxix
PISA REVISITED (SEPTEMBER 26, 27) XXXiii, XXxix
THE NOISES OF PISA (SEPTEMBER 29) ...... XXxix
JLUCCA REVISITED (SEPTEMBER 30) XXXix
THE DEATH OF J. W. BUNNEY (lUCCA, OCTOBER 1) . • . . xl
THE HILLS ABOVE LUCCA (oCTOBER 2, 3) . . . . . . xl
FLORENCE REVISITED (oCTOBER 5) . . . . . . . xH
MODERN FLORENCE (oCTOBER 6) . . . . . . . . xH
A SAYING BY COSIMO DE MEDICI (FLORENCE, OCTOBER 8) . . . xli
PLANS FOR LECTURES (FLORENCE, OCTOBER 9) xli
THE VIEW FROM FESOLE (oCTOBER 10) ....... xli
DRAWLING AT LUCCA (oCTOBER 15, 18, 25) ...... xlu
AIX-LES-BAINS (NOVEMBER 12) ........ xliii
A '^^ divine" railway JOURNEY (aNNECY, NOVEMBER 13) . . . xHii
RETURN HOME (hERNE HILL, DECEMBER 3) xlv
xii CONTENTS
Minor Ruskiniana : Continued : —
PAGB
Letter to Miss Grace Allen (Talloires, November 22, 1882) . . xliv
Letters to Edward Burne-JoxVes, 1883 : —
the oxford lecture (march 14, xMAY 1) xlvi
the may-queen's gold cross (aiARCH 14) xlvi
Notice of a Speech at the Performance of ''A Tale of Troy/'
1883 '^1^'"
Notice of a Speech at Oxford (November 1883) .... 390 lu
Notice of a Speech at the British Museum (November 1883) . 427 n.
Extract from a Letter on Worcester Cathedral (1884) . . 511 iu
Letters from London to W. G. Collingwood at Coniston : —
FEBRUARY AND LATER, 1882 Xxix, XXX, XXXl
SPRING OF 1884 xlix
Letter to the "Pall Mall Gazette" (April 22, 1884) on A. P.
Newton ............. 393
Letter to a Girl (November 1884) ........ lii
The Lectures on "The Pleasures of England": -
note from ruskin's diary (NOVEMBER 18, 1884) .... liii
letters to the '^PALL mall gazette" (NOVK.MBER 19 AND 2.5,
1884) 414, 524
some OF his digressions ........ lii, liii
letter to miss KATE GREENAWAY (DECEMBER 1, 1884) . . . Uv
Letter to R. C. Leslie (December 1884) 218 n.
Letter to the "Pall Mall Gazette" (April 24, 1885) on his Resig-
nation OF THE Slade Professorship . . . . . . .Ivi
Rebiiniscences of Ruskin : —
BY W. G. collingwood, ON HIS CONTINENTAL TOUR (1882) . . XXXii-xHil
by E. BURNE-JONES, on THE LECTURE ON CISTERCIAN ARCHITECTURE"
(1882) . . xlv
BY C. E. NORTON, AT BRANTWOOD, 1883 ...... xlvil
AT THE LECTURES ON " THE ART OF ENGLAND," 1883 . • . li W»
AT THE MASTER OF BALLIOL's, 1884 Iv HUd 71.
AT FARNLEY, 1884 .......... Iv
ON HIS RESIGNATION OF THE SLADE PROFESSORSHIP . . . . Ivi
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
St. Mary, by Cimabue, at Assisi {Steel Engraving hy
W. Roffe from a drawing by Ruskin) . . . Frontispiece
PLATK
1. Beauvais (^Photogravure from a dratving by Ruskin,
1880) ....... To face page xxiv
IN "THE BIBLE OF AMIENS"
II. Amiens : Jour des Trepass^s, 1880 (Steel Engrav-
ing by George Allen from a drawing by RusJciii) ,, 25
III. The Cathedral of Amiens (l^hotogi-avure from a
photograph) 28
W. The Story of St. Firmin (Photogravure from a
photograph of the Scidptures of the Choir) . . SO
V. The Two Dogs, from the same Sculptures (Steel
Engraving by Hugh Allen from drawings by '
Frank Randal) 32
VI. The Dynasties of France, to the Close of the
Tenth Century (Steel Engraving by Hugh Allen
from a. drawing by Ruskin) . . . • }, ,, 34>
VII. The Choir Stalls (Photogravure from a photo-
graph) „ 125
VIII. The Southern Transept and Fleche (Photo-
gravure from a pitotograph) . . . • » ,,128
XIV
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATE
141
IX. Notre Dame, Nourrice : on the South Door
{Steel Engraving hy W. Boffe from a photo-
graph) To face page ISO
X. The Western Torches (Photogravure from a photo-
graph) ^>
XI. The Northern Porch, West Front, before
Restoration (Photogravure from a draiving
hy Ruskin, 1856) „ » l^-^
XII. Plan of the Western Porches . . . „ 14-4*
(The following Plates, XIII.-XXXI., are photo-
gravures from the photographs of the quatre-
foils, etc., on the Western Front. The mimhers
in brackets are those given by Ruskin to the
subjects in the text, and on the Plan.)
XIII. The Central Pedestal, David . . . . „ ,,146
The Central Porch
XIV. Virtues and Vices : Courage, Cowardice ; Pa-
tience, Anger ; Gentillesse, Churlishness
(Nos. ]-3) „ ,,152
XV. Virtues and Vices : Love, Discord ; Obedience,
Rebellion ; Perseverance, Atheism (Nos.
4-6) „ ,,153
XVI. Virtues and Vices : Charity, Avarice ; Hope,
Despair; Faith, Idolatry (Nos. 9, 8, and 7) „ 154
XVII. Virtues and Vices : Humility, Pride ; Wisdom,
Folly; Chastity, Lust (Nos. 12, 11, and 10) „ „ 155
XVIII. Subjects from Isaiah, Jeremiah, Micah (Nos. 13,
14, 22 c, 22 d) ,, „ 156
XIX. Subjects from Nahum, Daniel, Ezekiel (Nos.
23, 16, 15) „ „ 157
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
XV
The Fagade
PLATE
XX. Subjects from Amos, Joel, Hose a (Nos. 19,
18, 17) To face page 158
XXI. Subjects from Micah, Jonah, Obadiah (Nos.
22 A AND B, 21, 20 C AND d) . . . „ „ 159
XXII. Subjects from Zephaniah, Habakkuk, Nahum
(Nos. 25, 24, 23) „ „ l60
XXIII. Subjects from Malachi, Zechariah, Haggai
(Nos. 28, 27, 26 c and d) . . . „ „ l6l
The Northern Porch : the Months and Signs of
the Zodiac
XXIV. December, January, February, March
(Nos. 41, 42, 43, 44) . . . . „ „ l63
XXV. April, May (and Subjects from Zephaniah)
(Nos. 45, 46, 25 c and d) . . . „ „ l64
XXVI. June, July (and Subjects from Haggai)
(Nos. 26 A AND B, 52, 51) . . Between pp. l64, l65
XXVII. August, September, October, November
(Nos. 50, 49, 48, 47) . . . . „ l64, l65
In the Text
The Nurse-Madonna and the Queen-
Madonna {Line blocks after Viollet-le-Duc) Page l66
The Soidhern Porch: Scriptural History
XXVIII. Daniel, Moses, Gideon, and Zacharias
(Nos. 29, 30, 31, 32) . . , To face page l67
XXIX. Scenes from the Life of Christ; and Sub-
jects FROM Amos (Nos. 33, 34, 19 c
AND d) ........ „ l68
i LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATE
XXX. Obadiah, the Queen of Sheba, and isoLOMON
(Nos. 20, 40, 39) . . • . To face page 170
XXXI. The Holy Innocents and other Subjects
(Nos. 38, 37, 36, 35) .... „ „ 172
IN "VALLE CRUCIS"
XXXII. Plan of a Cistercian Monastery {Afler
Viollet-le-Duc) „ „ 242
IN ''THE ART OF ENGLAND"
XXXIII. The Triumph of the Innocents, by W.
Holm AN Hunt {Photogravure from the
picture in the Walker Art Gallery, Liver-
pool) .......,,„ 277
XXXIV. The Passover, by D. G. Rossetti (Photo-
gi'avure from a drawing at Brantwood) . ., ,, 288
XXXV. Study for A Day of Creation, by E.
Burne-Jones (Photogravure from a draw-
ing at Oxford) ,, „ 298
XXXVI. ''Give us this Day our Daily Bread," by
LuDwiG Richter (Facsimile by II. S.
Uhlrich from the woodcut) . . . 300
XXXVII. Education in the Liberal Arts, by Botti-
celli {Photogravure from a copy of the
fresco in the Louvre made before restoration
by C. Fairfax Murray) . . . • „ ,,314
XXXVIII. A Lemon Tree, by Lord Leighton {Photo-
gravure from a pencil draiving) . . 319
XXXIX. In Fairyland, by Kate Greenaway {Steel
Engraving by W. Roffe) . . . > „ ,} 344
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xvii
IN "THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND"
PLATE
XL. Miniature of St. Cecilia in a Page of an Anti-
PHONAiRE OF 1290 (Ckromo-Utkograpk from the
original MS.) ...... To face page 489
FACSIMILES
A Page of the MS. (fair copy) of "The Bible of
Amiens" (Ch. iv. §§ 1, 2) . . . . Betiveen pp. 122, 123
A Page of the MS. of ''The Art of England"
(Lecture iii, §§ 6l, 62) „ 308, 309
Note. — The drawing of Beauvais (Plate I.) was reproduced (by autotype
process) at vol. ii. p. 207 of W. G. Collingwood's Life and Work of John
Raskin (1st ed., 1893). The frontispiece and Plates 11.^ VI. ^ XI. and XII.
liave appeared in previous editions of The Bible of Amiens. Plate XXXII.
has appeared in Verona and other Lectures (189-1), Plate XII. p. 133 ; and
Plate XL., as the frontispiece to Ruskin on Music, by A. M. Wakefield
(1894).
XXXIII.
h
INTRODUCTION TO VOL. XXXIII
This volume includes The Bible of Amiens and subsidiary matter, with
the lectures delivered by Ruskin during his second tenure of the
Slade Professorship at Oxford. The contents are I. The Bible of
Amiens (published at intervals between 1880 and 1885). II. This
book on Amiens was to have been the first part of a long series of
studies which, under the general title of Our Fathers have Told Us,
was to have included sketches of Christian history and architecture,
grouped round various local centres. Only a few other chapters were,
however, written; and these form the second section of the present
volume. III. The Aii of Engla7id, lectures delivered at Oxford in 1883.
IV. The Pleasures of England, lectures delivered at Oxford in October
and November 1884, with additions (not hitherto printed) from
Kuskin's MSS; and lastly, V. reports of Ruskin's Final Lectures at
Oxford, delivered in November and December 1884. The Storm-
Cloud of the Nineteenth Century, two lectures delivered in London in
J'ebruary 1884, is, for reasons of space, held over for the next volume.
The contents of the present volume thus cover Ruskin's work
during the years 1880-1884. In preceding volumes in this edition
(XXVI.-XXXIL) the chronological order has sometimes been super-
seded in favour of connected topics; for Vols. XXVI. -XXXI. include
the completion (at later dates) of books begun in earlier years, while
Vol. XXXII. contains matter (also of a later date) closely allied in
purpose to its predecessor. In this Introduction, the story of Ruskin's
life is resumed from the point at which it was left in Vol. XXV.
(p. xxviii.) — namely, his serious illness in 1878 — and is carried down to
his final resignation of the Oxford Professorship in March 1885.
The years now to be covered divide themselves into three well-marked
periods : (1) Ruskin's gradual recovery from illness and his resumption
of various literary undertakings, broken by two illnesses of a like kind,
in the springs of 1881 and 1882 respectively; (2) a long foreign tour
in the autumn of 1882, which gave him a new lease of life and
strength ; (3) and his consequent resumption of the Slade Professor-
ship at Oxford during 1883 and 1884.^
^ As the present volume does not contain the whole of Ruskin's writings between
his resumption of work in 1878 and the end of 1884, it may be convenient to give
here a list of the principal pieces which, though published during that period, are
xix
XX
INTRODUCTION
printed in other volumes. The dates are those of Ruskin's writings, or (where
these are unknown) of their publication :—
1878. July. Deucalion, Part v. (Vol. XXVI )
„ Laws of Fesole, Part n. (yol- XV ).
October. 0/ i^V50/e, Part in. (Vol. XV ). ,^
November December. The Three Colours oj Pre-Raphaehtism. (Reserved for
On the Old Road,Yo\.X'X.-XlY.)
1879. January and April. Proserpina, Parts v. and yi (Vol. XXV.).
February. St. Georges Guild, Masters Report^ (Vol XXX.).
April and July. St. Mark's Rest, Part in. and Second Supplement (Vol. XXIV.).
May Stones of Venice, Travellers Edition, vol. i., with new notes and Preface
'(see Vol. IX.).
July-September (and June 1880). Letters to the Clergy. (Reserved for On the
Old Road, Vol. XXXIV.)
October. Deucalion, Part vi. (Vol. XXVI.).
December. Notes on Prout and Hunt (Vol. XIV.).
1880 February. Usury: a Reply and a Rejoinder. (Reserved for On the Old Road,
Vol. XXXIV.)
Seven Lamps of Architecture, new notes and Preface (Vol. VIII.).
March and September. Fors Clavigera, Letters 88, 81) (Vol. XXIX.).
April. A Joy for Ever, new Preface and additions (Vol. XVI.).
June, August, September, and November. Fiction, Fair and Foul, i.-iv. (Re-
served for On the Old Road, Vol. XXXIV.)
July. Deucalion, Part vii. (Vol. XXVI.).
September. Elements of English Prosody (Vol. XXXI.).
Preface and Epilogue to Arrows of the Chace (\'ol. XXXIV.).
December. Bible of Amiens, Part i.
1881. October. Fiction, Fair and Foul, v. (Reserved for On the Old Road, Vol. XXXIV.).
November. Love's Meinie, Part iii. (Vol. XXV.).
„ Stones of Venice, Traveller s Edition, vol. ii., with new chapter
(Vol. XL).
November and December. Bible of Amiens, Parts ii. and iv.
December. St. George's Guild, Masters Report (Vol. XXX.).
„ Turner Catalogue, National Gallery {\q\. XIII. ).
1882. February. St. George's Guild, General Statement (Vol. XXX.).
April, May. Proserpina, Parts vii. and viii. (Vol. XXV).
August. Sesame and Lilies, new Preface (Vol. XVIII.).
„ Bible of Amiens, Part iii.
188f3. February. Catalogue of Minerals, Reigate (Vol. XXVI.).
April. Modern Painters, vol. ii., new Preface, notes, etc. (Vol. IV.).
May. The Story of Ida, edited (Vol. XXXI I.).
,, Deucalion, Part viii. (Vol. XXVI.).
May, June, July, November. Art of England, Lectures i.-vi.
May, September, and December. Fors Clavigera, Letters 91-93 (Vol. XXIX.).
June. Study of Beauty in Large Towns. (Reserved for On the Old Road.
Vol. XXXIV.)
1884. January. Preface to Collingwood's lAmestone Alps of Savoy (Vol. XXVI.).
March, October, and December. Fors Clavigera, Letters 94, 95, 96 (Vol. XXX.).
May. The Storm-Cloud of the Nineteenth Century (Vol. XXXIV.).
„ Catalogue of Minerals, Kirkcudbright (Vol. XXVI.).
July. Art of England, Appendix.
April, July, September, October. Roadside Songs of Tuscany, Parts i.-iv.
(Vol. XXXIL).
August. Catalogue of Silica, British Museum (Vol. XXVI.).
October. On Distinctions of Form in SiUca (Vol. XXVI.).
October and November. Pleasures of England, Lectures i. and ii.
December. Preface to Chesneau's English School of Painting (Vol. XXXIV.).
1885. February and April. Pleasures of England, Lectures iii. and iv.
INTRODUCTION
xxi
1878-1882
Ruskin was, as we have seen, very seriously ill in February 1878
with an attack of brain-fever.^ Early in April he was able to leave
his bed, and by July he could report himself as "having got into
quiet work again,'"* though conscious that he must not "again risk the
grief and passion of writing on policy." ^ The quiet work consisted
largely of studies of rocks and flowers, for during the latter months
of 1878 and in 1879 he issued two Parts of Deucalion and one of
Proserpina. In August he went with Mr. Arthur Severn to Malham,
and presently he was well enough to pay some visits. In September
he was in Scotland staying at Dunira with Mr. William Graham,
and in October at Hawarden. His "health was better," and Mr.
Gladstone noted that there was " no diminution of the charm " in " an
unrivalled guest." ^ His visit to Dunira is recorded in two pleasant
papers which Ruskin contributed at this time to The Nineteenth Cen-
tury^ entitled The Three Colours of Pre-Raphaelitisvi. His doctors,
as we have seen,^ forbade him to incur the excitement of giving evi-
dence in his own behalf in the action which Whistler had brought
against him (November 1878). Early in the following year, he was
troubled with other legal proceedings. His name had been forged on
various cheques, and he was called to London as a witness for the
prosecution. " Being in very weak health," says the report of the pro-
ceedings, " Mr. Ruskin was allowed to give evidence from the bench." ^
It was characteristic that when the prisoner had completed his sentence
Ruskin gave him the means to start again in a better career.
The greater part of 1879 and the early months of 1880 were spent
quietly at Brantwood, with occasional visits to London, Canterbury,
Broadlands, and Sheffield. It was in October 1879 that he had the
pleasure, as already related,^ of showing Prince Leopold over the St.
George's Museum at Walkley. At Brantwood he received many
friends, and Darwin, when staying at Coniston, came in sometimes to
dinner. He had young artists to stay with him — Mr. Goodwin and
Mr. Creswick among the number — and took pleasure in giving them
encouragement. His private secretary at this time was Laurence
Hiiliard, "the cleverest and neatest-fingered boy," says a companion,
^ Vol. XXV. pp. XXV., xxvi.
* See, in a later volume, the letter to E. S. Dallas of July 8, 1878.
^ Extracts from Mr. Gladstone's Diary, quoted in Mr. George Wyndham's Preface
to Letters to M. G. and H. G., 1903.
4 Vol. XXIX. p. xxii.
s Times, April 1, 1879.
« Vol. XXX. p. 311.
xxii INTRODUCTION
"that ever rigged a model";^ and one of Ruskin's diversions was
the designing of his little craft, the Jumping Jenny :^ she was launched
at Easter 1879, with due ceremony (as Ruskin wrote to Professor
Norton), with a wreath of daffodils round her bows, and the singing
of a versicle written by her master for the occasion. ^ She was Ruskin's
own particular boat, and he had much pleasure in rowing her. In
winter, when the lake was frozen, he was fond of sliding, and he
records in Deucalion his close observation of phenomena of snow and
ice. As soon as the spring and summer came he was busy in noting
the first appearance of his favourite flowers, in searching for perfect
blossoms, in painting studies of them. "Paradisiacal walk with
Joanie and the children," he notes in his diary (May 2, 1880),
" among the anemones." " Room in perfect order," he says again
(July i), "and I wonderfully well. Joanie home quite well, and
children happy — D.G. — and sun on fells, and a cranberry blossom in my
saucer ready to be drawn. Found them yesterday, in breezy afternoon,
on the hill, all sparkling like little rubies." He was ever discovering
a new beauty, unseen before. Studied dew on Sweet William yester-
day morning," he writes (August 11); "the divine crimson lighted by
the fire of each minute lens. I never noticed this before — blind bat ! "
If he was puzzled by anything in his study of flowers or birds, he
would row across the lake to drink tea with Miss Susan Beever — the
"Susie" of his familiar letters, the friend of every bird and beast, and
deeply versed in all plant-lore. He interested himself greatly also in the
village school, planning lessons, arranging pictures, and giving treats.
He would sometimes deliver little addresses to his friends and neigh-
bours on these occasions. One such address — deeply religious in tone
— has been printed, and is included in a later volume.^ At this time
he used also to conduct family-prayers at Brantwood. Perhaps it was
because he regarded himself as "a member of the Third Order of St.
Francis,"^ that he liked even the domestic animals of the family to be
present. He prepared notes for Bible-readings, and wrote prayers for
these occasions.
That extract above, "Room in perfect order," is characteristic.
"Setting my rooms in order," he wrote in his autobiography, "has,
throughout life, been an occasionally complacent recreation to me ; but
I have never succeeded in keeping them in order three days after
1 W. G. Collingwood, Buskin Relics, p. 22.
2 See Vol. XXVI. p. 364 n.
^ See in a later vohime the letter to Professor Norton of Easter Monday, 1870.
^ Vol. XXXIV.
* See Vol. XXIII. p. xlvii. Compare what he says in this connexion in his
fourth Letter on the Lord's Prayer (Vol. XXXIV.).
INTRODUCTION
xxiii
they were in it." ^ " Study like a Carpaccio background to St. Jerome,'^
he notes with satisfaction (February 10, 1880); but the study was a
workroom, and as its master was in the habit of working at a dozen
different subjects on as many successive days, the books, portfolios,
pictures, and notebooks were quickly overlaid. Like many other
book-buyers, he was in the habit from time to time of weeding out
his library, and many a volume found its way to the auction-rooms
containing his autograph or book-plate and a note of his reason for
disposing of it.^
The arrangement, and re-arrangement, of the drawings by Turner
chosen for his bedroom was another recreation; there are some pages
of his diary, filled with notes and diagrams for different schemes. The
early morning task which Ruskin set himself at this period was the
translation day by day of a piece from Plato's Laws; he made some
progress with this (as already recorded),^ and intended to publish it.
Another book which he had in his mind was to deal with Horace.
"In reading Horace at breakfast," he notes (March 7, 1879), "planned
the form in which to gather my work on him, to be called either
Mella Matini or Exacta Vulturni,^ but I think the first." What
form the book of Horatian studies was to take, the diaries do not
show. They contain, however, occasional notes on lines or phrases,^
and in one of them there is a list of English titles for all the Odes.®
Ruskin also set a few of them to music.^ He describes himself at
this time as being as lazy as possible; but Ruskin's eyes and mind
were ever active, and he notes " crowding thoughts " and " unnumbered
sights of lovely things" (April 29).
In August 1880 Ruskin went to France in order to revisit some of
the northern cathedrals, in view of the sketches of Christian History
and Architecture which he had projected. He desired in particular to
revisit Amiens, as he had promised to give a lecture on the Cathedral
to the Eton boys. He did not leave other work behind, for the Preface
^ PrtBterita, ii. § 70.
^ See Vol. XXXIV.
3 See Vol. XXXI. p. xv.
* In the former title, he is thinking of Odes iv. 2, 27 (" Ego apis Matinse," etc. :
see Vol, XIX. p. 94) ; in the latter (for which " Exacta Vulturis " would be better),
of Odes iii. 30, 1 ("Exegi monumentum," etc.) and iii. 4, 9 (^^Me fabulosae Vulture
in Apulo/' etc.).
5 As, for instance, on April 10, 1879, Horace's definition of a gentleman : Est
animus tibi : sunt mores et lingua, fidesque. I've learned this to-day, quite one of
the most exhaustive verses in the world." On May 3, 1883, he added, "Above bit
of Horace comes in now providentially, for close of lecture on classic art." See
below, p. 306 (where the bit is used at the beginning of the lecture).
« See Vol. XXXIV.
' See Vol. XXXI. pp. xxxv., 516.
xxiv INTRODUCTION
to Arrows of the Chace was written at Rouen, and the Epilogue at
Amiens. The tour was in two parts.^ He went first for six weeks
with Laurence Hilliard and one of his sisters ; then crossed to Dover and
stayed for some days with his friends, Miss Gale and her sister,2 at
Canterbury; and next returned to France, being accompanied by Mr.
Arthur Severn and Mr. Brabazon. Those who saw the Ruskin exhibi-
tion in London in 1907 will remember many drawings made on this
tour, and among them one which was inscribed as sketched in company
with Mr. Brabazon,^ and which shows an impressionist "breadth'' not
always characteristic of Ruskin's work. French scenery exercised its old
spell over him, and he was happy to find some of his favourite spots
unspoilt. "Yesterday a really happy day,'' he wrote in his diary
(August 27), "finding my lovely courtyard safe* in the morning, and
St. Riquier exquisite and calm in evening, and France as lovely as
ever." "The villages along the coteau, from Abbeville here," he wrote
at Amiens (August 29), " though all with north exposure, were entirely
divine with their orchards and harvests, and hills of sweet pastoral
swelling above." At Beauvais, where Ruskin made the sketch here
reproduced, he found "more left in the town than ever he hoped to
see again in France," and even the new railway-line thither from Amiens
pleased him with "every instant a newly divine landscape of wood,
harvest-field, and coteau" (August 31). At Chartres he was equally
happy :—
"(September 10.) — Up, D.G., in perfectly good health and lovely
sunshine, and one thing lovelier than another, in the inexhaustible
old town. Up to crown of the northern spire last night, just at
the best hour before sunset ; all the plain a-glow for (say under
command of eye) forty miles each ^vay, as clear as if the air were
glass — six thousand square miles of champaign and winding woods
along the Eure."
"The Springs of Eure" was the title he chose for an intended, but
unwritten, book "wholly to be given to the Cathedral of Chartres."^
But it was at Amiens that on this tour his chief work lay. He
1 The following was his itinerary : Dover (August 21), Calais (August 23),
Abbeville (August 25), Amiens (August 28), Beauvais (August 30), Paris (Sep-
tember 1), Chartres (September 7), Paris (September 17), Iloueu (September 21),
Dieppe (September 28), Canterbury (October 2), Amiens (October 11), flerne Hill
(November 4).
2 For whom, see Prceterita, i. § 85.
2 No. 30 in the Catalogue (Picquigny).
< For a view of this courtyard, see Plate VII. in Vol. XIV. (p. 388) ; and
for other mention of St. Riquier, Vol. XIX. p. xxxix., and PrcBterita, i. § 177.
^ See the Plan of Our Fathers; below, p. 186.
INTRODUCTION
XXV
began to write The Bible of Amiens on October 17, and the writing
was combined with sketching many of the pieces of sculpture which he
was to catalogue and describe. To attune his thoughts to the system
of theology which he found upon the stones of Amiens, Ruskin at this
time made a daily study of the Kalendars of saints in some of his
illuminated manuscripts, and copied out in his diary verses of mediaeval
hymns or litanies. The lecture was given at Eton, on November 6,
shortly after his return. As written, it contained the first draft of his
work on the cathedral ; but he forgot to bring his MS. with him :
a short report of the actual lecture is now printed in the Bibliographical
Note (p. 5). Some days were next spent in London, at work in the
National Gallery upon a new catalogue of the Turner Drawings and
Sketches,^ and in revising the proofs for the first part of The Bible of
Amiens, He then returned to Brantwood, resuming for a while the
quiet life, already described — in studies of sky and flowers and shells.
But only half the story has been told, in records of quiet hours and
calm skies.
It had been well for Ruskin^s health if he could have husbanded
all his gradually recovered strength for the studies which brought him
peace of mind. His friends, as he says in Fors,^ often counselled him
to avoid controversial and painful subjects. Cardinal Manning, for
one, had written to him : " Joy is one of the twelve fruits of the Holy
Ghost. There is before you and about you a world of beauty, sweet-
ness, stillness, peace, and light. You have only to open your whole
soul to it." But his eager spirit made such peaceful preoccupation
and such economy of power impossible to him. He knew what was
good for his peace, he perfectly recognised in which fields of thought
the danger lay ; but with " such things to do, such things to be," he
was unable to follow only the paths of prudence. At times he suc-
ceeded in being as lazy as he knew how to be, of which knowledge
he had at best but little; but at other times he was bent upon the
chace, "jealous," as he notes in the diary (March 13, 1879), "of every
golden minute of every golden day." At every new trial, as he says
in one of his books,^ the words of the Sibyl were for ever murmured
in his ears —
"Tu ne cede malis, sed contra fortior ito" —
and, whenever some new strength was gained, he heard in it a call to
action. " Much better this morning," he notes in the diary (February 28,
^ See Vol. XIII. pp. 349 seq.
2 Letter 72 (Vol. XXVI II. p. 757).
3 Ariadne Florentina, § 214 (Vol. XXII. p. 447).
xxvi
INTRODUCTION
1879); "more in my heart than I can write, except that I got two
oracles from Horace in the night.^ 'Fortem memento/ I remembered
naturally enough; but 'Mors et fugacem persequitur virum'2 being
opened at decided me to go to London to-morrow/' ^ The diary con-
tains frequent calls of the kind— as, for instance, this : —
''{Januarij 2, 1880.)— Utterly jaded and feverish with nearly sleep-
less night and crowding thoughts — wonderful in sudden call upon
me for action and I so feeble, but must answer a little. Thankful
for the clear guiding— see the new Fors begun yesterday."*
Here the sudden call was immediately responded to, and Ruskin
plunged into violent controversy upon a subject which of all excited
him the most: he wrote in eager haste, yet not without careful re-
vision, his Rejoinder to the Bishop of Manchester's reply in defence of
Usury ."^ A little earlier he had allowed himself, partly in connexion
with the same subject, to be drawn into another field of exciting dis-
cussion, that of the Lord's Prayer in relation to the duties of the
clergy and present-day problems. Nothing is more striking in Ruskin's
writings of this period than the contrast between the easy serenity of
style in the essays on subjects of art or nature and the fulgurant, and
at times somewhat ill-balanced, vehemence in those on politics or
economics. If the reader will glance in succession at two pieceSj
written within a few weeks of each other — the Notes on Front and
Hunt (Vol. XIV.) and the Rejoinder to the Bishop of Manchester
(Vol. XXXIV.) — he will at once perceive the contrast. Other work
which greatly excited Ruskin's brain at this time was the series of
essays — brilliantly penetrating, if over-discursive — upon Scott, Words-
worth, and Byron which he entitled Fiction, Fair and Foul. They are
among his best literary essays, and their polished allusiveness shows a
mind and a memory in fullest activity. He enjoyed writing them.
"I always get into heart again," he says in the diary, in noting his
first plan for the papers (April 13, 1880), " when I see my way well
into a thing." But the strain was great. ''Scott papers and Byron
^ Compare Ruskin's Sortes Bihlicce : Vol. XIX. p. xxvi.. Vol. XXII. pp. xxv.,
xxviii., xxix.
2 Odes, ii. 3, 1, and iii. 2, 14. Ruskin somewhat characteristically forgot that the
word in the first line was cequam, not fortem.
3 The journey (which was not "to-morrow," but a few weeks later) was in
connexion with the le^al proceedings mentioned above. See in a later volume the
letter to Professor Norton of February 28, 1879, about this " Sors Horatiana. "
^ Letter 88, ultimately dated "February 8, 1880" (Vol. XXIX. p. 381)— the
first Letter after his illness.
By which term, it should be understood, Ruskin at this time meant all forms
of Interest.
INTRODUCTION
xxvii
work very bad for me without a doubt," he noted later (July 18);
" some letters too have made me angry — worst of all.'"*
Other people were made angry at this time, as we shall hear in a
later volume, by a characteristic letter which Ruskin wrote (October
1880) in connexion with his candidature for the Lord Rectorship of
Glasgow University.^ He had been put forward as the "Conserva-
tive " candidate in opposition to John Bright, but he signally failed to
play the party game, and was badly beaten. ^ The publication at this
time of his scattered letters to the press during a period of forty years,
under the title Arrows of the Chace, attracted much attention, and
perhaps encouraged all sorts and conditions of people and newspapers
to "draw"" him on every conceivable subject. It is to this period also
(1879, 1880) that the foundation of " Ruskin Societies in Manchester,
Glasgow, London, and many other places belongs.^ They had a con-
siderable effect in spreading Ruskin''s influence and increasing the
circulation of his books, which, it should be remembered, had for
many years neither been advertised nor noticed in the newspapers.
Owing to the fact that Ruskin did not now send free copies of his
books for review, the professedly literary journals made no reference
whatever to anything that was written by one of the foremost literary
men of the time. The Ruskin Societies and " Ruskin Reading
Guilds " came in this matter to the rescue ; but the necessary penalty
of increasing vogue was a great addition to the burden of Ruskin's
correspondence. He might wish, in times of illness, to shut himself
off from the world, but the world declined to be a party to the
arrangement.
It had been well, I wrote above, if Ruskin could have found peace
in untroubled skies ; but this also the fates forbade. No man was
ever more sensitive than he to physical impressions from external
nature ; for indeed physical and spiritual light was to him the same,
and never was there a man who lived more largely in the contem-
plation of sky and cloud, of lake and flowers and hills. The physical
1 Vol. XXXIV.
2 Bright, 1127 ; Ruskin, 813.
^ The first to be formed was The Ruskin Society (Society of the Rose), Man-
chester," 1879 ; the Hon. Sec. was Mr. F. W. Pullen (for whom, see Vol. XXIV.
p. 423); its first ''Annual Report" is dated May 1880. ''The Ruskin Society of
Glasgow," also established in 1879, issued in 1882 a valuable Repoi't on the Homes
of the People. "The Ruskin Society of Birkenhead" was founded in 1881 ; and
"The Ruskin Society of London" in the same year: its first Hon. Sec. was Mr.
W. H. Gill (for whom, see Vol. XXX. p. 240). Liverpool, Sheffield, and Birmingham
founded similar societies at later dates. In 1887 a "Ruskin Reading Guild" was
established, with branches in London, Birmingham, Liverpool, Bradford, Oxford,
Edinburgh, Glasgow, Arbroath, Elgin, Dundee, and Armagh.
xxviii
INTRODUCTION
corruption of the heavens by "The Storm-Cloud of the Nineteenth
Century" a very real phenomenon, as we shall see^ — was to Ruskin
as the darkening of a spiritual light. There were, of course, as he
records in his lectures,2 days of serene weather and of wholesome
storm, and at such times his mental moods responded to the genial
touch. These were times when he was able, as he says in the diary
(February 26, 1880), to gain "so much of life out of the night."
But records of the " plague-wind " become ominously persistent. Some
of these records are printed in his lectures ; a few others may here be
added : ^ —
''{January 5, 1880.) — Came down at a quarter to nine into the
dark room, with a drenching fog over all heaven and earth.
" {January Q.) — This is quite, as far as I can remember, the most
miserable January I ever passed. To-day, pouring small rain, after
a yesterday's unbroken fog, and miserably dark.
"{January 8.) — Deadly fog — rain these three days, without a
gleam ; to-day, Manchester smoke, with the usual devilry of cloud
moving fast in rags, with no wind."
The depression seemed to be lightened by the French tour in the
autumn of the year (p. xxiv.). But he had overtaxed his strength.
On return to Brantwood, he soon found himself " much beaten and
tired, and must positively take to the rocks and grass again for a
while" (December 26). The depression gathered once more, and was
deepened by sleepless nights and dreams — " grotesque, terrific, inevit-
able," he calls them (January 9, 1881). And, presently, the troubled
night of dreams passed into his days.
At the end of February 1881 Ruskin was for the second time
laid prostrate by what he afterwards described as " terrific delirium."
The fever lasted for a month, and his recovery seemed as complete as
It was speedy. " On the 22nd March," he notes, " I was down in my
study writing business letters, and yesterday, the 7th April— the third
anniversary of my coming down to study after my first illness — I was
walking in the wood for good three hours with as good strength as IVe
ever felt. The first primrose out, too — no bigger than this [sketch], but
very delightful. And the first soft sunshine of the year, lasting into
far twilight." But the recovery was not complete. The patient gave
himself little chance. "I don't feel any need," he wrote to Professor
1 Introduction to Vol. XXXIV.
2 The Storm-Cloud, § 34 (Vol. XXXIV. p. 35),
' These are selected (from innumerable entries of the kind in the diaries)
because they appear on the proof-sheets of The Storm-Cloud.
INTRODUCTION
xxix
Norton (April 36), " for doing or nothing doing as Fm bid ! but on
the contrary, am quite afloat again in my usual stream." He was
always doing something, but he was restless and irritable and could do
nothing long. " He is almost as active as ever," wrote his secretary,
Laurence Hilliard, "and is just now deeply interested in some experi-
mental drainage of a part of his little moor, which he hopes to be
able to cultivate ; but he seems more and more to find a difficulty
in keeping to any one settled train of thought or work, and it is
sad to see him entering almost daily upon new schemes which one
cannot feel will ever be carried out. So far as he will allow us, we
try to help him, but the influence of any one of those around him
is now very small, and has been so ever since the last illness." ^ The
diary shows that this was a time of great mental excitement, border-
ing sometimes upon collapse. Yet from time to time he was able to
make progress with his many books. " I begin the last twelfth of
year," he writes in the diary (December 1), "in which I proceed, D.V.,
to finish Amiens ii. and Proserpina vii. ; and in the year I shall have
done, in spite of illness, three Amiens, one Proserpi7ia, and the Scott
paper for Nineteenth, besides a good deal of trouble with last edition
of Stones of Venice ; but, alas, what a wretched year's work it is ! and
even that not finished yet ! But then there was some good drawing in
spring." The second part of The Bible of Amiens was finished, and
the third began, a few days later. His mind was busy, too, with the
general plan of Our Fathers, but he found concentration difficult.
" I must do it," he notes, " a stitch here and a patch there "
(December 18). He was, however, listless and depressed. The diary
records many a day of "hesitations, shifts, and despairings," and the
dread of what had been and might be once more stood not far behind.
" Terribly languid," he wrote on January 15, " but better so than
in that dangerous excitement which came on me in October, I hope,
for the last time, since I shall never encourage it again." But it was
not so to be. Shortly afterwards Ruskin went up to London, and on
February 7 he took the chair at a lecture on "Modern Sports" given
by his friend, Frederick Gale,^ and, in the excitement of change of
work, he believed himself to have conquered danger. " No," he wrote
from London, — "I won't believe any stories about over-work. It's
impossible when one's in good heart and at really pleasant things.
Fve a lot of nice things to do, but the heart fails, — after lunch,
1 Letter!! to C. E. Norton^ in Letters of John Ruskin to Charles Eliot Norton^
vol. ii. pp. 171-172.
^ See a letter to him in a later volume.
«
INTRODUCTION
particularly!"' Among the pleasant things were sketching at the
National Gallery, going to all manner of wicked plays and panto-
mimes," ^ and listening to music from Miss Mary Gladstone. But the
music did not relax the strain, and in March Ruskin was smitten
with a third and a very severe attack of brain-fever.
Ruskin was attended through this illness by Sir William Gull,
who paid him the compliment, in acknowledging the patient's fee, of
preferring to keep the cheque as an autograph. Though the attack
was severe, Ruskin again recovered quickly, and by April, as will be
seen from his correspondence in a later volume, he was chatting to
his friends as brightly and cheerily as ever. To his friend and assistant
Mr. Coliingwood he wrote from Heme Hill :—
"(Easter Monday.) — The moment I got your letter to-day recom-
mending me not to write books (I finished it, however, with great
enjoyment of the picnic, before proceeding to act in defiance of
the rest), I took out the last proof of last Proserpina and Avorked
for an hour and a half on it ; and I have been translating some
St. Benedict material since — with much comfort and sense of get-
ting, as I said, head to sea again — (have you seen the article on
modern rudders in the Telegraph ? Anyhow, I'll send you a lot
of collision and other interesting sea-subjects by to-morrow's post).
This is only to answer the catechism.
" Love and congratulations to the boys. Salute Tommy for me in
an affectionate — and apostolic — manner, — especially since he carried
up the lunch ! Also, kindest regards to all the other servants. I
daresay thej^'re beginning really to miss me a little by this time.
" What state are the oxalises in — anemones ? WHY can't we
invent seeing, instead of talking, by telegraph ?
" I've just got a topaz of which these are two contiguous
planes ! [sketch] traced as it lies — and the smaller plane is hlindingly
iridescent in sunshine and rainbow colours! I've only found out
this in Easter Sunday light." ^
Ruskin's physician had ordered change of air and foreign travel, but
he stayed on for some months yet at Heme Hill — busying himself
with the May-day Festival at Whitelands College, with the parts of
Proserpina aforesaid, and with the purchase of minerals for SheflSeld
1 Letter given by W. G. Coliingwood in his Life and Work of John Ruskin,
1900, p. 362. ./ ./ >
2 See, in a later volume, a letter to tlie Rev. J. P. Faunthorpe of February 9,
1882. ^ ^ '
3 From \V. G. Collingwood's Life and Work of John Ruskin, 1 900^ p. 363.
INTRODUCTION
xxxi
and his other collections. But in the end he obeyed the doctor. To
Mr. CoUingwood, who was to be his travelling companion, he wrote : —
"I was not at all sure, myself, till yesterday, whether I would
go abroad ; also I should have told you before. But as you have
had the (sorrowful?) news broken to you — and as I jfind Sir William
Gull perfectly fixed in his opinion — I obey him, and reserve only
some liberty of choice to myself — respecting, not only climate, but
the general appearance of the inhabitants of the localities where,
for antiquarian or scientific research, I m^ij be induced to prolong
my sojourn. Meantime I send you — to show you. I haven't come
to town for nothing — my last bargain in beryls, with a little topaz
besides." ^
II
The doctor's prescription was happily inspired, for the tour, which
lasted four months, gave Ruskin a new lease of health and strength.
In August Ruskin set out with Mr. CoUingwood upon a holiday-
journe}^ of the kind that the judiciously experienced traveller accounts
the best: it included familiar scenes (as will be seen in the itinerary
here subjoined yet broke also some new ground. Ruskin's travelling
companion has written an account of their journey in a chapter which
he calls "Ruskin's Old Road.''^ The title is happy, for Ruskin, it
seems, had already Prceterita in contemplation, and it was one object
of his tour to revisit the scenes and revive the memories of old days.
More particularly, he drove once more, as in the old posting-days,
through the Jura to Geneva — stopping at Champagnole, where the
Hotel de la Poste used to be "a kind of home to us.*"* "I never
thought to date from this dear place more,'' he says in his diary
1 Life and Work of John Ruskin, 1900, p. 363.
2 Calais (August 10), Laon (August 12), Rheims (August 15), Troyes (August 17),
Sens (August 18), Avallon (August 19), Dijon (September 1), Champagnole (Sep-
tember 2), St. Cergues (September 5), Geneva (September 8), Sallenches (Sep-
tember 9), Geneva (September 15), Annecy (September 16), Chambery (September 20),
Turin (September 21), Genoa (September 23), Pisa (September 25), Lucca (Septem-
ber 29), Florence (October 4), Lucca (October 11), Florence (October 27), Lucca
(October 30), Pisa (November 1), Turin (November 10), Aix-les-Bains (November 11),
Annecy (November 12), Talloires (November 14), Annecy (November 22), Geneva
(November 24), Dijon (November 27), Paris (November 28), Boulogne (November 30),
Folkestone (December 1), Herne Hill (December 2).
2 And in two following chapters, entitled '^Ruskin's *^Cashbook ' " and Ruskin's
Ilaria." The three chapters occupy pp. 47-104 of Ruskin Relics, 1903. In writing
them, Mr. CoUingwood had access to Ruskin's Diary (the Cashbook"), from which
he made numerous extracts; these, with many others, are embodied in the present
Introduction.
* Prceterita, i. § 189.
xxxii
INTRODUCTION
(St'ptcinher 3), "and I am here in, for my age, very perfect health so
far as I feci or know, and was very thankful on my mother's birthday to
kneel down once more on the rocks of Jura." Many an old memory
came back to him. "How eager he was,'' writes his companion, "and
how deli^dited with this open upland ! By-and-by we came to a wood,
lie cast "about a little for the way through the trees, then bade me
notice tliat the flowers of spring were gone: 'you ought to have seen
the wood-anemones, oxalis, and violets'; and then, picking his steps
to find the exact spot by the twisted larch tree, and gripping my arm
to hold me back on the brink of the abyss, 'That's where the hawk
sailed ofi' the crag, in one of my old books; ^ do you remember?'" At
Sallenches it was one of the pleasures of the tour to take his friend
to favourite sights and scenes. He thus showed "Norton's glen," so
called in memory of happy walks in former years; and at Talloires,
on the lake of Annecy, he was " proud of leading the way down the
steep mountain-tracks, well known to him, in the dark after long
walks." The friend gave as much pleasure as he received. It was on
this tour that Mr. Collingwood made the geological observations re-
corded in his Limestone Alps of Savoy, and that Ruskin found, as he
says in his Introduction to that book, that his friend's " instinct for
the lines expressive of the action of the beds was far more detective
than my own." ^ Ruskin's pleasure at Mornex in finding himself remem-
bered and in meeting old friends has been told already, in connexion
with his long sojourn there twenty years before.^ He even revived
his old schemes for finding a hermitage for himself among the Savoy
mountains. The Hotel du Mont Blanc at St. Martin's, where he had
stayed so often in earlier years, as told in the chapter of Prfrterita
to which the place gives its title, was now deserted and for sale, and
he records in the diary an idea of buying it : —
"Sallenches, September 13. — Fresh snow on the Varens, and the
swallows congregated along the cornices opposite, as I must try to
draw ; after noticing first the plan formed last night, as the stream
kept me waking, to buy the old inn at St. Martin's now left
desolate. It seems to me that the colour of the last days I spent
there, and my getting the two Turner pencil sketches of it,* the
Cross on the bridge, and the lessons I have had, during all my life,
point to this as right. CoUingwood's poem, read last night, not
without its meaning."
^ See Seven Lamps, ch. vi. § 1 (Vol. VIII. p. 223).
2 Vol. XXVI. p. 571.
3 See Vol. XVII. p. Iviii.
At Braiitwood.
INTRODUCTION
xxxiii
" I had made some verses about the place,"" Mr. Collingwood ex-
plains, "rather on the lines his talk had suggested, but ending with
more optimism. ... A little later there came a letter addressed to
' MM. Ruskin et Collingwood.' ' Quite like a firm,' he said ; * I
wonder what they think we're travelling in ; but I hope we'll always
be partners.' The terms of the offer I forget, but they did not seem
practicable, or Coniston might have known him no more." Later in
the tour, in Italy, Ruskin revisited another of the places which had
greatly influenced him, and which, like St. Martin's, gives title to a
chapter of his autobiography : —
"Here once more," he wrote at Pisa (September 26), "where I
began all my true work in 1845. Thirty-seven full years of it —
how much in vain ! How much strength left I know not — but yet
trust the end may be better than the beginning."
It was, then, on the Old Road that Ruskin now travelled. The road
was the same, but the traveller was old, instead of young, and in the
external conditions around him Ruskin noticed a great and a melan-
choly change. Here, too, this was the " Storm Cloud." The diary is
again heavy with it, and a record, included in his lectures of 1884,
was written during this tour.^
Ruskin had a second object in this tour besides renewing impres-
sions of his earlier life. He was at the time devoting much thought,
as we have seen in an earlier Introduction,^ to his museum. He had
been at Sheffield in July, and the prospect of a new building seemed
favourable. He had artists working for him in France and Italy;
Mr. Collingwood, his companion and private secretary, was also one of
his helpers in this respect; he desired to select subjects for them to
record and to take the opportunity of meeting some of them on the
spot. We shall find many notes of these different interests in the
account of his tour.
Calais tower, we are told, roused none of the old enthusiasm ; he
said rather bitterly, "I wonder how I came to write about it." But
as soon as he set to work, his interest in the place revived ; and
he notes that " only this moment," in sketching the tracery of the
Hotel de Ville, had he "found the laws of it": the scheme of the
decoration is sketched in the diary. At Laon he writes : " All beautiful
round me — and I feeling as able for my work as ever" (August 12)
Early in the morning he began a drawing of the cathedral front,,
1 See The Storm-Cloud, § 79 (Vol. XXXIV. p. 70).
2 Vol. XXX. p. xlvii.
XXXIII. c
xxxiv
INTRODUCTION
uhicli he finished on Monday before leaving. "It was always rather
wonderful," says Mr. Collingwood, "how he would make use of every
moment, even when ill-health and the fatigue of travelling might seem a
good reason for idling. At once on arriving anywhere he was ready
to sketch, and up to the minute of departure he went on with his
drawing unperturbed. In the afternoons he usually dropped the harder
work of the morning, and went for a ramble out into the country ; at
Laon the hayfields and pear orchards south of the town gave him, it
seemed, just as much pleasure as Chamouni."
At liheims, his earliest impressions came back to him ; he still, as
in his rhymed tour of 1835, found "very little in it to admire
"August 15. — Here nothing but disgusts and disappointments,
even to thirteenth-century windows of cathedral, which are entirely
grotesque and frightful in design, though glorious in colour [sketches],
and the shafts and vaultings are the worst I ever saw of the time ;
the arches of the nave meagre and springless, the apse only three-
sided instead of five, and its double buttresses instead of single, arch
a mass of weakness and confusion. The towers more and more are
like confectioners' Gothic to me; nor have I ever seen so large a
building look so s^nall at the ends of the streets."
"{August 16.) — I cannot find ugly words enough to describe the
building now set on the north side of the west end of the cathedral,
a narrow street between. It is a sort of pale-faced Newgate, or
penitentiary, with square windows iron-grilled in a vile thin way in
second storey, and as Fig. 5 [sketch] on the ground one. The barren,
bleak Roman-cemented stupidity of soul and sense that it speaks for
— set against the old work — kills the old also, and shows all its con-
trasted follies — what over-richness and vain labour are in it shown
more violently by the blankness and brutal inertia of the neighbour
building. I can't do the iron grating, ugly enough [sketch]. — It is
the prison ! Prison, side by side with Cathedral. So our Peniten-
tiary opposite Lambeth." 2
At Chalons, Ruskin found the church of Notre Dame "one of the
most perfect examples of pure early vaulting." At Troyes, he sketched
St. Urbain, which he found " of extreme interest." ^ He noted also " the
church of the Madeleine for a quite defaced Norman door of grandest
school, approaching Italian; but with the English dog-tooth on its
inner order moulding, and the basic colonnade of the north porch of
^ Vol. II. p. 401.
2 Millbank, now pulled' down and replaced by the Tate Gallery : compare
Vol. XIX. p. 227. y y y V
3 Compare Val d'Arno, § 174 (Vol. XXIII. p. 106).
INTRODUCTION
XXXV
the Cathedral, fearfully defaced but exquisite in earliest and delicatest
naturalism of geranium and vine." At Sens, Ruskin was in a town
endeared to him by many old associations, and an afternoon walk in
the valley of the Yonne and up its chalk hills suggested this reflec-
tion upon Turner : —
{August 19.) — The Seine divinely beautiful here. I have never
enough thought out that Turner's work was the 'Rivers' of France,
not the 'towns' of it — how he was the first painting living creature
who saw the beauty of a ' coteau ' ! The glorious lines of the
ascending vineyards to be sketched this morning if possible, and
the statues of porch deciphered. They are the finest I hitherto
know, north of the Alps."
The next stopping-place, Avallon, was new to Ruskin, and there
he stayed for a fortnight. "I think he was attracted to it," says
Mr. Collingwood, "by one of those obscure associations which so often
ran in his mind — it must be interesting because it was named Avallon
— Avalon he called it always, dominated by the idea of the island- valley
of repose where King Arthur found the immortality of fairyland."
However this may be, the place delighted him, and there was much
which Mr. Randal (as at a later date, Mr. Rooke) was commissioned
to draw.^
From Avallon Ruskin went over to Vezelay, but the heaviness of
that church — its inertia, as Mr. Pater calls it,^ did not please him : —
"More disappointed than ever with anything, but the interior
is still typical Romanesque in the nave, and extremely pure and
melodious Early English or French in apse. Note generally that
the early churches have only three lights round apse, and that no
interior can be perfect with less than five. I do not know if there
are good examples of seven. The mimicked 'Last Judgment' —
M. Viollet-le-Duc's — is very carefully vile, and the whole west front
the ugliest and most characteristically barren I ever saw in an old
building. Found junction of granite and Jura [limestone] coming
back and was happy."
The last entry is very characteristic. All Ruskin's varied interests
in nature were on this tour, as of old, actively pursued. Wherever
he went, his eye for the physical basis of scenery was keen, and the
diary is full, as of old, in notes of flowers picked or drawn and of
1 See Vol. XXX. p. 223, where extracts from the diary at Avallon are given.
^ In his essay on "Vezelay" included in Miscellaneous Studies, 1895.
xxxvi
INTRODUCTION
mineralogical specimens collected. An instance or two of his notes
on flowers may be given : —
"[Sketch.] The lovely little snapdragon I found at Sens, here
(Avallon) luxuriant, straggling two feet high with dozens of blossoms
among slender strips of leaves. Blossom with upper two petals
thrown up like the sharpest little fox's ears, and more like some
bat's veined purple on white, the swollen lip below pure white
touched with yellow in the throat."
[From a list of "Flowers on ramparts at Genoa."] "Purple
thistle, — thistle only in the flower! The leaves strap-shaped, small
and smooth ; the flower, a thin cluster of purple threads, coming out
of the nastiest, thin-set, brown skeleton of maHgnant spikes and
stings 1 ever saw in this bad world. There are only about a dozen
on the ball; so ill set that one can't see the spiral, and essentially
of the shape of the lower of these figures [sketches]. One mustn't
draw even an ugly thing carelessly — how oddly bad the upper one is
drawn anyhow ! The central spine is really fine in its pure tapering."
Another expedition from Avallon was to Montreal, where the gro-
tesque carvings set another task to Mr. Randal.^ Ruskin^s days at
Avallon were not idle either, so far as literary work was concerned.
It was there that he wrote the Preface to a new edition of Sesame
and Lilies, and finished the third chapter of The Bible of Amiens.
He was planning also Parts in Our Fathers have Told Us, and
among others one entitled Valle Crucis, which was to deal with the
history and architecture of monasticism. It was in connexion with
this that he went from Dijon to Citeaux, the home of the Cistercians,
and to St. Bernard's birthplace at La Fontaine. He has described
the places in a chapter included in this volume,^ and it may be in-
teresting to compare the rough notes in his diary: —
" Champagnole, September 3. — Yesterday was chiefly notable for
the morning visit to St. Bernard's birthplace. All remnant of
chateau now destroyed; but the little level garden on the exact
summit of the hill must have been always — grass or garden, and
the childhood have had always that panorama under its eyes. Now
— all that is near is vineyard; but before Citeaux and Clairvaux,
what was it The panrrama entirely unbroken — Mont Blanc to
the hills of Eastern Burgundy, and the plain— limitless north and
south; the little hill a hmestone outher, about 150 feet above the
plain. Dijon at just lovely distance underneath."
1 See Vol. XXX. p. 224.
2 Below, pp. 246-248.
INTRODUCTION
xxxvii
His travelling companion adds a characteristic touch. "I recall,'"
says Mr. Collingwood, "the surprise of a bystander not wholly un-
sympathetic, when Ruskin knelt down on the spot of the great saint's
nativity, and stayed long in prayer. He was little given to outward
show of piety, and his talk, though enthusiastic, had been no prepara-
tion for this burst of intense feeling."'
From Dijon the travellers went by the old road, partly walking,
partly driving, through Champagnole and St. Cergues to Geneva.
There he sketched, and, as his diary notes, "studied the Rhone" —
with results afterwards to be embodied in Proeterita. He went up the
valley of the Arve to Sallenches, and in spite of the storm-cloud, found
happiness in the old scenes: —
"I have never been happier/' he wrote (Sunday, September 10),
"in seeing the Alps, once more — nor felt more desire to do better
work on them than ever."
[September 11.) — Opened (meaning to take up Deucalion but
took up Bible instead) at Job xi. 16, and read all the rest with
comfort. How I have been forgetting the glorious natural history
of Job — though I am thankful it is noted always in my books,^
but I want my own medicine now. Glanced this morning over the
plan of it again. I see the eleventh chapter is the first speech
of Zophar ; the second 2 is the leading piece of political economy
which I ought to have given in Fors."
''{September 14.) — Mont Blanc entirely clear all the morning,
fresh snow in perfect light on the Dorons, and the Varens a miracle
of aerial majesty. I, happy in a more solemn way than of old ;
read a bit of Ezra and referred to Haggai ii. 9 : ' In this place
will I give peace.' "
"Geneva, September 15. — After a marvellous drive through valley
of Cluse, Collingwood sectionizing all the way, and a divine walk to
old spring under Brezon, everything broke down, as usual at Bonne-
ville, and an entirely dismal drive into Geneva through cold plague-
wind; and fretting letters when I got there threw me down to my
usual level, nearly — not, I hope, quite ; for I shall try to remember
the Aiguille de Bionnassay of the 13th at evening, and the Nant
dArpenaz looked back at yesterday morning — with my morning walk
once more among the dew above Sallenches — for ever and a day."
Yet once more, before the night came, was he to find happiness
"beneath the cloudless peace of the snows of Chamouni,'"* which had
1 See, for instance, Vol. V. p. 379, and Vol. XII. pp. 105-106. For other
references, see the General Index.
2 For Zophar's second speech, see Job xx. ; e.g., verses 15, 18, 19, 22.
xxxviii
INTRODUCTION
"inspired and guided" so much of his work.^ That was in 1888.
Here we may note the quick succession of peace and storm in his
diary as illustrating both Ruskin's passionate love of scenery, and also
that extreme sensitiveness to physical impressions which has already
been mentioned- among the characteristics always to be remembered
in reading his books.
His travelling companion has recorded some incidents of the tour,
typical of another of Ruskin's characteristics. He was very fond of
animals, and any such affection appealed to him instantly. In his
drives from Geneva to Annecy and its neighbourhood, he had a
" Mephistopheles coachman and Black Dog," as he put it at first; but
Mephistopheles soon "won the Professor's heart by his dashing style
and friendliness to his beasts; and on parting he gave the man twenty
francs as a honnc, main, and two francs over, as he said, for a bonne
patte to Tom,"^ the dog: —
"On one of these drives we stopped for lunch out of doors before a
wayside inn. To this lunch there came a little dog, two cats, and a pet
sheep, and shared our wine, bread, and Savoy sponge-cakes. The sheep
at last got to putting its feet on the table, and the landlady rushed out
and carried him off in her arms into the house ; but Ruskin, I think,
would quite as soon have let the creature stay. At Annecy the landlord
told me stories of his big St. Bernard dog, how he was defended from
other dogs by the cat, and how sometimes they quarrelled, and then the
dog had to go and sit on the mat out of doors until the cat had forgiven
him ; how the cat also was in the habit of catching swallows on the wing,
and bringing them in to show — as, certainly, cats do with the mice they
catch — and then would let them go uninjured. This delighted Ruskin
at dinner, and may have suggested the dream which I see he records —
'dreamt of a fine old lion who was quite good if he wasn't kept prisoner;
but when I had got him out, I didn't know what to do with him.' " ^
The travellers next turned their way to. Italy, for Ruskin had
made engagements to meet architects and artists in connexion with
St. George's work. They went over the Cenis to Turin and thence
to the sea. Successive entries in the diary record again his changing
moods : —
"Turin, September 23.--It was fairly fine all yesterday, but Alps
hidden not by their own clouds, but by the filthy city, one pestilence
^ See the Epilogue of 1888 to Modern Painters (Vol. VII. d. 464).
2 Vol. XXVIL pp. xxv.-xxvi. ^ '
^ Life and Work of John Ruskin, 1900, p. 364.
* Ruskin Relics, p. 74.
INTRODUCTION
xxxix
now of noise and smoke^ and I got fearfully sad and discouraged,
not only by this, but by not caring the least any more for my old
pets of pictures,^ and not being able to see the minerals in close
dark rooms. Note the unique white amianth, two feet long, from
Val d'Aosta, and the clear topaz with interior divisions of crystal
like my pet quartz. It is fine this morning, and I must pluck up
heart and do my best."
"Genoa (Sunday, September 24). — Here in all comfort, from Savona
by the thunderous sea, at six yesterday evening, after the most
wonderful day of vision and travel I ever spent — Alps clear from
Rosa to the farthest Maritime all the earlier day, and railway taking
us within twenty-five or thirty miles of the Viso ; then through the
sandhills of Bra to Montenotte, down among the strange mounds
and dells of the Apennine gneiss to Savona, walked down to the
sea, beside a dismantled fortress which is certainly one of Turner's
late subjects — then among the olives and palms and by the green
serpentines, under darkening clouds, with constant boom and sigh
of waves, to Cogoletto."
"Genoa, September 25. — Extremely languid and low, but not ill,
after night disturbed by constant omnibus and tram and various
bellowings and a day of disgust with all things — proud palaces,
foolish little St. Georges over doors; Duomo in my pet style, not
doing it credit; and a long climb over rocks, and road of black
limestone veined with white, commanding all the heaps rather than
hills of the mouldering earth, looking almost barren in its dull grass,
on which the suburbs of Genoa, hamlet and villa, are scattered far
and wide; the vast new cemetery, their principal object of view
and glorification, seen by the winding of the waterless river-bed."
" Pisa, September 27. — A really happy day's work in Baptistery
and a walk."
" Pisa, September 29. — Penny whistles from the railroad perpetual,
and view of town from river totally destroyed by iron pedestrian
bridge. Lay awake, very sad, from one to half-past four, but when
I sleep, my dreams are now almost always pleasant, often very
rational. A really rather beautiful one, of consoling an idiot youth
who had been driven fierce, and making him gentle, might be a
lesson about Italy. But what is Italy without her sky — or her
religion "
"Lucca, September 30. — And here I am, at last, again — in the
^ His companion's impression was dilFerent. " He seemed to know the [mineral]
collection by heart. As to the pictures, the way he pointed out how Vandyck
enjoyed the laying on of his colour, in a portrait of King Charles, gloating over the
horse's mane and the delicate dexterity of the armour, makes me hope that even
the steam tramways of Turin had not utterly darkened his life."
xl
INTRODUCTION
eighth year from 1874, — when I had precious letters, and went home
by Chamouni ; i— and Champagnole, St. Cergues, Geneva, Bonneville,
Sallenches, Annecy, Turin— all seen once more. But how dif-
ferent it would have been but for this plague-cloud, which yesterday
with its following wind darkened and tormented all Val di Serchio.
To-day, having slept well — curiously well — I can scarcely see to
write ; the sky in settled, stern, gapless doom. Yesterday walked
round town—first to Ilaria, last to San Romano. Found all, D,G."
"Lucca {Sunday, October 1).— Yesterday received in the grey
morning the news of the death of John Bunney, on that Saturday
the 23rd on which I saw the bright Alps from his Italy. A heavy
warning to me — were warning needed; but I fear death too con-
stantly, and feel it too fatally, as it is.^
"Yesterday up the marble hills again, where, eight years ago, I
lay down so happy under the rocks beyond the monastery, to read
R.'s loving letter.3 Now, my strength half gone; my hope, how
changed."
"Lucca {October 2). — Yesterday altogether lovely, and I walked
about lovely streets in morning sunshine. Drew in peace at Duomo
front in quiet air, and climbed to the ridge of the marble mountains
in afternoon — past the convent with its great ilex, and the perfect
cottage with its well under the chestnuts, and so up to the
terraced fields : saw the glittering sea, and sat long watching the
soft, sun-lighted terraces of grass, and tenderly classic hills, plumed
and downy with wood, and the burning russet of fallen chestnuts
for foreground — thinking how lovely the world was in its light, when
given. Then the Carrara peaks and Guinigi's tower, in rose of
sunset."
"Lucca {October 3). — Night of nightmares, not very distressful
but provoking and tiring, and more languor than I can account for
— unless by some slight malaria here. But did good work yesterday
on fa9ade of Duomo; and drove to foot of hills across Serchio,
where we rested among olive-woods with low cypress avenues
mingled — green terraces under the olive trees quite rich in grass,
and the cyclamen in masses on the shady pink banks with full
bright crimson pink everywhere, and peppermint in vivid blue, I
looking for forget-me-nots. View of Lucca, of course, too lovely to
draw."
"Florence {October 5). — In Gran Bretagna once more; very well
1 See Vol. XXIII. p. li.
^ "I think his fear of death was purely the dread of leaving his work undone,
with some shrinking of the possible pain ; his sense of death was in the growing
limitation of his powers, which he could only forget in the presence of beautiful
landscape " (VV. G. Collingwood, in Ruskin Relics, p. 102).
^ See the Introduction to Prceterita.
INTRODUCTION
xli
and very comfortable. Sun just glinting along sides of yellow
houses beyond Arno ; Avhich, if it's bad weather, I shall perhaps
draw. Yesterday very bad weather indeed, but I got work done
on Lucca. Came on here in wild storm of wind and spitting rain ;
the country beginning to look poor with fading vines. I a little
headachy, but all right to-day after good dinner and flask of
Aleatico. The sun has come out quite bright, but the sky grey.
Nothing hurt yet of Ponte Vecchio, or the rest."
"Florence, October 6. — Quite depressed and useless to-day, after
a weary walk yesterday through Uffizi in morning and a more weary
and utterly disgusted one through town in afternoon. Everywhere
paviours, masons, ruin — degradation, folly, and noise ; and the wretched
Germans, English, and Yankees busy upon it like dung-flies."
"Florence, Sunday, October 8. — After a dismal walk through
Accademia, I drove yesterday afternoon up to Bellosguardo and
enjoyed the view of plain and drive round — walk, I mean — though
mostly between walls, yet under olives and roses, among happy-
looking villas, and with glorious views of city. Slept well, but am
terribly out of heart and purpose. Read in Machiavelli's Florence
Cosmo de' Medici's sad saying before his death — keeping his eyes
shut, his wife asking why : ' To get them into the way of it.' Do
the best I can in beginning opposite,^ but I come to so few
endings."
"Florence, October 9. — Frightful noise under window till twelve
last night — of returning carriages of Sunday excursions.^ — and
thunder again at five, have left me good for little this morning,
but pleased in thought of buying for Sheffield the lovely book of
drawings of Italian peasants by Miss Alexander. Planned also, I
think finally, as I lay awake during the thunder, the tenor of
lecture to London Institution, in revision of my teaching about
myths,2 and that of my address to Edinburgh students ^ on essential
principles of moral philosophy, taking Shakespeare and Scott for
principal guides."
"Florence, October 10. — Yesterday up to Fesole and found it
quite uninjured, except restoration of Duomo, which did not matter.
All the view of Florence in lovely sunshine, and beyond everything
I ever remembered : certainly the view of all the world."
^ A collection and arrangement of the texts I have been in the habit of refer-
ring to as including most briefly the teaching of the Bible."
2 The lecture which Ruskin next gave at the London Institution was on
Cistercian Architecture " (see below, pp. 227 seq.) ; but it contains only passing
references to myths (§ 8) and miracles (§ 11).
^ Probably, an address which he thought of giving to the Associated Societies
of the University of Edinburgh: see a letter of February 8, 1882, printed in
Vol. XXXIV.
xlii
INTRODUCTION
The visit to Florence was chiefly important to Ruskin as the occasion
of his making acquaintance, which ripened rapidly into the warmest
friendship, with Miss Francesca Alexander and her mother.^ But he
had to return to Lucca— to meet Mr. E. R. Robson for the discussion
of plan>s for the St. George's Museum,'^ and to finish his drawings of
the Duomo. The diary contains many entries about these: —
"Lucca, Sunday, October 15.— Yesterday began new drawing of
delicate pillar. Could only buy cheese and hunt for honey in after-
noon of crashing rain: shelter in St. Michael during the worst.
Examined views from ramparts in evening; ascertained that there's
really only one available — of the town, from the south gate, west
round to St. Frediano. The tanneries and cotton-mills, where the
girls sing in a milly, cicadesque, incomprehensible manner, continu-
ally spoil the north-west side. An old priest standing to hear them
— thinking, I would give much to know what ! "
''LuccA, October 18. — Yesterday got on with arches, and had
lovely afternoon walk on hills beyond Serchio, with skies bright and
sublime, changing continually, and warm sun and sweet air, and
vignettes of new and perfect composition in Italian villa and
mountain, every moment."
'^LuccA, October 25. — Yesterday worked very hard on pillar, and
had nice little chat with two contadine, explaining my drawing and
the cathedral front to them ; one, presently (middle-aged, unfortu-
nately, or more than middle), had her arm round my neck in her
eagerness to know if I was going to draw the entire front. And
the day before yesterday a pretty young housewife gave me a grace-
ful good-day in passing up the steps before me."
Unlike some sketchers, Ruskin, it seems, "rather enjoyed an audience,
and sometimes used to bring back odd gleanings of their remarks
when he came in to luncheon. He used to sit in quaint attitudes on
his camp-stool in the square, manipulating his drawing-board with one
hand and his paint-brush with the other- Baxter, his valet, holding
the colour-box for him to dip into, and a little crowd of chatterers
looking on."" 2
Having at last finished his drawings, Ruskin returned to Florence
to bid good-bye to the Alexanders and Mr. Newman, and then, after
a day or two more at Lucca, he went on to Pisa to meet Signor
1 See Vol. XXXII. p. xxii.
« See Vol. XXX. p. xlvii.
' Ruskin Relics, p. 93. Compare what Ruskin himself says in Prceterita, ii.
§§ 122, 123. ^
INTRODUCTION
xliii
Boni and Signer Alessandri. They are "the two lads," though indeed
"not exactly lads perhaps," in whose friendship and work Riiskin
expressed his pride in the first of the Oxford lectures given in the
following year.^ Commendatore Boni, who was already "master of the
work in the Ducal Palace at Venice," did work for Buskin at Pisa, in
the measurement of various buildings, and some of his architectural
sketches may be seen at Oxford ; with Signor Alessandri's work, readers
of this edition are already familiar.^ Buskin himself was busy at Pisa
in sketching the Baptistery, and mapping out his lecture on Cistercian
Architecture.
Buskin had planned a visit on the way home to the Sagredo di
San Michele ; ^ but his watchful secretary thought it would be bleak for
a man with a bad cold, and took tickets for Aix-les-Bains instead.
" I felt particularly guilty," says Mr. Collingwood, " as he recounted
to me, in an injured tone, the horrors of Aix, the one place he abomi-
nated, and the beauties of St. Michel." But the diary shows that
Buskin altogether relented towards Aix: —
"Aix-les-Bains, Sunday, November 12. — The cold's quite gone!
Friday in glowing sunshine, Pisa to Turin. Saturday in frightful
damp and cold, Turin to Aix. But quite easy days both ; and it is
delightful to think how pleasant both will be to do back again ;
running from Dijon straight here would make just four days from
Paris to Pisa. Sun coming out now. Dent de Bourget, over mist
and low cloud, very lovely as I dressed."
From Aix Buskin retreated to Annecy, and the next entry in the
diary shows that he was not always inaccessible to the charm of
railway-train landscape which Louis Stevenson and many others
have felt : 4—
"(Annecy, November 13.) — Yesterday an entirely divine railway
coupe drive from Aix by the river gorges — one enchantment of
golden trees and ruby hills."
Deprived of his sanctuary of San Michele, Buskin took refuge — close
to Menthon, the birthplace of St. Bernard, " the Apostle of the Alps " —
in an old Benedictine abbey on the Lake of Annecy, turned into an
1 Art 0/ England, § 18 (below, p. 278).
2 See Vol. XXX.
3 For an account of his visit to the Sanctuary in 1858, see Vol. VII. p. xliv.
* See, too, the entry above, p. xxiv.
xliv
INTRODUCTION
i„„_the Hotel de TAbbaye at Talloires ; and there in wretched
weather he shut himself up to finish the lecture on Cistercian Archi-
tecture. A letter written to Miss Allen at this time contains references
to the lecture, and shows how his work followed him on his travels :—
"{Sovcmher 22, 1882.)— My dear Gracie,— I send you 193-208
for press.i There are some important alterations in notes, but no
more than you can easily revise for me — with the section and chapter
numbers. I go to-morrow to Geneva, where I expect more work
from you ; but whatever you now send should be to Hotel Meurice,
Paris, where I hope for a quiet day next Wednesday, and shall get
anything safely, posted on Wednesday. You may send all you can,
in case I am stopped by weather at Boulogne.
" I have not yet acknowledged Hugh's lettered plate of lightning.2
I am delighted with his careful imitation of my rude retouching, and
with the plate altogether. The text is all ready, nearly — if I
could only get time to retouch the 8th chapter, but I can't till this
lecture's over.
For which I want Hugh's help, or Papa's, if Hugh feels diffident
about large work. I want two diagrams, each six feet long, made
from the two sketches I send by this post. There is no need what-
ever for any laborious imitation of my touches or colour, but only
for careful enlarging of the lines to scale and rough colour to match.
The more finished one is the masonry of a bit of the walls of Fesole ;
the other, the cleavages of a bit of the rock on which and of which
they are built, seen looking down on it. The connection of this
discovery of mine with Cistercian Architecture is not immediately
obvious ; but I've managed to dig down to it, partly because I want
to air the discovery! partly because I like to begin at the begin-
ning of things, even if I can't quite end at the end.
"The diagrams must be rolled and kept out of sight till I want
to show them, and they must be so arranged as to be seen, when
they arc shown, side by side — the finished one first, on the right of
the audience ; the cleavages, secondly, on the left — as introductory
to the wall, and reading and leading up to it. — Ever, my dear Gracie,
very gratefully and affectionately yours,
"J. R."
The diagrams were duly prepared by Mr. George Allen, but they were
not shown at the lecture, nor are they now discoverable, though the
subject of them was referred to (see below, p. 246 n,).
Driven from Talloires presently by cold and rain, Ruskin returned
^ Proof-sheets of the separate edition of the second volume of Modern Painters.
2 Plate XXI. in Deucalion : Vol. XXVI. p. 359.
INTRODUCTION
xlv
to Annecy and Geneva, and thence rapidly home, reaching Herne Hill
on December 2, and writing in his diary next day: —
" Slept well, and hope to be fit for lecture to-morrow ; very
happy in showing our drawings, and complete sense of rest after
three months' tossing."
The lecture — included in this volume (pp. 227-249) — was a great
success. "Ruskin flourishes/' wrote Burne-Jones to Professor Norton —
"gave a lecture on Cistercian Architecture the other day that was
like most ancient times, and of his very best, and looks well —
really looks stronger than for many a year past. The hair that he
has grown over his mouth hides that often angry feature, and his
eyes look gentle and invite the unwary, who could never guess the
dragon that lurks in the bush below." ^ The foreign tour had been in
every way a success. It was the occasion, as we have seen, of recall-
ing many pleasant impressions, which were presently to be embodied
in one of the most charming of all his books. It was on this tour,
also, that he made some of his best and furthest-carried drawings.
Two of them, of details from the fa9ade of the cathedral at Lucca
(San Martino), are well known. One was at the "Old Masters" Ex-
hibition at the Academy in 1901, and the other at the Royal Water-
Colour Society's Ruskin Exhibition in the same year ; and both were
shown at the Fine Art Society's rooms in 1907. Nor, as we have seen,
was the period of the tour inactive in literary work. But the principal
significance of the tour in the story of his life is that it so restored
his health and spirits as to induce him to resume his former work at
Oxford.
Ill
" Before re-crossing the Alps," Ruskin says, " I had formed the
hope of returning to my duties at Oxford."^ He took steps to let his
willingness to resume the Slade Professorship of Fine Art be known.
His friend Sir William Richmond, whose tenure of the oflSce had not yet
expired, thereupon resigned, and in January 1883 Ruskin was re-elected.^
'^Yesterday at evening," he wrote in his diary (January 17, 1883),
"came Acland's telegram, announcing reinstated Professorship: 'Dear
Friend, may all good attend you and your work in this new condition ;
^ Memorials of Edward Bume-Jones, vol. ii. p. 133.
* Introduction to The Limestone Alps of Savoy, Vol. XXVI. p. 571.
' His re-election was the subject of some complimentary verses in Punch,
January 27, 1883.
xlvi INTRODUCTION
once a-ain welcome to Alma Mater.'" The telegram reached him at
lhantwood, and within a few days he had begun making notes for
the course of lectures on The Art of England}
In the Lent Term, liowever, he delivered only the first lecture-
on Hossetti and Holman Hunt. The second was to be on Burne- Jones,
and he went up to London to refresh his impressions of the body of
his friend's work : —
want to come," he wrote (March, 1883), "and see all the
pictures you've got, and to have a Hst of all you've done! The
next lecture at Oxford is to be about you— and I want to reckon
you up, and it's like counting clouds." ^
Burne-Jones was very happy about it, but "forebodings as of the
approach of doomsday are upon me," he said : —
"It's lovely," replied Ruskin (March 14), "to think of your
heing in that retributive torment. I shan't tell you a word of
what I'm going to say ! Mind you don't miss any of the foolish
things out of the hst, as I'm sure to find it out. I'll come on
Friday afternoon."
It was at this time that Ruskin begged his friend to design for him
a gold cross for his May Day Festival at Whitelands : ^ —
"The cross," be wrote in the same letter, "is always of pure
gold ; it may be any shape you like, but it must be liawthorn,
because it is for the 1st May, when they choose a May Queen at
Whitelands, the girl they love best, and I give her the hawthorn
cross, annually, and a whole lot of my books to give away to the
girls she likes best."
Ruskin w^as delighted with the cross, and on May Day he wrote : —
"I have, yesterday, finished ^oz^r lecture, for 12th May; but I
found, of course, that there was no possibility of giving any abstract
of you in one lecture, nor without unbalancing the conditions of
general review. So this is merely the sketched ground of what I
hope at length to say in future."
* He allowed himself also to be nominated a second time for the Lord Rector-
ship of Glasgow University. He had the usual fate of independent candidates,
ana was at the bottom of the poll. The figures were : Fawcett (Liberal), 707 ;
Marquis of Bute (Conservative), 670 ; Ruskin, 319.
2 See Memorials of Edward Bunie-Joites, vol. ii. pp. 130, 131, for this and tlie
following letters.
See Vol. XXIX. p. 336.
INTRODUCTION
xlvii
The lecture was delivered on May 12 ; two others followed it ; and after
them Ruskin stayed on for some weeks at Oxford, teaching in the
drawing-school. He had gone up to London to give the private lecture
(June 5), mainly on Miss Alexander's drawings, of which a report is
printed in the preceding volume.^ On the following day he attended a
performance of the Tale of Troy, and made a speech at its conclusion.^
From Oxford he went to Worcester — a tour mentioned in one of
the undelivered lectures included in this volume ;2 and thence by Llan-
gollen to Brant wood. During his summer at home he received many
old friends ; among them were Mr. and Mrs. La Touche and Professor
Norton, who has given his impression on seeing Ruskin again after an
interval of ten years : —
''I had left him in 1873 a man in vigorous middle life, young for his
years, erect in figure, alert in action, full of vitality, with smooth face and
untired eyes. I found him an old man, with look even older than his
years, with bent form, with the beard of a patriarch, with habitual expres-
sion of weariness, with the general air and gait of age. But there were
all the old affection and tenderness ; the worn look readily gave way to
the old animation, the delightful smile quickly kindled into full warmth ;
occasionally the unconquerable youthfulness of temperament reasserted
itself with entire control of manner and expression, and there were hours
when the old gaiety of mood took possession of him with its irresistible
charm. He had become, indeed, more positive, more absolute in manner,
more irritable, but the essential sw^eetness prevailed. Given his circum-
stances, no ordering of life could have been more happy for him than that
at Brantwood. His cousin, Mrs. Severn, was at the head of his household,
and the best of daughters could not have been more dear and devoted to
him. Her children kept the atmosphere of the home fresh and bright;
the home itself was delightful, beautiful within with innumerable treasures
of art, and surrounded without by all the beauties of one of the fairest
scenes of the English lake country."^
1 Vol. XXXII. p. 535.
2 ''Mr. Ruskin, now seldom seen in public, watched this last representation
with evident interest and frequent applause, and at the fall of the curtain consented
to join the corps dramatique in the green-room, and present Mr. George Alexander
with their testimonial to his stage-management. Mr, Ruskin, who always seems
able to say the best thing at the shortest notice, made a brief but excellent speech,
and, with a few kindly words to the donee himself, handed him the book — a
Shakespeare — as 'the guide to all that is noblest and truest in English thought'"
{World, June 13, 1883). For a reference to the performance, see Vol. XXX,
p. 328.
3 Below, p. 511.
* Letters of John Ruskin to C. E. Norton, vol. ii. p. 165.
xlviii
INTRODUCTION
Kuskin\s diary bears out on many a page what Professor Norton here
savs of Hiiskin's happiness with the cousin who kept house for him at
Hrantwood. Two entries of the present date (1884) are typical of
many : —
''Greatly enjoyed cataloguing with Joan" (July 13).
" I never passed a healthier or much happier day than yesterday
(July 15), arranging coins with Joan, seeing windhovers on moor,
taking Joan up to see anagallis in evening." ^
The visit to Llangollen, mentioned above, was made in connexion
with the literary work which was now occupying a large share in
Ruskin's thoughts and studies. "Getting on with my history,"
" seeing into the Benedictines,'' " reading marvellous passages by Mont-
alemberf' are entries in his diary of the time (June 25, July 18,
1883). They refer to the studies in the History and Architecture of
Early Christianity, which he had announced as being in preparation to
follow The Bible of Amiens. One of these other volumes in the pro-
jected series of Our Fathers have Told Us, the sixth, was to treat,
as we have seen, of monastic architecture, and to be called Valle Crucis.
He went therefore to Llangollen to renew his knowledge of Valle
Crucis Abbey; and later in the year he took occasion of the visit to
Scotland, which has been referred to in an earlier Introduction,^ to
visit the scene of St. Ninian's foundation.
Early in October Ruskin was again in Oxford, delivering the last
two of his lectures on The Art of England and attending in his draw-
ing-school. On his return to Brantwood he gave the lecture on Sir
Herbert Edwardes, which was afterwards expanded into A Knighfs
FaithJ
He did not again reside in Oxford till the Michaelmas Term of
1884, but he kept in touch with the drawing-school by sending in-
structions and exercises through Mr. Macdonald. Meanwhile he was
as busy as ever, or busier. In February he came up to London and
delivered, with full vigour, two lectures on The Storm-Clond, He
also gave an informal address to some girl-students of the Royal
Academy.* He worked at the British Museum in arranging his
Cabinet of Silicas there.^ A few weeks later he was called to London
* See also the extracts given above, p. xxii.
2 Vol. XXIX. p. xxvi. See also PrcBterita, iii. S 70.
' See Vol. XXXI.
* Referred to in the letters beloM^ A report of the address is ffiven in
Vol. XXXIV. ^ ^
^ See Vol. XXVI. pp. 395 seq.
INTRODUCTION
xlix
again, in order to pay a visit of condolence to the Duchess of Albany,
whose husband was buried on April 5. When at Brantwood he
wrote the Introduction to Mr. Collingwood'*s Liinestone Alps. He was
full of schemes for work in which Miss Greenaway and he were to
co-operate. He was in correspondence about a Life of Turner, for
which he was to arrange materials, with M. Chesneau. He was bring-
ing out the Roadside Songs, writing a catalogue for a collection of
minerals at Kirkcudbright, throwing off an occasional number of Fors
Clavigera, and doing many bye-things besides. Mr. Collingwood has
printed extracts from letters received at Brantwood while Ruskin was
in London in the early part of 1884, which give a lively account of
his daily doings: —
^'I want to know all about the bells,i and what the children [at
the school] are making of them : I bought the compass (seaman's
on card), and another of needle, for the big school, yesterday ; and
another on card for the infants, and I want to know how the bricks
get on. What a blessed time it takes to get anything done !
"1 had rather a day of it yesterday. Into National Gallery by
half-past eleven — went all over it, noting things for lecture to the
Academy girls on Saturday. Then a nice half-hour in a toy-shop,
buying toys for the cabman's daughter [Miss Greenaway's little
model] — kaleidoscope, magnetic fish, and skipping rope. Out to
Hollo way — sate for my portrait to K. G.^ — cabman's daughter at
four — had tea, muffins, magnetic fishing, skipping, and a game at
marbles. Back across town to Sanger's Amphitheatre over West-
minster Bridge. Saw pretty girl ride haute ecole, and beginning of
pantomime, but pantomime too stupid ; so I came away at half-past
ten, walked a mile homewards in the moonlight — shower coming
on took cab up the hill, and had pretty to boil eggs for my
supper.
" I really shall be rather sorry to leave town ; but there's some-
thing to be said for the country, too. . . .
"Please find a catalogue of 108 or 110 minerals, written by me,
of my case at the British Museum. You'll easily guess which it is
among the MSS. in top drawer of study book-case, west side, far-
thest from fire. I want it here by Monday, for I'm going on Tues-
day to have a long day at the case. They're going to exhibit the
two diamonds and ruby on loan,^ the first time they've done so.
1 See Fors Clavigera, Letter 95, § 9 (Vol. XXIX. p. 500).
2 This portrait was never completed.
3 He ultimately presented them : see Vol. XXVI. p. Iv.
XXXIII. d
1
INTRODUCTION
" I had rather a day of it yesterday. Out at half-past ten,
to china-shop in Grosvenor Place and glass-shop in Palace Road.
Bought coffee- and tea-cups for Academy girls to-morrow, and a blue
bottle for myself. Then to Boehm's, and ordered twelve medallions:
flattest bas-relief size-of-life profiles, chosen British types — six men
and six girls. Then to Kensington Museum, and made notes for
to-morrow's lecture. Then to British Museum, and worked for two
hours arranging agates. Then into city, and heard Mr. Gale's
lecture on British Sports at London Institution. Then home to
supper, and exhibited crockery and read my letters before going
to bed.
" But I'm rather sleepy this afternoon — however, I'm going to
the Princess's to see Claudian ^ (by the actor's request) — hope I shan't
fall asleep.
" What is the world coming to } I wish I could stay to see ! "
He had recovered his strength, but he was spending it fast. He
enjoyed the pursuit, but it sometimes left him breathless. " Quite
bright always,'*'' he wrote in the diary (May 26) ; " I wonderfully well,
and slept well ; but to-day trembling and nervous with too much on
my mind — all pleasant ; but Minerals, Turner's life, the Saints, and
Oxford Lectures, with instant Proserpina — five subjects, like this,
^ ^ with poor me in the middle."" He was sixty-five, but he was
still up at sunrise in the mornings ; and St. Sebastian called only
for more arrows ! " Bolton [Turner's drawing] so bright in last night's
sunset ! What shall I do," he asks himself (June 29), " with all my
powers and havings, still left.-^" Why, launch out on new Mork, to be
sure! "Planned more work on pretty things" (July 2). "Planned
much this morning (July 12) — Grammar of Adamant, Grammar of
Sapphire, Grammar of Flint, Grammar of Ice."^ He had pleasant
visitors in the later summer — Mrs. La Touche, again, and Professor
Norton, and Mrs. Burn e- Jones, with her daughter, and Mr. Fletcher,
keeper of the minerals at the British Museum. Jowett, too, then
Vice-Chancellor of the University, came to stay. Jowett's appreciation
of his host has already been cited,^ and the pleasure was mutual.
" Vice-Chancellor came yesterday," he notes (Septen)ber 10) — " very
nice;" and again (September 12), "Yesterday most pleasant walk with
Vice-Chancellor." But, meanwhile, his lectures for the ensuing term
1 See Vol. XXXIV.
2 See Vol. XXVL
3 Vol. XVIII. pp. Ix.-lxi.
INTRODUCTION
li
at Oxford were in arrear, and this was to be a cause of much trouble
in the immediate future.
Of the manner and reception of his earlier Oxford lectures, an
account has been given in an earlier volume. The lectures of his second
professorship excited even greater interest in the University. The
notices reprinted from the University Gazette in the Bibliographical
Note (p. 259) show that Ruskin's re-election to the professorship was
expected to draw large audiences to his lecture-room. And so it
proved to be. There were overflowing audiences, and the lectures
were largely reported in the press.^ The first course — on The Art of
England — had been carefully written; it was indeed from the text
already printed that he read the lectures; in their delivery he allowed
himself comparatively few extempore asides, and the lectures were re-
strained in tone and closely restricted in scope. With the second
course, which he entitled The Pleasures of England^ it all went very
differently; and as the lectures proceeded, the strain of lecturing
without full preparation, the controversial nature of the thoughts in
his mind, the stimulus of the crowded lecture-room, the remonstrances
of his friends, and some disputes then current in the University, com-
bined to work Ruskin up into a dangerous state of excitement.
During the term at Oxford, sufficiently exciting in itself, Ruskin
made occasional visits to London. He breakfasted sometimes with
Leighton, with whom he was co-operating in the collection of draw-
ings by Turner, with which the new water-colour gallery at the
Royal Academy was to be opened at the forthcoming " Old Masters
exhibition. Some correspondence on this subject will be found in a
^ An account of one of tlie lectures gives a vivid idea of the impression made
by them on Ruskin's more emotional hearers: A lecture theatre crowded from
floor to ceiling by an audience unusually representative ; youth and maiden, matron
and scholar, artist and scientist, all pressed shoulder to shoulder, listening with a
hushed intensity almost trance-like ; their common gaze focussed upon the gracious,
stooping figure of the lecturer — who, golden-voiced, witli flowing gown flung back
from eager, nervous hands, hands ever moving in suppressed gesticulation, stood
in the waning sunshine of that wintry afternoon telling us brave things of art in
this our England. There was no pomp of rhetoric, no throwing down of con-
troversy's glove ; the quiet voice, almost monotonous, in measured cadence, held
the attention by virtue of its message, not by means of any varied or dramatic
inflection. And even as his voice held heart and mind, so were our eyes rested
and refreshed by his presence — that dignified, gentle presence, so worthy of all
reverence in its unfailing courtesy and crystalline earnestness. I'here remained
but few words of the lecture, but who that heard those closing words, spoken in
triumphant sincerity, will ever forget them ? . . . The grave benedictory voice died
away into an unbroken silence. Then a girl, sitting hand in hand with her lover,
gave a little sob, and the great audience loosed its pent-up enthusiasm." (^'^ Happy
Memories of John Ruskin," by L. Allen Harker, in The Puritan, May 1900.)
Another account to like efi'ect was printed in The Beview of the Week, March 29,
1901.
lii
INTRODUCTION
later volume. Riiskin also, during these visits to London, saw much
of Froude, whose Life of Carljle had just been completed. The feud
between two of his friends which raged in this connexion was a source
of jnuch distress to Ruskin ; his sympathies were on the whole, as we
shall see from correspondence in a later volume, with Froude and not
with Professor Norton.
The crush on the occasion of the second course was as great as
before. A letter, written to a girl who had asked for a ticket, has
been published, which is typical of Ruskin's pretty way of saying
things : —
" I wonder if you're little enough to go in ray breast pocket !
I don't in the least know how else to get you in. For I've made
a Medo-Persic-Arabic-Moorish-Turkish law that no strangers nor pil-
grims are to get into the lectures at all, but only Oxford residents,
and even so they can't all get in that want to. Look here, the
first lecture, which is next Saturday, will be rather dull, but if you
could come on Saturday the 25th, I would take you in myself under
my gown, and get you into a corner." ^
The scope of this second course was very wide, being nothing less
than a sketch of the tendencies of national life and character as
shown in "The Pleasures of England" during centuries of her history.
There was here nothing to check the range of his discursiveness, or
restrain the violence of his feelings, and he let himself go freely.
The first two lectures were in type before the course began, and
in these the line of thought was clear. Two more, which had not
been completely written, were yet prepared, though the asides became
more and more frequent. He allowed himself greater license in collo-
quial banter even than was usual with him in his Oxford lectures. The
digressions and interpolations sometimes contained passages of serious
and telling eloquence. I remember one such in the lecture on "The
Pleasures of Faith," when he turned aside from his manuscript notes
to refer to General Gordon as a Latter-day Saint whose life still
illustrates the age of faith. We are too much in the habit, he
had been saying, of "supposing that temporal success is owing either
to worldly chance or to worldly prudence, and is never granted in
any visible relation to states of religious temper" — as if the whole
story of the world, read in the light of Christian faith, did not
show " a vividly real yet miraculous tenour " in the contrary direction !
" But what need," Ruskin broke off to say, " to go back to the story
• " Happy Memories of John Ruskin," as cited above.
INTRODUCTION
liii
of the world when you can see the same evidence in the history of
to-day — in the lives and characters of men like Havelock and Gordon ? " ^
Often, too, he would lay aside his manuscript at some important
point, and giving free play to his feelings, drive it home in burning
passages of extempore irony. But at other times there was a lack of
restraint.
He was behindhand, as I have said, with the preparation of his
lectures, and sometimes he could not even get through the regulation
hour by Charles Lamb's expedient of making up for beginning late by
ending early. I remember one occasion during the course when he
found some difficulty in eking out the time, even with the help of
copious extracts from himself and Carlyle ; but he kept his audience in
good humour by confessing to some "bad shots'" in previous lectures; by
telling them that all pretty girls were angels; by abusing "the beastly
hooter"' that woke them every morning, and assuring them that, in
spite of appearances, he "really was not humbugging them.''
The popularity of the lectures, the applause, the excitement, were
in no way diminished — perhaps, as an undergraduate audience is not
the most judicious in the world, they were rather increased — by the
great man's vagaries. This encouraged Ruskin to discard the work
of preparation, and to trust more and more to improvisation.
" Lecture fluent," he notes in his diary (November 18), " but very
forgetful." At the same time the topics were becoming more and
more disturbing to his equanimity. The lecture on " Protestantism " had
not been much prepared, but the delivery of it — as might be expected
from the subject — caused great stir in his audience ; there was a strong
contingent of Catholics present, and they cheered loudly the winged
words of their fiery ally. Ruskin had always been fond of spicmg his
lectures with surprise- packets in the matter of illustrations. The little
jest in this kind with which he ended the lecture on " Protestantism "
created, if much amusement among the undergraduates, yet amazement
and scandal among their grave and reverend seniors. Carpaccio's St.
Ursula had been shown as "a type of Catholic witness." What, he
went on to ask, shall be the types and emblems to represent the spirit of
Protestantism ? Amidst breathless excitement the Professor proceeded
to untie two pictures lying on the table before him. There are two
aspects, he went on to say, of the Protestant spirit — the spirit when it
is earnest, and the spirit when it is hypocritical. "This," he exclaimed,
" is the earnest spirit ; " and he showed to an audience, which held its
sides, an enlargement of a pig by Bewick. "It is a good little pig,"
1 For other references to Havelock and Gordon, see Vol. XXXI. p. 386 n.
INTRODUCTION
he remarked patronisingly ; "a pig which is alert and knows its own
limited business. It has a clever snout, eminently adapted to dig up
and worry things, and it stands erect and keen, with a knowing curl in
its tail, on its own native dunghill." The hypocritical type was Mr.
Stiggins, with his shabby gloves, and a concertina. The jest might have
passeil in the privacy of a class-room ; but the lectures were reported in
the London papers, and in leading articles a call was made for some
kindly and benevolent veto to be placed upon " an academic farce." ^ The
subjects of the next lectures had been announced as "The Pleasures of
Sense "(Science) and "The Pleasures of Nonsense" (Atheism). Ruskin
had let it be known among his friends that he meant to devote these
discourses to lashing the men of science, and intervening in the dis-
cussion on vivisection, which was then agitating the University, in
connexion with a proposal for a physiological laboratory. He was
persuaded, sorely against his will, to cancel the lectures, and sub-
stitute others on less controversial topics. Various letters of his have
been published in which he refers to the scientific party in the
University intervening in panic to stop his mouth. "I have been
thrown a week out in all my plans," he wrote to Miss Beever
(December 1), "by having to write two new lectures, instead of those
the University was frightened at. The scientists slink out of my way
now, as if I was a mad dog." ^ And similarly to Miss Greenaway : —
''December 1, 1884. — I've been in a hard battle here these eight
weeks, — the atheistic scientists all against me, and the young men
careless, and everything going wrong — so that I h ive had to fight
with sadness and anger in all my work. My last lecture is to be
given to-morrow, but I have been feeling more tired in this cold
weather, and the correspondence is terrible. I have never a
moment to draw or do anything I like — except throw myself on
my bed and rest, or listen to any good music if I can get it
quietly." ^
It need not be supposed that Ruskin meant his remarks to be
taken quite literally. In fact, the interposition had come not from
opponents but from friends — such as Sir Henry Acland, Mr. Macdonald,
and Jowett — and it was made in the interest of his own health, rather
than in a desire to shield the scientists (atheistic or otherwise) from
his assaults. His private conversation at this time betrayed high
^ See especially a pungent article in The World of November 19, 1884, thus
headed.
' Hortus Inclusm, p. 97 (ed. 3), reprinted in a later volume of this edition.
Kate Greenaway, by M. H. Spielmann and G. S. Layard, p. 138 (No. 53).
INTRODUCTION
Iv
mental tension, his behaviour was not free from eccentricity, and those
to whose lot it fell to soothe him by music were not wholly successful.
At this time Ruskin was much with Jowett, who "entertained him in
his house with a watchful and almost tender courtesy,'' which left on
those who saw the two men together " an indelible impression."" ^ What
his friends feared was that Ruskin might quite break down under a
continuation of the strain. With the postponement — sine die, as it
was destined to be — of the lectures on " Sense " and " Nonsense,"" the
danger was past. That the danger existed is confessed by a good re-
solve registered three weeks later in his diary : " I must never stir out
of quiet work more" (December 23). The last two of the substituted
lectures — on "Birds" and "Landscape" respectively — were full of
charm, and had a great success. "I gave my fourteenth and last for
this year," he wrote to Miss Beever (December 1), "with vigour and
effect, and am safe and well, Z).G." Two other addresses, however, he
gave at Oxford. One v/as to the members of the St. George's Guild ;^
the other was at a meeting of the Anti-Vivisection Society on December
9 ; a report of his speech is contained in a later volume (XXXIV.).
On leaving Oxford, Ruskin went for a day or two to Cheltenham,
and then to pay a long-piomised visit to Farnley — partly in connexion
with the loan of Turner drawings for the exhibition, referred to above.
Mrs. Fawkes describes her guest as " seeming very worn and tired
out,"" but full of interesting talk. From Farnley Ruskin returned to
Brantwood, intending to complete the interrupted course at Oxford
during the ensuing term. He first prepared for press the third
and the fourth of the lectures already delivered, and these were duly
published in February and April. He also was at work on the fifth
of the lectures, and fully intended to write and deliver the sixth and
the seventh. On March 10, however, "the vote endowing vivisection"
was passed,^ and Ruskin, in wrath and vexation of spirit, shook the
dust of his feet off against the University for ever. The letter in
which he conveyed his resignation to the Vice- Chancellor has never
^ Life and Letters of Benjamin Jowett, by Evelyn Abbott and Lewis Campbell^
1897, vol. ii. p. 75. To like effect, another observer: ^^The Master — of whom Ruskin
always spoke as the 'sweetest of men' — was singularly happy in his influence,
gently and imperceptibly leading the conversation away from dangerous or over-
exciting topics, and directing his numerous enthusiasms into channels least likely
to be disturbing to the peace of the University " (" Happy Memories of John Ruskin/'
by L. Allen Harker, in The Puritan, May 1900).
2 Printed in Vol. XXX. p. 87.
^ For some particulars on this subject, see Sir Henry Acland's Preface of 1893
to The Oxford Museum, in Vol. XVI. p. 237- The final circulars issued on the
two sides (the one against the grant being signed by Ruskin), and a report of the
debate and division, are in the Times of March 9 and 11, 1885.
Ivi
INTRODUCTION
seen the liglit, but liiiskin referred to it in a letter given below.^ He
resigned on IVIarch 22, and in the Pall Mall Gazette of April 21 it
was suggested that Kuskin, in his sixty-seventh year, might well feel
that the adequate discharge of the duties of the professorship were no
longer compatible with "a just estimate of decline in the energy
of advancing age,'' - and that the resignation would give him leisure
to complete his numerous books in the press and to write his auto-
biogra})liv. Four days later the following letter from him appeared
in the same newspaper:^ —
" Brantwood, April 24 [1885].
^'SiR, — By mischance I have not till to-day seen your kindly-
meant paragraphs on my resignation of the Slade Professorship at
Oxford. Yet, permit me at once to correct the impression under
which they were written. Whatever may be my failure in energy
or ability, the best I could yet do was wholly at the service of
Oxford ; nor would any other designs, or supposed duties, have inter-
fered for a moment with the perfectly manifest duty of teaching in
Oxford as much art as she gave her students time to learn. I meant
to die in my harness there, and my resignation was placed in the
Vice- Chancellor's hands on the Monday following the vote endowing
vivisection in the University, solely in consequence of that vote,
with distinct statement to the Vice-Chancellor, intended to be read
in Convocation, of its being so. This statement I repeated in a
letter intended for publication in the Universiti/ Gazelle, and sent
to its office a fortnight since. Neither of these letters, so far as
I know, has yet been made public. It is sufficient proof, however,
how far it was contrary to my purpose to retire from the Slade
Professorship that I applied in March of last year for a grant to
build a well-lighted room for the undergraduates, apart from the
obscure and inconvenient Ruskin school ; and to purchase for its
furniture the two Yorkshire drawings by Turner of Crook of
Lune and Kirkby Lonsdale — grants instantly refused on the plea
of the University's being in debt.
"I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
'^JoHN Ruskin."
A few weeks later I reverted to the subject in conversation with
Ruskin, and he said oracularly, " Double motives are very useful things ;
• See also, in a later volume, a letter to Jowett of February 28, 1884.
^ From the "Advice" of July 1882, issued with the list of his Works.
3 From the Pall Mall Gazette, April 25, 1885. Reprinted in Igdrasil, December
1890, vol. ii. p. 103 ; and thence in Ruskiniuna, p?!rt i,, 1890, p. 116.
INTRODUCTION
Ivii
you can do a thing for two that you couldn't for one;"" and it is
difficult to say which had had the most weight with him, the
University's refusal of what he had wanted, or its concession of what
he disapproved. He had already in another way visited upon the
University its sin, if such it were, in refusing to add any more
drawings by Turner to its collections. By a will dated October 23,
1883, he had bequeathed to the Bodleian Library his books, his
portrait of the Doge Andrea Gritti by Titian, and the choicest of
his Turner drawings. On June 4, 1884, he revoked this bequest. He
never set foot in Oxford again.^
The severance of his connexion with Oxford left Ruskin free for
other work, more especially for the writing of Proeterita ; but with
this a new chapter in his life begins, which must be reserved for a
later Introduction. Here I pass to some detailed notice of the several
books contained in the present volume.
"THE BIBLE OF AMIENS"
Hie Bible of Amiens^ which stands first in the volume, is one of
the most popular of Buskin's later writings — as the account in the
Bibliographical Note (pp. 5-17) of its numerous editions sufficiently
shows. It owes some of its circulation to use as a guide-book ; but it
is much more than that, being, as I shall presently suggest, one of the
central books in Buskin's gospel. As a guide-book, indeed, The Bible
of Amiens is obviously fragmentary, and the visitor to Amiens will
readily find other books, both large and small, which cover the
descriptive and explanatory ground more fully ,2 though none which will
take him more faithfully to the heart of the matter. Buskin's treat-
ment of the subject is at once more comprehensive, and less complete,
1 Two years after resigning his Professorship in 1885^ he removed from his
Drawing School at Oxford a large number of drawings and pictures : see Vol. XXI.
p. 307.
* Ruskin refers to, and quotes from, three guide-books which may still be con-
sulted : Gilbert's Description Historique, 1833 (see p. 134 n.) ; Roze's little Visite^ 1877
(see p. 133); and Jourdain et Duval's Stalks et les Clotures, 1867 (see p. 127 n.).
This latter book is now difficult to obtain ; but all other descriptions of the cathe-
dral are now superseded by the elaborate and sumptuously illustrated Monographie,
in 2 volumes, 1901, by Georges Durand (see p. 141 n.). From it M. Durand has
abstracted a capital little Description Abregee (Amiens, 1904). Readers who desire
to make a comparative study of the iconography in various PVench cathedrals may
be referred to an interesting and well- illustrated book by M. Emile Male, entitled
L'Art Religieuoc du XIIF Steele (1902). I am indebted for acquaintance with this
book, as for one or two notes in the present volume, to M. Marcel Proust's
annotated French translation of The Bible of Amiens (see p. 15).
Iviii INTRODUCTION
than any which may be found elsewhere; and it may be useful, at the
outset, to indicate the scope and purpose of the book.
Uuskins title is, as usual, a sufficient clue to his purpose. The
Bible of Am'iens, it will be noticed, was a sub-title, the principal one
heing Our Fathers have Told Us, which again was explained as indi-
catiirg "Sketches of the History of Christendom for boys and girls who
have been held at its fonts.'' The Bible of Amiens will not be read
arifht unless it be recognised as one of an intended series which was
to deal successively with various local divisions of Christian History,
and was to gather towards their close, into united illustration of the
power of the Church in the thirteenth century."^ The Bible of
Amiens, it has been well said,^ "was to be to the Seven Lamps what
St. Mark's Rest was to Stones of Venice:' As in St. Mark's Rest the
object was to tell some chapters of "the History of Venice for the
help of the few travellers who still care for her monuments "'^ — the
monuments described in the Stones — so was The Bible of Amiens to tell
some passages of early Christian history, in order to illustrate the
spirit which lit the Lamps of Christian Architecture. At first sight
The Bible of Amiens seems a somewhat chaotic book. We start at
Amiens itself; but before we find ourselves in front of the cathedral
again, we have been taken upon journeys "Under the Drachenfels"
and over a considerable portion of northern Europe as well, not
without some excursion to southern lands, and have made acquaint-
ance with "The Lion Tamer," St. Jerome. There is a sentence in
the final chapter of the book which gives the meaning of these ex-
cursions into seemingly foreign fields. "Who built it?" asks Ruskin,
as he bids us look up to "the Parthenon of Gothic Architecture.'"*
" God, and Man," he tells us, " is the first and most true answer.
The stars in their courses built it, and the Nations. Greek Athena
labours here — and Koman Father Jove, and Guardian Mars. The
Gaul labours here, and the Frank : knightly Norman, — mighty Ostro-
goth,— and wasted anchorite of Idumea."^
The object of his chapters is, then, to trace in broad outline the
history and the beliefs of the men and nations whose genius found
expression in an exemplary work of perfect art. Taking the Cathedral
of Amiens as the representative work of the Franks, he shows us first
the state of the country in heathen days (i. § 6). Then he describes
1 See the Plan of the series included in the book; below, p. 18G.
2 W. G. Collingwood'ri Life and Work of John Ruskin, 1900, p. 357.
3 The sub-title of SC. Mark's Rest (Vol. XXIV.).
('h. iv. § 12 (p. 131).
i INTRODUCTION lix
the coming, the preaching, and the martyrdom of St. Firmin — as
they are told on the sculptures of the choir (§§ 7, 8). The little
chapel raised over the body of the Saint at St. Acheul, near to
Amiens, was " the first cathedral of the French nation," and Amiens
itself became the first capital of the Franks in France (§§ 8, 9).
The story of the conversion of Clovis, the Frankish king, and the
rise of his kingdom are next passed in rapid review (§§ 10-21), and
then we are taken back to the legends of St. Martin (§§ 22-31), which
also it is needful to know in reading the sculptures of the cathedral.
The " history of Christendom " which Ruskin desires to tell is that
of its faiths and its virtues; and for insight into these, the Christian
legends are a clue: "whether these things ever were so"" is im-
! material ; what matters is the fact that they were believed (§§ 17-19,
23, 25).
The second chapter ("Under the Drachenfels ") begins with the
story of St. Genevieve (§§ 1-7), and passes to the history of the
Franks, describing their home in the heart of the mountainous region
stretching eastward from the Drachenfels (§§ 8-26); and their national
characteristics (§§ 16, 27-48). Then the story of Clovis is resumed,
and is brought into relation with St. Genevieve (§§ 49-55). The gist
of the chapter is its sketch of the Frank character ; the arrange-
ment, as Ruskin himself remarks, is somewhat devious (§ 39).
The remark applies not less to the third chapter ("The Lion
Tamer"), The fact that the book was published in Parts, at con-
siderable intervals of time, and Ru skin's habit of spreading his material
over many books, leave their marks very plainly, I think, on The
Bible of Amiens. Thus, in the present instance, this Chapter iii.
would be clearer if it had been combined, in its bird's-eye views
of the early Christianised empire, with the similar sketch in Can-
dida Casa ; and in its discussion of monasticism, with parts of \VaUe
Crucis and one of Ruskin's essays in Roadside Songs of Tuscany.^
What Ruskin lacked, said Matthew Arnold, was "the ordo con-
catenatioque veri.'"'^ I doubt the justice of the criticism in the larger
sense implied by the word veri ; substitute rerum, and the criticism
is true, especially of his later books, written in broken health. Yet
there is throughout The Bible of Amiens a clear and a consistent
purpose, and this Chapter iii. is essential to it. Who built the
Cathedral of Amiens? The faith of the Frank (Ch. ii.) and the
labours of the " wasted anchorite of Idumea,"" through whom " the
1 See Vol, XXXII. pp. 116-125.
2 Letters of Matthew Arnold, 1895, vol. i. p. 51.
Ix
INTRODUCTION
Bible became the library of Europe^' (§ 36)— the library of Europe,
})reseiite(l everywhere to the Church as of common authority {§ 39), and
everywhere inscribed on the stones of its buildings. "The Life, and
(iospel, and Power of it, are all written in the mighty works of its
true believers: in Normandy and Sicily, on river islets of France and
in the river glens of England, on the rocks of Orvieto, and by the
sands of Arno. But of all, the simplest, completest, and most authori-
tative in its lessons to the active mind of North Europe, is this on the
foundation stones of Amiens" (Ch. iv. § 57).
This passage brings us to the point in which Ruskin's description
of the Cathedral of Amiens (Ch. iv.) is, as I said, less complete
than those which may be found elsewhere. He does, indeed, glance at
many of its features, and always in a most suggestive way. His
insistence upon the purity of its Gothic (§ 2) served as the starting-
point for Mr. Pater's essay on the cathedral. ^ Ruskin's remarks upon
the economy of means by which the effect of size was attained by the
builders (§ 9) is a happy illustration of a passage in the Seven
Lamps.^ Let your building, he there says, "be well gathered to-
gether " ; for " those buildings seem on the whole the vastest which
have been gathered up into a mighty square, and which look as if
they had been measured by the angePs rod, ' the length, and the
breadth, and the height of it are equal.'" The words must have
occurred to many a traveller as on leaving Amiens he has seen the
cathedral gather itself into an increasing mass as it recedes from view.
Ruskin's description, again, of the wood-carvings of the choir (§ 5)
catches in a few lines the very spirit of the wonderful w^ork. To
the choir-screen, partly described in Chapter i., he did not revert ; a
modern writer, it will be remembered, has made it the subject of an
interesting chapter.^ Upon one part of the cathedral, the south
door, Ruskin did not here enter, because he had described it already
in an earlier book ; ^ others he left alone, perhaps because their destruc-
tion by restoration was too painful a subject.^ But his reason for
concentrating attention on the quatrefoiis of the western facade was
that in them is ''the series of sculpture in illustration of Apostolic
and Prophetic teaching which constitutes what I mean by the ' Bible '
of Amiens" (p. 161). It is to them, therefore, that Chapter iv.
("Interpretations") is mainly devoted.
^ See his Miscellaneous Studies, p. 105: "The greatest and purest of Gothic
churches, Notre-Dame d'Amiens/' etc.
2 Cli. iii. § 8 (Vol. VIII. p. 108).
3 La Cathcdrale, by M. Huysmans, ch. xiii.
^ Two Paths, Vol. XVI. pp. 281, 855-357.
^ See below, p. 141.
INTRODUCTION
Ixi
In The Bible of Amiens we may find, I think, the final phase, and
the central truth, of Ruskin's religious views. The evangelical phase
was long passed, and more and more indeed he had come to revolt
against narrowness and self-sufficiency in creed. But he had passed
also through the phase of rationalism and doubt. For some years, as
we have already seen,i he had asked his readers to note a more dis-
tinctively Christian tone in his teaching. It was, in one sense, a
more ''Catholic tone." In his Letters to the Clergy (1879) ^ he had
deplored the changes of the liturgy in the English Book of Common
Prayer; he paid more and more attention to the saints and martyrs
of mediaeval Christendom. It was his friendship with Cardinal Manning,
perhaps, that suggested the rumour of his impending reception into
the Church of Rome. One letter (1887) in which he denied this very
emphatically has been given already;^ another (1888) will be found in
a later volume.^ A passage from this later letter, in which he explains
'' the breadth of his communion,'"* should be connected with some words
in The Bible of Amiens. "I gladly take," he wrote to his correspon-
dent, "the bread, water, wine, or meat of the Lord's Supper with
members of my own family or nation who obey Him, and should be
equally sure it was His giving, if I were myself worthy to receive it,
whether the intermediate mortal hand were the Pope's, the Queen's,
or a hedge-side gipsy's." The words throw light on what he says in
this book : ^ " Ail differences of Church put aside, the words ' except ye
eat the flesh of the Son of Man and drink His blood ye have no
life in you' remain in their mystery, to be understood only by those
who have learned the sacredness of food, in all times and places,
and the laws of life and spirit, dependent on its acceptance, refusal,
and distribution." On its acceptance, in the spirit of Longfellow's
lines : ^ —
^'A holy family, that makes
Each meal a Supper of the Lord ; "
on its refusal, in a double sense — Ruskin's meaning being, on the one
side, that he who refuses " the good gifts of God " shuts himself off
from an intended use, and, on the other side, that all immoderate
indulgence must be refused both as harmful to the individual and
1 Vol. XXIII. p. xlvi.
2 Vol. XXXIV.
Vol. XXIX. p. 92.
* In Arrows of the Chace, Vol. XXXIV. (No. 142 of the letters in Ruskiniana).
^ See p. 154.
^ The Golden Legend.
Ixii INTRODUCTION
as wrongful to others ; and thus," lastly, on its distribution, in the
spirit of LowelPs lines : ^ —
"The Holy Supper is kept, indeed,
In whatso we share with another's need."
Here are two aspects of Ruskin's religion, and their point of contact
with his social and economic teaching. " All true Christianity," he says j
in his ninth Letter on the Lord's Prayer, "is known, as its Master
was, in breaking of bread, and all false Christianity in stealing it. Let
the clergyman only apply — with impartial and level sweep — to his ,
congregation the great pastoral order: 'The man that will not work, |
neither should he eat': and be resolute in requiring each member |
of his flock to tell him what — day by day — they do to earn their !
dinners; — and he will find an entirely new view of life and its
sacraments open upon him and them.''^ He believed intensely that
"every good gift and perfect gift is from above," ^ and he had
little sympathy with the ascetic ideal, which would renounce them. {
But he believed no less intensely, with his " dear friend and teacher," *
Lowell, that faith without works was dead. If his communion was i
thus broad, so also was his creed. He believed in the universality of j
inspiration; he attributed it to "the whole body of believers, in so I
far as they are partakers of the Grace of Christ, the Love of God, I
and the Fellowship of the Holy Ghost" (p. 115). He believed also
in what theologians call, I think, "continuous" or "developing" in-
spiration ; his desire was that his writings should " be found by an
attentive reader to bind themselves together into a general system of
interpretation of sacred literature, — both classic and Christian, which
will enable him without injustice to sympathise in the faiths of candid
and generous souls, of every age and every clime" (p. 119). He states
no precise dogmas, but in the beautiful passage which closes The Bible
of Amiens he defines what was to him the substance of religion, and 1
throughout its pages, and those of his other later works, he insists on
the revelation of the Divine Spirit as the fact which gives the clue to
history, meaning to life, and hope for the future.
The illustrations to The Bible of Amiens are in this edition very
numerous. They fall into three categories. Firsts the Plates which
Ruskin included in the book. The frontispiece to the volume is that
' The Vision of Sir Laun/al, ii. 8.
2 Vol. XXXIV.
3 James i. 17. See Vol. XIX. p. 82, Vol. XXII. p. 435.
* Vol. VII. p. 451.
INTRODUCTION
Ixiii
which he used as frontispiece to the book. It is perhaps not without
significance, in connexion with foregoing remarks, that he chose as
frontispiece to the first volume in a series of sketches of Christian
History a picture — Cimabue's — of the Madonna. "After the most
careful examination," he writes elsewhere,^ "neither as adversary nor as
friend, of the influences of Catholicism for good and evil, I am per-
suaded that the worship of the Madonna has been one of its noblest
and most vital graces. . . . There has probably not been an innocent
cottage home throughout the length and breadth of Europe during
the period of vital Christianity, in which the imagined presence of the
Madonna has not given sanctity to the humblest duties, and comfort to
the sorest trials of the lives of women." The engraving from Ruskin's
study of Cimabue*'s Madonna was given, further, in illustration of
his discussion of successive types (see p. 165). Another engraving
(Plate II.) was from a drawing of Amiens Cathedral seen from the
river, which Ruskin made in 1880. His drawing of the northernmost of
the three Western Porches (Plate XI.) is of special interest, as having
been made in 1856, before the restoration of the facade. A comparison
of it with the photogravure of the restored fac^^ade (Plate X.) will show
how ruthless was the process of reducing the front to complete regu-
larity. In previous editions of the book, Ruskin's drawing has been
represented by Mr. Allen'^s engraving of it. The steel-plate was found,
however, to be too much worn to give a satisfactory result ; and a
photogravure direct from the drawing (at Oxford^) has been sub-
stituted. The other Plates included in the earlier editions were the
Historical Maps of "The Dynasties of France" (VI.) and the Plan
of the Western Porches (XII.).
Secondly^ this edition includes 23 Plates, containing the photographs
which Ruskin had taken, and which he placed on sale, to illustrate
the book. There were in all twenty-six of these, as shown in his Ap-
pendix II. (below, p. 178). The first (not there included in the num-
bered series) was of four scenes from the Life of St. Firmin (Plate IV.).
Then came the twenty-one numbered photographs of details of the
sculpture on the West Front. Of these, Nos. 1-3 are now given
together (Plate XIII.). Nos. 4i-21 were of the quatrefoils; these are
reproduced on Plates XIV. to XXXI. No. 22 was a general view of
the Western Porches (Plate X.). No. 23 was of "The Porch of St.
Honore": this has been given in The Two Paths, where the porch is
^ Fors Clavigera, Letter 41 (1874) : Vol. XXVIII. p. 82.
2 Educational Series, No. 51. Ruskin's note upon the old front, now "replaced
by a modern design/' should be consulted: Vol. XXI. p. 121.
Ixiv
INTRODUCTION
described.^ No. 24 — a view of "The South Transept and Fleche'' — is
on Plate VIII.; and No. 25— General View of the Cathedral from
the other bank of the Somme"— is on Plate III. In order that
the reader may readily be able to find any particular quatrefoil,
references to the Plates in the present volume have been added to
Ruskin's Index Lists (pp. 179-185).
Thirdly, three other illustrations have been added. One is a steel-
engraving (Plate V.) which Ruskin had executed from drawings made
for him in 1880 by Mr. Frank Randal, and which he entitled "The
Two Dogs"; the dogs occur in the series of sculptures of the Life
of St. Firmin (see below, p. 30 n.). Another additional Plate (VII.)
is from a photograph of part of the choir stalls ; while the third (IX.)
is a steel-engraving which was made for Ruskin of the Madonna over
the South Door.
The text of the book is unchanged in this edition, except that a
few revisions, noted by Ruskin in his own copies of the book,^ have
been made, and that some misprints — occasionally rather disconcerting
to the sense ^ — have been corrected. Particulars on this matter are
given in the Bibliographical Note.
The manuscript of the greater part of The Bible of Amiens is pre-
served at Brantwood. This MS. includes of The Bible of Amiens^ the
Preface; Ch. i. §§ 1-33; of Chapter ii., a first draft of §§ 8-36, and a
fair copy of §§ 8-28 : this shows many variations from the printed
text, portions of the fair copy having ultimately been transferred to
§ 10 of Ch. iii. and to §§ 20, 22, 23 of Candida Casa ; of Ch. iv.
§§ 1-33, notes for §§ 34-47, and then §§ 48 to the end. Of Ch. iii.
(originally entitled by Ruskin "Monte Cassino") there are only some
rough notes. A few additional passages from the MS. are now given
as footnotes (see pp. 96, 108, 146); and a page of it is reproduced in
facsimile (p. 122).
''VALLE CRUCIS"
The Bible of Amiens was, as we have seen, the first Part in a pro-
jected series of Studies in Christian History and Architecture. Ruskin's
scheme for the series, printed in this volume (p. 186), is very attractive,
and of his many Unwritten Books this is perhaps the most to be
1 Plate XVI. in Vol. XVI. (p. 356).
a A copy of chapter ii. slightly revised by the author is in the Ruskin Museum
at Coniston.
' See pp. 35, Q6 nn.
INTRODUCTION
Ixv
regretted. In successive volumes he was to deal with (2) Verona, (S)
Rome, (4) Pisa, (5) Florence, (6) the Monastic Architecture of England
and Wales, (7) Chartres, (8) Rouen, (9) Lucerne, and (10) Geneva.
The titles selected for the volumes give tantalising foretaste of the
glamour of historical and poetical association which Ruskin threw over
his subjects — the "Ponte della Pietra,'' for Verona, the bridge which
had carried the march alike of Roman armies and of Theodoric the
Goth ; " Ara Coeli," for Rome, a church full of associations in Ruskin's
mind, as we shall see; " Ponte-a-Mare," for Pisa, the bridge built in
the fourteenth century, " never more to be seen by living eyes " ; ^ the
"Ponte Vecchio," for Florence; "Valle Crucis,"" for the monasteries of
England and Wales; "the Springs of Eure,"" for Chartres and its
cathedral — the church which he most admired ; for Rouen, " Domremy,"
in whose forests the Maid of Orleans learnt her woodnotes wild ; ^ for
the pastoral forms of Catholicism, "The Bay of Uri,"' so beautiful in
Turner'^s drawings and Ruskin's description ; ^ and for the pastoral Pro-
testantism of Savoy, "The Bells of Cluse" — the bells from the towers
of Maglans, whose harmonious chime once " filled the whole valley with
sweet sound," ^ " the sound of church bells, that peculiar creation of
mediaeval age, which falls upon the ear like the echo of a vanished
world." 5 The list of titles is as of the chapters in Ruskin's life and
studies which comprise his deepest associations and fondest thoughts.
The books were, too, to have been largely illustrated. He had by him
many drawings of his own which would have found place in the series,
and his Museum at Sheffield is rich in records which St. George's
artists had made under his directions.^ He mentions, in an essay of
1887, that his assistant Arthur Burgess had been "employed at Rouen
in directing the photography for which I had obtained permission to
erect scaffolding before the north gate of the west front";^ and he
"hoped with his help to carry out the design of Our Fathers have
j Told Us.''''^ He hoped, too, to issue coloured outlines of painted
glass windows.^ But these plans, of which the realisation might have
occupied many years of his fullest working life, were destined, in the
1 Val d'Amo, § 282 (Vol. XXIII. p. 165).
2 See Fors Clavigera, Letter 8 (Vol. XXVII. p. 138), and compare Sesame and
Lilies, § 82 (Vol. XVIII. p. 133).
3 See Modern Painters, vol. v. (Vol. VII. p. 144).
^ See Deucalion, i. ch. v. ("The Valley of Cluse") : Vol. XXVI. p. 151.
» Fronde's History of England, ch. i.
« See Vol. XXX.
' See Plate IX. in Vol. XXX. (p. 189).
« Vol. XIV pp. 355-356.
' See (in a later volume of this edition) a letter of December 4, 1881, to the
Rev. J. P. Faunthorpe.
xxxTii. e
Ixvi
INTRODUCTION
actual circumstances of his broken health and scattered energies, to
remain only a beautiful dream.^
Some little contribution towards its realisation Ruskin did, how-
ever, succeed in making, and it is this which forms the Second Part
in the present volume.
First are some pages for Ara Coeli, the intended Third Part of Our
Fathers have Told Us. The pages were to have come in the second
chapter of the book, which chapter Ruskin had hoped to have ready
for publication in 1884.^ The pressure of his Oxford work in that
year, and illness in the year succeeding, prevented this purpose. The
chapter, so far as Ruskin had prepared it for press, is now printed
for the first time (pp. 192-202); I have prefixed some introductory
remarks (p. 191) to explain the place and significance of Ara Cceli in
Ruskin's scheme.
The next chapters were intended for Valle Crucis, the Sixth Part
of Our Fathers, which was to have dealt with the monastic architec-
ture of England and Wales. The first chapter (pp. 205-226) is an
introduction to a sketch of early Christianity, especially monastic
Christianity, in Britain. It is entitled from " Candida Casa," the
White House being the ancient name of Whithorn or Whitherne
Abbey on the Solway, the famous foundation of St. Ninian in the
fourth century, as Bede relates. The place had a personal interest for
Ruskin as the home of one branch of his family. A female ancestor
was a cousin of Sir Andrew Agnew, the last hereditary sheriff" of
Wigtownshire. Her grandson had been minister of Whithorn. In a
later generation, Mr. George Agnew, father of Mrs. Arthur Severn,
was hereditary sheriff'-clerk of Wigtown. Ruskin, as we have seen
(p. xlviii.), was at Whithorn in October 1883, and in the number of
Fors written at the time he recorded some impressions of his visit.^
He had some of the pages of Caml'ida Casa set up in type, pro-
bably at about the same time, and he was at work upon them, as
his diary shows, in April 1886, but he never completed the chapter,
though his notes for it exist. The pages were published in 1894
as a chapter in Verona and other Lectures,^ and the editor of that
volume (Mr. Collingwood) constructed from Ruskin's notes the miss-
ing conclusion of the chapter; and it is here appended (p. 202) to
Ruskin's text.
1 Among the MSS. at Brantwood are some sheets on which he had begun to make
notes from Gibbon and other sources under the several titles of his projected books.
2 As he states in Roadside Songs: see Vol. XXXII p. 119 n
3 Letter 92 (Vol. XXIX. pp. 450-451).
* See the Bibliographical Note in Vol. XIX. p. 427.
INTRODUCTION
Ixvii
In the second chapter of Voile Crucis, Ruskin intended to recom-
mence with the history of the Anglo-Saxon Church, but for this
chapter there are no materials in completed form.
The third or fourth chapter ^ would have been the lecture on " Cis-
tercian Architecture,'' already referred to (p. xlv.). A summary of
this (by Mr. Wedderburn) had appeared, under that title, in the Art
Journal of February 1883. Subsequently Ruskin set up in type the
full text, and the lecture was referred to in Letter 93 (Christmas
1883) of Fors as " forthcoming.'"' ^ It was not, however, published till
1894, when it appeared as Chapter v. in Verona and other Lectures.
under a new title, "Mending the Sieve," with reference to the
miracle of St. Benedict's ministry mentioned in § 11 (p. 236). It is
this latter text — the text of the lecture as written — which is here
given (pp. 227-249); but several passages from the report of the
lecture as reported, and some others from the MS., are appended in
footnotes (pp. 227 , 228, 231, 233, 235, 242, 245, 246, 249).
The Plate (XXXII.) included in this Part of the present volume
gives a Plan of the Abbey of St. Gall, adapted by Ruskin from
Viollet-le-Duc's Dictionary of Architecture ; it may stand for the
general plan of a Benedictine abbey of any place or time" (p. 241).
The jnanuscript of Ara Coeli is at Brant wood, now bound up in a
volume containing other material for Our Fathers have Told Us; that
of Candida Casa and Mending the Sieve is bound up separately in a
volume (also at Brantwood) lettered Valle Cruets. Among the MSS.
are an index to leading topics in Gibbon, which Ruskin made for his
own use ; tables of dates which he put together from other sources ;
notes on early British and French history, collected from various
books; extracts from Palgrave's Arabia; and many other memoranda
of a like kind.
''THE ART OF ENGLAND"
The lectures with which Ruskin inaugurated his second tenure of
the Slade Professorship at Oxford were written under promise, as it
were, of good behaviour. He struck this note in the first of them,
^ So the notes suggest ; but in the passage of Fors cited below Ruskin refers to
the lecture on Cistercian Architecture as ^'^the second forthcoming number of
Valle Crucis." His order of publication of Parts did not, however, always correspond
with the ultimate arrangement.
2 See Vol. XXIX. p. 475.
Ixviii INTRODUCTION
when he proceeded to relieve the minds of his audience from "un-
happily too well-grounded panic,'' and to assure them that he had "no
intention of making his art lectures any more one-half sermons " (p. 279).
His message in that sort had, he felt, been delivered ; " nor," he added,
" have I any more either strength or passion to spare in matters
capable of dispute." This self-denying ordinance was not, as we have
already seen, kept in force for very long, but it governed the scope
and tenour of the lectures which he delivered upon phases of English
art in the nineteenth century. Eight years before, he had had the idea
of writing "an entirely good-humoured sketch" of modern English
painting; but the Academy Notes of 1875 hardly answered to this
description ; the object was more nearly attained, as has been remarked
in an earlier volume,^ in the present course of lectures.
Among his objects was to give " some permanently rational balance
between the rhapsodies of praise and blame" which had been printed
in connexion with the exhibition of Rossetti's works at the Royal
Academy in the winter of 1883, and the tone which he adopted was
throughout "advisedly courteous" (§ 192). Always urbane in private
intercourse, Ruskin knew well — no writer perhaps better — how to be
the same — when he chose — on paper; and these lectures are a prin-
cipal example of his more polite and courtly style. Their felicity in
praise, their adroitness — sometimes in selection, sometimes in reserve —
their delicate touch — now of flattery, and now in censure — must, I
think, strike every reader. To the friends, and to the friends of the
friends, whose work Ruskin had occasion to notice, the lectures gave
the liveliest pleasure. Mr. Holman Hunt wrote to Ruskin expressing
in the most generous terms the help which he had derived from the
praises of his friend. The lecture on Mr. Hunt's "Triumph of the
Innocents " gave fresh confidence to the artist's patrons, and encouraged
the artist himself to persevere with the completion both of the original
design and of the second version painted from it.^ Upon the work of
Burne- Jones Ruskin did not, as we have seen (p. xlvi.), say within the
necessary limits of time all that he had hoped ; but the appreciation, as
it stood, even in a compressed report in the Pall Mall Gazette, greatly
pleased the artist's friends. " A spirit moves me," wrote Mr. Swinburne
to his friend in the "palace of painting," ^ "to write a line to you, not
of congratulation (which would be indeed an absurd impertinence), on
the admirable words which I have just read in this evening's paper's
^ Vol. XIV. pp. xxix.-xxx.
2 See below, p. 277 n.
^ See the Dedication " in Poems and Ballads.
INTRODUCTION
Ixix
report of Ruskin'? second Oxford lecture, but to tell you how glad
I was to read them. If I may venture to say as much without pre-
sumption, I never did till now read anything in praise of your work
that seemed to me really and perfectly apt and adequate. I do envy
Ruskin the authority and the eloquence which give such weight and
effect to his praise. It is just what I 'see in a glass darkly ' that he
brings out and lights up with the very best words possible; while we
others (who cannot draw), like Shakespeare, have eyes for wonder but
lack tongues to praise."^
Miss Kate Greenaway's delight in Ruskin's appreciation will be the
more fully understood when the story of her friendship with him is told
in a later volume. His appreciation of her work ,2 it may be remarked,
was prior to the personal friendship, which in its turn was largely
directed on his side to criticism and stimulus, as often hortatory and
reproachful as complimentary. With Leighton'^s art, or rather with
the directions in which for the most part he employed it, Ruskin had
no special sympathy ; the critic's tact, in only hinting disagreement and
in selecting points for pleasant notice, must have appealed to one
who was himself a master in these graceful arts — though, to be sure,
Leighton was wont to paint in such matters with a fuller brush. To
Ruskin's praise of his friend. Miss Alexander, sufficient notice has been
called in the preceding volume.
Of the manuscript of The Art of England^ several sheets are pre-
served at Brantwood. These contain of Lecture III., §§ 61-67 ; of
Lecture V., §§ 124-131, 132-139, 144-147, 150-154; of Lecture VL,
the latter part of § 157 and §§ 158 to nearly the end of 169; and of
the Appendix, § 193 to the middle of § 204. A comparison of the
MS. with the printed text shows much minor revision. A page of the
MS. of Lecture III. is given in facsimile (p. 308).
The Plates illustrating The Art of England are for the first time
introduced in this edition. The first (XXXIII.) is a photogravure of
Holman Hunt's Triumph of the Innocents.'' There are two prin-
cipal pictures by the artist of this subject; that here reproduced is
the completion of the one which was seen and described by Ruskin.
The second (XXXIV.) is a photogravure of a drawing by Rossetti,
described in the text, which was in Ruskin's collection.
1 Memorials of Edward Bume-Jones, vol. ii. p. 132.
' They had met shortly before the lecture ; but in the lecture Ruskin was only
formulating opinions previously formed.
Ixx
INTRODUCTION
The lecture on Burne-Jones is illustrated by a photogravure
(XXXV.) of a pencil-study by the artist, in the Ruskin Drawing
School at Oxford, for one of the Days of Creation— a series of designs
referred to in the lecture (pp. 298, 303). Leighton is represented by
a photogravure (XXXVIII.) of his pencil drawing of a Lemon Tree,
which, as Ruskin mentions in the lecture, was for a while lent to him
for exhibition at Oxford; it is here included through the kindness
of Mr. S. Pepys Cockerell. The steel-plate (XXXIX.), "In Fairy
Land,'' is a collection of figures by Miss Kate Greenaway, which were
engraved for Ruskin by Mr. RofFe ; they would have been used in
Fors Clavigera had the Letters been carried further. Of the other
two Plates, one (XXXVI.) is a facsimile of the beautiful design by
Richter, described in the text (p. 300); the other (XXXVIL) is a
photogravure from the copy (at Oxford) by Mr. Fairfax Murray of
one of Botticelli's frescoes now in the Louvre. The copy is of par-
ticular interest as showing the fresco before the "restoration" to
which it has now been subjected (pp. 313-314).
"THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND"
The last book contained in this volume is unfortunately a frag-
ment; the conditions and circumstances which caused The Pleasures of
England to be interrupted have already been detailed. There are those
who have regretted, with some bitterness, that "some of Ruskin's force
which might have been spent in masterly analysis of mediaeval aims
and aspirations," was diverted by the interference of friends to " cour-
teous tone of comment on contemporary work."^ This is as it may be;
but it is certainly much to be regretted that Ruskin never adequately
fulfilled the scheme of these later lectures. Their intention was to
tell in broad outline the history of the making of Christian England,
and the theme was to be illustrated at each stage by reference to the
arts of successive epochs, as reflecting and satisfying the popular in-
stincts; hence, as Ruskin explains (§ 8), the title — The Pleasures of
^ See an admirable appreciation of the book in the Architectural Review of
December 1898. The superb manner," says the writer (" H. R. "), " in which
the 1000 years are told, leaves one full of ungrateful but irresistible regrets that this
is all we shall ever get now from his pen. I close the book — and the story of the
battle of Civitella in the cadence of his utterance, wise, wilful, and tender, floats
round my ears an aureole of memory. . . . His political economy — his biographies
are his alone. The bits of history inlaid in his writings — in Fors Clavigera especially
— can never be continued, will never be repeated. Ruskin stands with the poets."
INTRODUCTION
Ixxi
England. The execution of this scheme, even as far as it was carried,
s somewhat fragmentary, and the illustrative references to the arts of
:he time are less abundant than a reader could wish. It should be
-emembered, however, that at the actual lectures many photographs,
Irawings, and illuminated manuscripts were shown — now irrecoverable
for purposes of reproduction.^ A needful caution was interposed by
Ruskin in an aside at one of the lectures: "rough generalizations of
^our centuries in so many minutes must not be understood without
exceptions or taken au pied de la lettre.'''^ The lectures, as revised by
Ruskin for publication, are, however, full of suggestive insight into
the heart, hopes, and fears of bygone times. They found a very
sympathetic reader in Cardinal Manning, who told Ruskin that he
had "read the four lectures with pleasure and delight."*' Ruskin's
Dwn verdict upon the lectures, when in course of preparation, was
delivered to Professor Norton : " I'm pretty well forward with them, —
but they're not up to my best work."^
The lectures as delivered differed a good deal from the finally
printed text. Of the original lectures, it was my duty (without
Ruskin's assistance, however) to prepare " digested plans," as he called
them,* for the Pall Mall Gazette. Where these reports contain sub-
stantial variations from the lectures as published, footnotes are given
to Ruskin's text (see, e.g., pp. 462, 478, 481, 503). The report of the
fifth lecture, which Ruskin did not include in the book, is added,
with further passages from the MS. (pp. 505-510). He meant to
^ See, for instance, Ruskin's own note at p. 476.
2 From the report of the third lecture, Studies in Ruskin, p. 236.
^ See in a later volume the letter of October 7, 1884.
* See his letter in the Bibliographical Note, p. 414. Some of the reports in the
papers may well have caused confusion in the mind of readers. Tlius Ruskin's
reference to " Sir Herbert Edwardes/' in connexion with British rule in India (§ 80),
appeared in one report as ''^ Prince Albert Edward." At other times, sarcastic com-
ments were founded in the newspapers on mere failure to catch Ruskin's references.
The Saturday Review, for instance, of October 25, 1884, made fun of Ruskin's '^^dark
saying" about three whale's cubs combined by boiling"; not remembering the
passage in Carlyle^ which the lecturer was quoting (see p. 426 n.). So, again, a
heavily-sarcastic article in the St. James's Gazette (November 17, 1884) was founded
on Ruskin's supposed selection of Goethe as a, representative Protestant." The
Gazette's reporter had put down "Goethe" where Ruskin said "Gotthelf." Wiser
people were sometimes equally at sea in their criticisms of Ruskin's lectures. Pro-
fessor Freeman wrote (Contemporary Review, February 1891, vol. 59, p. 196) : " Very
soon after I came back to Oxford in 1884, I heard one of Mr. Ruskin's last lectures
in the chair of Fine Art. He spoke of many things, amongst others the care which
the mother of Theodoric the East-Goth took of her son's clothes." Freeman had
got hold of the wrong end of the story, as the reader will see below (p. 434) ; and
Ruskin's point is one of which Gibbon also makes much, but perhaps his offence
was in saying "Ostrogoth" instead of "East-Goth."
INTRODUCTION
,mbli,h the lecture, and his material for it is now included (pp. 510-
WO) 'I'his is fratrmentary; consisting, apparently, of two alternative
iHMMnniiiL^ for tlie lecture, written either before the delivery of the
Hct^^ual lecture, or, at a later date, when he intended to pubhsh it.
'I'hi' puisaircs are, however, very characteristic of their author; espe-
cially ill his insistence upon the principle that in history, as in art,
things theni.selves should be studied, and not the corruptions of them
(p. 518). Uuskin makes the same point elsewhere in this volume
(pp. 24, 431). This is one of many instances in which (as already
indicated a!)ovc, p. lix.) the collocation in a single volume of closely
allied studies by the author will, it is believed, enhance their interest.
The vmmutcnpt of §§ 1-22 of the first lecture of The Pleasures of
Kri^'-land, and of § 33 of the second, is at Brantwood ; some passages
from it are added below the text (pp. 424, 425). There are also in the
possession of Mr. J. H. Whitehouse, of Toynbee Hall, printed proofs of
tlu' first three lectures; a note from this is now given (p. 439).
The illustration is a reproduction, by chromo-lithography, reduced
in scale, of a page in an Antiphonarie of 1290 (see p. 489).
FINAL OXFORD LECTURES
When the course upon The Pleasures of England was interrupted,
Ruskin, as has already been said (p. liv.), substituted three other
lectures. Reports of these are included in this volume — again from
the Pull Mall Gazette and Studies in Ruskin. For the preparation of
the report of the lecture on " Birds,"' Ruskin lent me his MS. notes ;
while that on "Landscape" was revised by him.
E. T. C.
I
"OUR FATHERS HAVE TOLD US"
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
(1880-1885)
XXXIII.
A
OUR FATHERS HAVE TOLD US"
SKETCHES OF
THE HISTORY OF CHRISTENDOM FOR BOYS
AND GIRLS
WHO HA VE BEEN HELD A T ITS FONTS,
BY
JOHN RUSKIN,
HONORARY STUDENT OF CHRIST CHURCH, HONORARY FELLOW OF CORPUS CHRISTI
COLLEGE, AND SLADE PROFESSOR OF FINE ART, OXFORD.
PART I.
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS.
GEORGE ALLEN,
SUNNYSIDE, ORPINGTON, KENT»
1884.
j
[Bibliographical Note. — The Bible of Amiens was intended to be, and is
described on the title-page as. Part I. of a series of sketches of Christian
Art and History, entitled Our Father's have Told Us; but no other Part
was issued by Ruskin, though some chapters intended for the work were
printed (see below, p. 190).
A lecture on " Amiens " was given by Ruskin at Eton College on
Saturday, November 6, 1880. The minute-book of the Eton Literary and
Scientific Society contains the following account of the lecture: —
'^On Saturday, November 6th, Professor Ruskin gave a most inte-
resting lecture on ' Amiens.' After premising that, the written lecture
not having arrived, he could hardly do justice to his subject (a pre-
diction which was by no means realized), the lecturer described first
the position held by Amiens in the Middle Ages, as the Venice of
France, and proceeded to draw out the contrast between the thir-
teenth and nineteenth centuries, which ' the intelligent traveller sees so
strongly marked nowadays in passing through the town in the shape of
fifty black smoking chimneys, and in the midst a tall fair minaret, that
does not smoke.' Then after dwelling for a little on the general
features of the Cathedral, the lecturer passed on to describe the statues
of the Apostles in the Central Porch of the West Front, each statue
with its representative virtue and opposite vice below it. A sketch
of the legend of St. Firmin, the patron saint of the place, next led to
a stirring description of true martyrs. And then followed a descrip-
tion of some of the eventful mediaeval history connected with the
Cathedral, and especially the arbitration of St. Louis between Henry III.
and his barons.^ In conclusion, Mr. Ruskin spoke of the coinage of
the earlier English kings and its various mottoes,^ exhibiting in illus-
tration a groat of Henry V. This coin he most kindly presented to
the Literary Society to form a nucleus for a collection of English coins.
He has also given to the School Library some beautiful photographs
and a book illustrative of the stalls and carving in Amiens Cathedral.
At the conclusion of the lecture the Head Master, who had kindly
consented to take the chair, proposed a vote of thanks to Mr. Ruskin,
which was carried by acclamation.
"H. B. Smith, Secretary"
This report is here reprinted from The Bookman, March 1900, pp. 175-176.
A shorter sketch of the lecture appeared in The Eton College Chronicle,
December 9, 1880.
The Bible of Amiens has been published :— (1) in five separate octavo
" Parts " ; (2) in a collected volume ; (3) in a smaller " Travellers' Edition "
(Chapter iv. only).
1 See below, p. 233.
2 See Vol. XXX. pp. 268-277.
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
ISSUE IN PARTS
Part I., comprising Chapter i. and Preface.
Fnst Editiou (December 21, 1880). -The title-page of this Part was
follows : —
"Our Fathers have Tokl Us." | Sketches of [ the History of Christendom
I for Hoys and Girls | who have been held at its fonts, j By i John
Hiiskin/l Honorary Student of Christ Church, and Honorary Fellow
of Corpus ! Christi College, Oxford. | Part I.— The Bible of Amiens. |
Chapter I.— By the Rivers of Waters. | George Allen, | Sunnyside,
Orpington; Kent. | 1880.
Octavo, pp. vii. + 40. Issued (as also the subsequent Parts) in buff-coloured
pper wrappers, with the title-page (enclosed in a plain double-ruled frame)
repeated upon the front cover; tlie Rose being added above the pub-
lisher's imprint. 2000 copies. Price Tenpence.
In January 1881 the following "Advice" was issued, printed on one
side of an octavo leaf : —
" It is intended to issue this book in the same form as the original
numbers of ^ Fors,' with an illustration of some kind to each number,
at the price of ' F'ors ' — viz., tenpence— with a French edition similarly
at a franc in France.
"The first number is, however, published without its illustration
(Plate I.), that it may be in time for Christmas ; two plates (map and
plan) will be given with the second number, and probably some of
the author's architectural studies as the work proceeds.
" In connection with its iss.ie, a series of illustrative photographs
will he prepared and sold by Mr. Ward. The author has already given
a commission at Amiens, for upwards of thirty plates, to be taken from
the bas-reliefs of the Cathedral front, forming a series like that which
lie has already taken and illustrated from the Tower of Giotto ; and
he trusts that his final efforts (made under much difficulty and dis-
couragement) to preserve some record of thirteenth-century sculpture
may be at least so far encouraged by the public as to admit of their
continuance without serious loss to himself. Profit in such under-
takings cannot be looked for ; nor, for special reason, does the author
intend, from this work— text, plate, or photograph— himself to re-
ceive any."
The proposed F^rench edition was never issued.
Second Edition (November 1883).— 2000 copies. There were no altera-
tiojis of the text in this edilion ; but the words "Second Edition" were
added on the title-page of the Part, and the date was altered to "1883."
Third Edition (June 1893).— 350 copies.
The sections (§§) of Chapter i. were not num.bered in any of the above
editions.
The next chapter issued (November 1881) was Chapter IV. in a separate
Travellers' Edition : see below, p. 11.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
Part II., comprising Chapter ii.
First Edition (December 1881). — The title-page was the same as that
of Part I., except for the altered words "Chapter II. — Under the
Drachenfels/' and the date '^1881."
Octavo, pp. 41-88. 2000 copies. Price Tenpence. The sections of this
chapter were numbered.
With this Part the following circular was issued, printed on both sides of
an octavo leaf : —
"•OUR FATHERS HAVE TOLD US'
ADVICE
The three chapters'- of 'Our Fathers have Told Us,' now sub-
mitted to the public, are enough to show ... [as now printed in
Appendix III., p. 186] . . . united illustration of the power of the
Church in the Thirteenth Century.
The next chapter, which I hope to issue soon after Christmas,
completes the first part, descriptive of . . . [again as now printed on
p. 186] . . . preparatory chapters.
One illustration at least will be given with each chapter,"^ . . .
[again as on p. 187] . . . subscribers only.
Published by George Allen, Sunnyside, Orpington, Kent : price
Tenpence per chapter.
Carriage Paid to any place in the United Kingdom. Each Book-
seller, Mr. Ruskin expects, will add such commission for his own profit
as he may deem necessary.
Post Office Orders payable to George Allen at Chief Office, London.
Cheques crossed London and County Bank.
Publisher's Notice, — To save the inconvenience of small remittances, and
ensure the delivery of each chapter as it appears, Mr. Allen will be glad to re-
ceive subscriptions in advance for at least one part (comprising four chapters).
Should the work not be proceeded with, all balances of subscriptions will be
returned.
Christmas 1881."
The notice was reprinted in March 1882, when the following note was
added at the words " given with each chapter " : —
* The first Plate for The Bible of Amiens, curiously enough, failed in the en-
graving ; and I shall probably have to etch it myself. It will be issued with the
fourth, in the full-size edition of the fourth chapter.
Second Edition (May 1885). — 2000 copies. There were no alterations
in the text.
With this Part was issued as frontispiece Northern Porch before
Restoration" (here Plate XL).
1 Viz., Chapters I. and II., and the separate Travellers' Edition of Chapter IV.
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
I'.irt III., coinprisin-r Chapter iii.
>1rW Midon (September 1«82).-The title-page differed only in the
wordi "Chapter III.— The Lion Tamer/' and the date ^^1882."
OcUvo, pp. «!)-l.%. 2000 copies.
Seomd Edition (August lB8o).-2000 copies. A few small alterations
were made in the text ; these are noted below (p. 16).
^\'ith tliis I'art was issued as frontispiece ''Amiens: Jour des Tre-
pnf^s^-s" (here IMate II.).
Part 1\'., comprising Chapter iv.
I'irst Edition^ (October 1888).— The title-page, after the author's name,
j)r( H eeded : —
Honorary Student of Christ Church, Honorary Fellow of Corpus Christi
I College, and Slade Professor of Fine Art, Oxford. | Part I.— The
Bible of Amiens. | Chapter IV.— Interpretations. | George Allen, Sunny-
side, Orpington, Kent. | 1883.
OcUvo, pp. 137-216 (last page hlank). 3000 copies.
'Hie text of the chapter was revised for this issue (see below, pp. 16, 17).
With this Part was issued the following Publisher's Note" : —
"Subscribers to 'Our Fathers have Told Us' are requested to note that the
present portion of the work ('The Bible of Amiens') will be shortly completed
by the publication of a final number containing the author's epilogue, further
engravings, appendices explanatory of the photographs and other matters referred
to in the body of the work, and a full index to the entire volume. The price
of this appendix will be Is. 8d., remittance for which should be sent in advance
to Mr. Allen; the cost of the whole volume thus amounting to 5s., or in plain
cloth, ()s.
"SuNNYsiDE, Orpington, Kent.
"Post Office Orders payable to George Allen, at Chief Office, London.
Cheques crossed London and County Bank. Stamps not accepted for sums over
Fire Shillings."
The promised "author's epilogue" was never written,
.^fonrf Edition (June 1893).— 350 copies.
in May 1884 an octavo fly-sheet was issued, headed, " 'Our Fathers have
Told Us.' Advice." This was a revision of the similar Advice issued with
Part II. (see above, p. 7). It is identical with the text of Appendix III.
(here pp. 180, 187), except that for "The first part of ' Our Fathers . . ."'
it reads, " The four chapters of ' Our Fathers ..."'; it does not contain
the words " contrary to my usual custom " before " I now invite subscrip-
tion " ; nor, after those words, the passage " because . . . supporters."
Instead of "The present volume completes," it reads, "The Appendix,
whu h will be issued shortly, completes." And finally, instead of the two
fnrm'^i'/*lH«; ^/"^ ""^^^f^^^ the octavo form. The chapter had been issued in another
form in 1881 {see p. 11).
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
9
last sentences as they now stand in Appendix III., it reads, " One illustra-
tion will be given with each chapter," adding as a footnote, " The first plate
for ^The Bible of Amiens' will be issued with Appendix."
Part v., prepared for Ruskin by Mr. Wedderburu, comprising the
Appendices, Index, and Preliminary Matter.
First Edition (June 1885). — On the cover was : —
" Our Fathers have Told Us." | Sketches of | The History of Christendom
I For boys and girls | who have been held at its fonts. | By ] John
Ruskin, | Honorary Student of Christ Church, Honorary Fellow of
Corpus Christi | College, and Slade Professor of Fine Art, Oxford. |
Part I. The Bible of Amiens. | Appendix. | [Rose.'] \ George Allen, |
Sunnyside, Orpington, Kent. | 1885.
There was no separate title-page. Octavo, pp. i.-viii., 219-263. For col-
lation of pp. i.-viii., see below. On p. 217^ list of Appendices " ;
p. 218, blank ; Appendix I., pp. 219, 220 ; Appendix II., pp. 221-230 ;
Appendix III., pp. 231, 232; p. 233, "Index"; p. 234, blank; Index
(by Mr. Wedderburn), pp. 235-263.
3000 copies. Price Is. 8d.
With this Part were issued a frontispiece, St. Mary. By Cimabue, at
Assisi" (now Frontispiece to this volume); Plate I., "The Dynasties of
France" (here Plate VI.) — a leaf was inserted after Plate I. containing a
"Notice" with reference to the subjects represented on it (see now,
p. 33 w.); and "Plan of West Porches," which was a double-page Plate
(unnumbered), folded (here Plate XII.).
There was a confusing misprint in Appendix II., List ii., photograph
"18" being misprinted "13." This misprint has been repeated in all the
small editions.
IN VOLUME FORM
The Bible of Amiens^ being thus completed, was now issued in volume
form, bearing the date "1884," though not issued till the next year. The
title-page is as here given on p. 3.
Octavo, pp. xiv. + 263. The collation of pp. 1-263 has been already
given. Half-title (with blank reverse), unnumbered ; Title-page (with imprint
at foot of the reverse, repeated at the foot of p. 263— "Printed by
Hazell, W^atson, & Viney, Limited, London and Aylesbury), pp. i., ii. ;
Corrigenda (with blank reverse), unnumbered (see p. 10); Contents (with
blank reverse), unnumbered; Preface (here, pp. 21-24), pp. iii.-vii. ; p. viii.
is blank. The headlines are, on the left-hand pages, "The Bible of Amiens,"
except that in the cases of the Notes to Chapter i.. Appendices and Index,
the headlines are "Notes," "Appendices," "Index" on both left-hand
and right-hand pages ; on the right-hand pages, the title of the chapter
occupying them.
Issued in June 1885 in cloth boards (red, brown, or green), lettered
across the back, " Ruskin | ' Our Fathers | have Told Us ' j I 1 The Bible
! of Amiens." Issued also in mottled-grey paper boards, with white paper
label on the back. Price 6s.
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
The lij^t of CorriKenda was as follows; references to the sections and
liupj* in the present edition being now added at the end of each entry :—
Fairo 8 lines 8 and 9. for "our first photograph (see prefatory references)," rea^
^ our first ch(;ir photograph " i (iVT.^.-This series is not yet arranged, but
is diHtinct from that referred to in Chapter iv. See Appendix II.).— § 7,
lino 18. o -lo 1- o
1«» line 12, ior ii voung person, read young persons.— ^ lb, line 8.
*>-)' lino V, far wlio accusing him, read on whose accusation of.— ^ 24, line 18.
" 34* Tlio plan for numbered and lettered references is not followed after the
" * ' first chapter.— This was added as a note in small ed. ; see now, p. 48 n.
44, lines 8 and l», for armies reverberated, read armies, reverberate.— Ch. ii.
§ 4, last line.
48. lino 8, for nomade, read nomad.— Ch. ii. § 10, line 5.
''. r)8, line 18,' /or Eisenbach, read Eisenach.— Ch. ii. § 24, hne 22.
:)8. lino 2(», for by, read beyond.— /6z<i., line 24.
" Gl, note, for Actuarii, read Attuarii.— Ch. ii. § 28, line 4 of note.
!] r.2. note, for brise, read bise.— 76irf., p. 68, line 2 of quotation m note.
\\ (\2, note, for coulous, read cowXom.— Ibid., line 8.
„ 7S, line 20, for Batoerans, read Batavians.— Ch. ii. § 45, line 3.
!! 8l/. lino 11, for burrow; read burrow,— Ch. iii. § 1, line 9.
180 line 21 for herself, read himself.— Ch. iv. § 41, 8 B, line 1.
VM\\ note, for No. 10, read No. 9.— Ch. iv. § 42, 16 B, line 2 of note.
„ 192. line l\ for (2 Kings), read (1 Kings).— Ch. iv. § 43, 20 A.
„ 195. lino 3, for Two more are, read Another is,— Ch. iv. § 43, 24 B.
SMALL EDITION (1897)2
The Bible of Amiens was next issued in a smaller form^ uniform with
the " Small Edition " of Ruskin's other books. It was called (not quite
correctly) Third " Edition. The title-page is : —
" Our Fathers have | Told Us " ] Sketches of the History of Christen-
dom I for Boys and Girls who have been | held at its Fonts | By | John
Raskin, LL.D., D.C.L. | Honorary Student of Christ Church, Oxford;
and 1 Honorary Fellow of Corpus Christi | College, Oxford | The Bible
of Amiens ] Third Edition | George Allen, Sunnyside, Orpington | and |
156, Charing Cross Road, London | 1897 | \^All rights reserved^
Crown 8vo, pp. xvi. + 310. Half-title (with blank reverse), pp. i., ii. ;
Title-page (with imprint at the foot of the reverse — Printed by Ballantyne,
Hanson & Co. | At the Ballantyne Press"), pp. iii., iv. On p. v. (blank
reverse) is the following : —
EDITOR'S NOTE TO THE 1897 EDITION
In this edition. Chapter I. has, for convenience of reference in the Index, been
divided into numbered sections, and the references are throughout to the section
of each chapter, and not to the page. Otherwise the text is unaltered, save for
the correction of misprints in earlier editions, and one or two notes (marked
Ed. 1897) added by the compiler of Appendix I., the two lists in Appendix II.,
and the Index.
Preface, pp. vii.-xi. (blank reverse) ; Contents, pp. xiii.-xiv. ; List of
Illustrations, p. xv. (blank reverse). Text, pp. 1-256.^ On p. 257 is the
" Plan of \V^est Porches," reduced in scale from the octavo edition. On
p. 259 is fly-title for Appendices. Appendix L, pp. 261-262 ; Appendix II.,
I Tho correction here itself has been corrected ; for it was misprinted in the list,
tf n^u (""long other typographical errors) "our first choice photographs."
till 1898''"^ title-page bears the date "1897." the book was not in fact issued
Curiously, there are no pages 49 or 50.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
pp. 263-274 ; Appendix III., pp. 275-277 ; Index, pp. 279-310. The imprint
is repeated at the foot of the last page.
Issued on June 9, 1898, in green cloth boards, lettered on the back,
"Ruskin | *Our Fathers | have Told Us' j The Bible | of Amiens." 2000
copies. Price 5s.
A curious error crept into the Small Edition of 1897. In Appendix I.,
the references had in the octavo editions been to pages. TYiQy were now
altered to sections (§§) ; but whereas in the text the sections of the chapters
were not numbered continuously, but separately for each chapter, some of
the references in this Appendix were given as if the continuous plan had
been adopted. This error has continued until the present edition.
Reprinted in November 1902, without alteration except of the date on
the title-page and of the addition of the words Seventh Thousand." This
edition is still current. The price was reduced in January 1904 to 4s.,
and in July 1907 to 3s. 6d.
POCKET EDITION
From the electrotype plates of the Small Edition, a Pocket Edition
was issued in 1907, uniform with other volumes in the same edition (see
Vol. XV. p. 6). The title-page is :—
"Our Fathers have Told Us" | The Bible of Amiens | By j John
Ruskin | London : George Allen.
Foolscap 8vo, pp. xv. +310. On the reverse of the title-page, "June 1907
I Eleventh Thousand j All rights reserved." Price 2s. 6d. 4000 copies.
SEPARATE TRAVELLERS' EDITION OF CHAPTER IV. (1881)
This is, as already explained, the first edition of Chapter iv., which
was not issued uniformly with the other chapters until 1883. The title-
page is : —
"Our Fathers have Told Us." [ Part I. | The Bible of Amiens. |
Chapter IV. | Interpretations. | {Separate Travellers Edition, to serve
as Guide to the j Cathedral.) | By ) John Ruskin, LL.D., | Honorary
Student of Christ Church, Oxford, and Honorary j Fellow of Corpus
Christi College. | George Allen, | Sunnyside, Orpington, Kent. | 1881.
Crown 8vo, pp. iv. + 75. ("Our Fathers have Told Us.") Half-title with
blank reverse, pp. i., ii. ; Title-page (with imprint at the foot of the reverse,
repeated at the foot of p. 75— "Hazell, Watson, and Viney, Printers,
London and Aylesbury"), pp. iii., iv. ; text, pp. 1-75. The headline on
the left-hand pages is " The Bible of Amiens " ; on the right-hand pages,
" Interpretations."
Issued (in November 1881) in red leatherette covers (similar to those
of the original issues of Mornings in Florence and St, Mark's Rest) ; lettered,
in gold, on the front : " The Bible of Amiens. | No. 4. Interpretations, j
Separate Travellers' Edition. | By J. R. | 1881." The edges were cut and
gilt. 2000 copies. Price lOd.
Second Edition (November 1890). — 2000 copies.
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
Third Edition (lUDT).— This is a newly-set edition. The title-page is
"Our Fathers have | Told Us" | The Bible of Amiens | Chapter IV
I Iiiterprc'Utioiis | {Separate Travellers' Edition, to serve as \ Guide to
the Cathedral) \ Hy | John Ruskin, LL.D., D.C.L. | Honorary Student
of Christ Church, Oxford ; and | Honorary Fellow of Corpus Christi
I Colie^^e, Oxford | Tliird Edition | George Allen, Sunnyside, Orpington
I and I 15(5, Charing Cross Road, London | 1897 | [All rights reserved^
Crown Hvo, pp. iv. +08. Half-title ("The Bible of Amiens | Guide to
Cnthwlral "), with blank reverse, pp. i., ii. ; Title-page (with imprint at
K.ot of the reverse—" Printed by Ballantyne, Hanson & Co. | At the
Hallantyne Tress"), pp. iii., iv. ; text, pp. 1-93. On p. 94 is the "Plan of
W'cMt I^orches." On pp. 95-98, is the Advice, as described below (p. 14).
Imprint repeated at foot of p. 98.
I.^sued in 1897, in red leatherette, and lettered as before. 2000 copies.
ADVICE TO CFIAPTER IV
U'ith the Separate Travellers' Edition an "Advice" was issued.
First Edition (November 1881). — There was no title-page, but on p. 1
was the following drop-title : —
Part I. I The Bible of Amiens, \ Chap. IV. | Interpretations. | {Separate
Travellers' Edition, to serve as Guide to the \ Cathedral) \ Advice.
Crown 8vo, pp. 4. There are no headlines, pp. 2-4 being numbered
centrally.
The substance of this "Advice" was embodied in Appendix II. of the
complete work, but as there are many variations, the original Advice is
here reprinted : —
PART I.
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS.
Chap. IV.
INTERPRETATIONS.
{Separate Travellers^ Edition, to serve as Guide
to the Cathedral.)
ADVICE.
This fourth number of the Bible of Amiens is printed before the second and
third, (on which [ am earnestly occupied,) in a reduced size for the convenience
of travoller.s, who may wish to possess this number only as a guide to the Cathedral,
without bnngmg the whole work. It will, however, be printed uniformly with the
rest for the subscriljers to the complete series. The second number is finished
in MS., hut I hnd correction of press very irksome, and can only add a very little
of that work to the task of composition, besides that I am at last completing
the second volume of the small edition of the 'Stones of Venice.'
The quatrefoils on the foundation of the west front of Amiens Cathedral,
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
described in the course of this number, had never been engraved or photo-
graphed, in any form accessible to the public, until last year, when I com-
missioned M. Kaltenbacher {6, Passage du Commerce), who had photographed
them for M. Viollet-le-Duc, to obtain negatives of the entire series, with the
central pedestal of the Christ.
The proofs are entirely satisfactory to me, and extremely honourable to
M. Kaltenbacher's skill : and it is impossible to obtain any more instructive and
interesting, in exposition of the manner of central thirteenth-century sculpture.
I directed their setting so that the entire succession of the quatrefoils might
be included in eighteen plates : the front and two sides of the pedestal raise their
number to twenty-one : the whole costing in Amiens, at M. Goyer's, 2, Place
St. Denis, four napoleons, unmounted, and in London, sold by my agent Mr. Ward
(the negatives being my own property) for four pounds ; or separately, each five
francs at Amiens, and five shillings in London.
Besides these of ray own, I have chosen four general views of the cathedral
from M. Kaltenbacher's formerly- taken negatives, which, together with the first-
named series, (twenty-five altogether,) will form a complete body of illustrations
for this fourth number of the BiBLE OF Amiens ; costing in all a hundred francs
at Amiens, and five pounds forwarded free by post from Mr. Ward's (2, Church
Terrace, Richmond, Surrey).
The following list of the plates, with reference to the pages where they are
described, will enable any readers to choose what they like: but I have marked
with an asterisk those which are especially desirable.
1. (Central Porch) Virtues and Vices (pp. 44-5) : —
Courage, Patience, Gentillesse;
Fear, Anger, Rudeness.
2. (Central Porch) Virtues and Vices (pp. 45-6) : —
Love, Obedience, Constancy;
Discord, Disobedience, Heresy.
3. (Central Porch) Virtues and Vices (pp. 48-9) : —
Humility, Temperance, Chastity ;
Pride, Gluttony, Lust.
4. (Central Porch) Virtues and Vices (pp. 47-8): —
Charity, Hope, Faith ;
Avarice, Despair, Idolatry.
5. (Southern Porch, p. 66) : —
Daniel, Gideon, Zacharias, Zacharias ; *
Moses, Aaron, Joseph, Zacharias.
6. (Southern Porch, p. 67) :—
Flight into Egypt, Fall of Idols, Amos ;
Christ and Doctors, Return to Nazareth, Amos.
7. (Southern Porch, p. 67) :—
Obadiah, Solomon, Solomon;
Obadiah, Queen of Sheba, Solomon.
8. (Southern Porch),— Herod and the Magi (p. 67).
9. (Central Porch). — ^The double quatrefoils of Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Micah*
(pp. 50-1).
10. (Central Porch).— The double quatrefoils of Nahum, Daniel, and Ezekiel
(p. 51).
11. (Northern Porch) Months and their signs: —
December, January, February, March (p. 62).
12. (Northern Porch) Months and signs: —
April, May : Double quatrefoils of Zephaniah (p. 62).
13. (Northern Porch) Months and signs: —
Double quatrefoils of Haggai. June, July (p. 62).
14. (Northern Porch) Months and signs : —
August, September, October, November (pp. 62-3).
15. (Facade) Double quatrefoils of Hosea, Joel, Amos (pp. 52-3),
16. (Facade) Double quatrefoils of Obadiah, Jonah, Micah* (pp, 53-4-5).
17. (Facade) Double rquatref oils of Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah* (pp. 55-6).
18. (Facade) Double quatrefoils of Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi (pp. 57-8).
19. (Central pedestal, right side)— Lily and Cockatrice* (pp. 34-5).
20. (Central pedestal, left side)— Rose and Adder* (pp. 34-5).
21. (Central pedestal, front)— David. The Lion and Dragon (pp. 33-4).
22. General view of the cathedral from the other bank of the Somme.
23. The South Transept and Fleche.
24. The Porch of St. Honore.*
25. The Western Porches.*
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
ammtd Fdttion (Novemher 'llns shows various alterations, con-
•Mnent on tl.c coniplctioii of tlie book since the first edition of the
"A«lvic«." On p. 1 are the foHowing notice and drop-title;—
JV.R— Int«ndinK purchasers will kindly quote the numbers [ given in
thU Advice, and not those in tlie Appendix | to ''The Bible of
AmicnH." | Our Fathers have Told Us. | Part J. | The Bibie of Amiens.
I Chap. IV. I Interpretations. | {Separate Travellers Edition, to serve as
tiuitif to the 1 ('(ithedral.) \ Advice by iMr. Ruskin.
The text i^ slightly revised, as follows :—
••The fourth chapter of the BiBLE OF Amikns is printed in a reduced size
fur the convcineiico of travellers, who may wish to possess this number only as
a ifuido to the Cathedral, without bringing the whole work.
"The (lufttrofoils . . . twenty-one [as in ed. 1]: the whole unmounted, sold
hy my .agent Mr. Ward (the negatives being my own property) for four guineas;
or HCparattly, each hvo shillings.
•'He.sidcft these . . . [as in ed. 1] costing in all five guineas, forwarded free
by l>oHt froui Mr. Ward* (Bedford Chambers, 28, Southampton Street, Strand,
lx)ndon). Also the photograph of the four scenes from the life of St. Firmin,
mentioned on page 8 of Chapter I. ; price five shillings.
"The following . . . desirable [as in ed. 1].
* "Who .supplies photographs to illustrate ' Fors Clavigera,' 'The Laws of
F^le,' 'St. Mark's Rest,' 'Mornings in Florence," 'The Stones of Venice,' etc.,
and of whom a list may be obtained on application."
Then follows the list of photographs 1-25, as in ed. 1. In the Appendix
(lUHo) to The Bible of Amiens, however_, the numbers of the photographs
had been changed ; hence the notice given at the head of this second
edition of the "Advice." The following table shows the changes: —
in Advice
No. in
. 1 and 2)
Appendix
1
4
2
6
8
6
4
7
6
18
6
19
7
ao
8
21
9
8
10
9
11
14
IS
15
18
16
in Advice
No. in
1 and 2)
Appendix
14
17
15
10
16
11
17
12
18
13
19
2
20
3
21
1
22
25
23
24
24
23
25
22
Third Edition (August 1897).— At the end of the third edition of the
Separate Travellers' Edition of Chapter iv., a third edition of the ''Advice"
was incorporated (see above, p. 12). Tlie heading now became:—
Publishers Note. \ li.B.— Intending purchasers of the photographs |
will kindly quote the numbers given in \ this Advice. \ Our Fathers have
Told Ts. j The Bible of Amiens. \ {Separate Travellers' Edition, to serve
an Guide to \ the Cathedral, price tenpence.) \ Photographs of Amiens |
Cathedral.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
The text again shows several revisions, thus : —
" The fourth chapter of the ' Bible of Amiens ' * . . . [as in ed. 2] until the year
1880, when Mr. Ruskin had negatives taken of the entire series, with the central
pedestal of the Christ.
"Mr. Ruskin wrote at that time: 'It is impossible to obtain any more in-
structive and interesting photographs, in exposition of the manner of central
thirteenth-century sculpture.'
" The entire succession of the quatrefoils are included in eighteen plates; the
front and two sides of the pedestal raise their number to twenty-one.
"Besides these there are four general views of the Cathedral, making twenty-
five altogether, which form a complete body of illustrations for the ' Bible of Amiens ' ;
costing in all five guineas ; or separately five shillings each. Also the photograph
of the four scenes from the life of St. Firmin, mentioned in Chapter I. ; price five
shillings.
* ' The following list of the photos, with reference to the pages where they are
described, will enable any readers to choose what they like ; but those which are
specially desirable are marked with an asterisk.
* "The Photographs, — as well as the complete book, price 5s., v>?hich contains
four steel engravings and the plan of the Western Porches — may be obtained of
George Allen, 156, Charing Cross Road, London."
Then follows the list of photographs 1-25, the numbers being now
changed so as to agree with the arrangement in the Appendix to The Bible
of Amiens. At the end of the last page is the date "August 1897" and
Messrs. Ballantyne's imprint.
Fourth Edition (May 1898). — This is a reprint of the edition last de-
scribed, the pages being numbered 1-4. The setting of the heading shows
some trifling alterations, and at the end of p. 4 is (instead of the printers'
imprint): ''^ George Allen, | 156, Charing Cross Road, London | May 1898."
This "Advice" is still current, and it is the numbers given in the Ap-
pendix to The Bible of Amiens (and in eds. 3 and 4 of the "Advice") that
should be quoted in ordering the photographs.
An edition set up in France. — This (called in the heading "Second
Edition ") is a combination of the English editions 2 and 3, with an addi-
tion, and a blunder, of its own. The heading corresponds with that of
ed. 2 (except for the addition of " Second Edition "). Tlie text also follows
that of ed. 2, except that it adds the following note on p. 1 : "This
chapter and the entire Work, containing four steel engravings and plan
of the Western Porches, price 6s., may be obtained of George Allen,
Orpington, Kent, and 8, Bell Yard, Temple Bar, London." The list of
photographs follows the numbers in the Appendix to The Bible of Amiens ;
but although this alteration is made, the prefatory note is retained, as if
the two lists still differed.
PHOTOGRAPHS
The photographs mentioned in the "Advice" were thus sold by Mr.
Ward (as announced in successive issues of his List) : —
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS.
Twenty-five Photographs to illustrate the above, unmounted . each £0 5 0
The set of 21 4 4 0
The set of 25 . . . . * . , . .550
The Life of St. Firmin 050
The set mounted on thick toned boards, half morocco, lettered folio,
leather flaps extra 2 2 0
THE lUBLE OF AMIENS
A Fmirh trantlatiou of The Bible of Amiens appeared in 1903, with the
following titlo-page :—
Julm llu>kin | | Hible d' Amiens ] Traduction, Notes et Pre'face |
|Mr Marrel Proust | Paris | Societe du Mercure de France | XXVI.,
H,H. i\v XXVI.
IssuimI in the ordinary yellow paper covers. Price 8 fr. 50, pp. 349. M.
l»ron«fs introduction (" Avant-Propos ") occupies pp. 9-14, and his Preface
C'Notre-dame d'Amiens selon Ruskin "), pp. 15-95.
A f(nirth edition of the translation is dated 1904. There were also
isKucd M'ven «-opies on '^papier de Hollande."
'Hiero have been several unauthorized American editions of The Bible of
A viitnx.
Pfviews (»f The Bible of Amiens appeared in the Pall Mall Gazette,
July 21, 1883 ('MVith Mr. Ruskin at Amiens"; see also an illustrated
article in the Pal/ Mall Gazette of August 10, 1886); and in the Art
Journal, N.S., vol. ii. pp. 205-207.
Vari(P Lediones. — The principal variations in the text, between the
several editions issued by Ruskin, are those noted in the list of "Corri-
genda" issued in June 1885 Mith Part V. These related for the most
part to chapters i. and ii., both of which were already in a second edition ;
the last four corrections were of mistakes which had escaped notice in the
revision in 1885 of Chapter iv. References to the present edition have
been added to the list, above (p. 10), and it is therefore unnecessary to
repeat the variations here.
These corrections (mainly, though not entirely, of misprints) were noted
by Ruskin, when revising the book in 1885. At the same time he made
a few revisions in Chapters iii. and iv. The following is a list of them
(not including some minor matters of punctuation and references) : —
Chapter iii. ^ 1, line 6, the word circumstances " was placed in inverted
conmias. § 15, line 8, "its" was italicised. § 19, the note t was added.
§ 28, the note * was added. § 29, note, the last words (in brackets)
were added. § 33, lines 3, 4, "the desire . . . universal" were italicised.
§ 39, line 4, " presentation . . . authority " were italicised. § 39, note t,
hust line, see p. 110 w. § 48, note, lines 23-26, in ed. 1 only the word
"rather" was italicised.
Chapter iv. The author's note to § 1 :read in ed. 1 : "I have lost my
reference to the place, in hiS great work, the Dictionary of Architecture,
wlu're this expression occurs ; but in the article ' Cathedrale,' where a
complete account of the plan and building is given, it is called (p. 330)
M.'rglise ogivale par excellence.'"
In the autljor's note to § 2, the last passage was not italicised.
In § 3, last line but one, "compatriot" was " compatriote. "
§ 4, line 5, "that" appeared before "in the."
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
§ 5, line 15, "trained" was not italicised.
§ 12, lines 16 and 17, ed. 1 had "... about the edifice. Robert . . .
no stone of it. But when . . ." ; line 23, "not at all that of" for "not
the least like that of."
§ 14, author's footnote, "See my own first chapter" for "See the first
chapter of this book."
§ 23, author's footnote, after '^Les deux doigts qui manquent" were
the words "(do they so still .^)"
§ 24, the fourth line of Bishop Everard's epitaph ran : " A pious man,
the protector of the afflicted and the widow ; of the orphan ..."
§ 26, the second line of Bishop Geolfroy's epitaph ran: "Whether he
seem less than, or like to, all of us."
§ 29, line 14, "James the less" for "James the Bishop."
§ 36, in the author's footnote t, the reference to Viollet-le-Duc was
"... article ' Sculpture ' " ; footnote J, line 5, " . . . not ranks, except
that the cherubim are in the Byzantine circle first. . . ."
In §§ 39 seq.j black letters were substituted on the occasion of this
revision.
§ 39, 6 B, "Heresy" instead of "Atheism."
§ 40, 25 B, "locusts" instead of "beasts."
§ 42, the author's footnote ended, "... the photograph, No. 4 of my
series. (See terminal announcements.)"
§ 43, line 2, after "minor prophets," ". . . ; see in my series of
photographs, Nos. 15 to 18."
§ 44, the saints enumerated had no numbers ; neither had the months
in § 47.
§ 47, lines 12 and 13 ran : " . . . as I have arranged them, this series
of signs and months are Nos. 11-14, each containing six quatrefoils read-
ing round the porch from left to right ; and the bas-reliefs may be studied
in them nearly as well. ..."
§ 49, author's footnote, the reference to Stones of Venice was erroneously
to "first" volume.
§§ 50, 51, there were no numbers to the statues and quatrefoils (except
that those now numbered 35, 36, 37 were numbered " 1, 2, 3."
§ 50, Nos. 30, 31, 33, "The Madonna" in each case, instead of
" Virgin."
Next, a few alterations were made by Mr. Wedderburn in editing the
Small Edition (see above, p. 10) for Ruskin in 1897. Thus, the note to
ch. i. § 34 was then added. In ch. ii. § 47 n., line 4, "engineer" (in the
quotation from Gibbon) was corrected to "engineers." § 49, a reference
to Gibbon "(6,297)" — now restored — was omitted. The sections in ch. i,
were numbered. The references to the pages in Appendix I. were altered
(see above, p. 11). An explanatory note was added towards the beginning
of Appendix II.
In the present edition, the following alterations and corrections (other
than minor matters of spelling, punctuation, and references) liave been
made: — •
Quotations from other books are as usual in this edition set in sm.aller
type.
XXXIII. B
18
THE mm.E OF AMIENS
Ch. i. § 14, iRKt lilies, see p. 35 n.
Ch. i. 8 ^> ^^'"^^^ "common" is inserted before ^'post-
houwj" ill accordance with Iluskin's own copy of the book.
Cli. i. 5^ 2,3 II. , the reference to Mrs. Jameson has hitherto been erro-
MOtisly K>ven as ''p. 721," and in 28 n., aa ^'p. 722."
Ch. ii. § Hue 41, " Nor " is Iluskin's correction in his copy for "Since,
not." |i ft, line 17, "are," wliich has hitherto appeared in all eds. (un-
jrrftinniHtirallv), was struck out by him. § 7, Hues 7 and 8, he italicised
••bflief insto.id of "credible" (as in all eds. hitherto). § 10, last line
hut one. Iio substituted "north" for "one side." § 20, line 15, the
punctuation liitherto lias obscured the sense ("the Rosin mountain^
'Hart/' bhndowy still to the north . . ."). Hartz is the Rosin mountain.
§ 24, line 24, "\\'artburg" is a correction for "Wartzburg." § 32,
iiiies 15, 10, the place of the quotation marks has here been altered, to
correspond with actual quotations from Favine. § 25, line 10, for an
iiiiI>ortant correction here, see p. 65 n. § 42, last line, Ruskin in his
copy itiiicises "rises." § 43, line 18, he struck out an "and" after
" our own day," which, curiously, has stood in all eds. hitherto. § 44,
lines 5-7, the punctuation is here revised in accordance with Ruskin's
copy.
Ch. iii. § 17 n., " W. G. Palgrave " is a correction for "Sir F. Palgrave."
Ch. iv. 28, in place of the editorial note, there was in editions after
the note "* See now the plan at the end of this chapter."
41, G A, "grandest" was misprinted "grandes" in the small edition;
8 A, "fahn" has hitherto been misprinted "fahr."
Appendix 1. For an error in some previous editions, see above, p. 11.
The list has now been corrected and supplemented, and references to the
[uigcs of the present volume are added.
Appendix II. Some confusion has been caused by the use of the same
black-letter numerals both for Ruskin's index numbers of the statues (as
shown on his Plan), and for the numbers (which do not correspond) of
his series of photographs. In this edition the black-letter is reserved for
the former numerals. References to the Plates on which the photographs
are reproduced are added. For a misprint of "13^' for "18," see above,
p. 0.]
CONTENTS
PAGE
Preface . . . • ... . . . . .21
CHAPTER I
By the Rivers of Waters ........ 25
NOTES TO chapter I. ........ 48
CHAPTER II
Under the Drachenfels ... . . , . 53
CHAPTER III
The Lion Tamer .......... 87
CHAPTER IV
Interpretations . . . . . . . . .121
APPENDICES
I. Chronological List of Principal Events referred to in
"The Bible of Amiens" . . . . . . .177
II. References Explanatory of Photographs to Chapter IV. . 178
III. General Plan of ^'Our Fathers have Told Us" . . 186
19
PREFACE
1. The long abandoned purpose, of which the following
pages begin some attempt at fulfilment, has been resumed
at the request of a young EngHsh governess/ that I would
write some pieces of history which her pupils could gather
some good out of ; — the fruit of historical documents placed
by modern educational systems at her disposal, being to
them labour only, and sorrow.^
What else may be said for the book, if it ever become
one, it must say for itself : preface, more than this, I do
not care to write : and the less, because some passages of
British history, at this hour under record,^ call for instant,
though brief, comment.
I am told that the Queen's Guards have gone to
Ireland ; playing God save the Queen." And being, (as
I have declared myself in the course of som.e letters to
which public attention has been lately more than enough
directed,^) to the best of my knowledge, the staunchest
Conservative in England, I am disposed gravely to question
the propriety of the mission of the Queen's Guards on
the employment commanded them. My own Conservative
notion of the function of the Guards is that they should
1 [Miss Jessie Leete, who had first written to Ruskiii in this same year (1880),
and was afterwards a guest at Brantwood.]
^ [Psalms xc. 10.]
^ [Ruskin wrote this Preface, as his diary shows, in December 1880. The " land
war " organised by the Irish Land League was then raging ; Captain Boycott was
being besieged (November) ; agrarian outrages M'ere frequent ; and the Times of
December 23 reported "the departure of several battalions of the Household Troops
for service in Ireland."]
^ [The letters written in June, September, and October 1880 with reference to
the Lord Rectorship of Glasgow University ; reprinted in Arrows of the Chace, 1880,
vol. ii. pp. 282-284, and in Vol. XXXIV. of this edition.]
21
.»•)
THE lUBLE OF AMIENS
^ruar.i the Quceirs throne iind life, when threatened either
by (ioincstic or forei^rn enemy: but not that they should
become a substitute for her inefficient police force, in the
execution of her domiciliary laws.
•J. And si ill less so, if the domicihary laws which they
arc sent to execute, playing "God save the Queen," be
pcrcliance precisely contrary to that God the Saviour's law;
and therefore, such as, in the long run, no quantity either
of Queens, or Queen's men, could execute. Which is a
question I have for these ten years been endeavouring to
get the British public to consider — vainly enough hitherto;
and will not at present add to my own many words on
the matter.^ But a book has just been published by a
liritish officer, who, if he had not been otherwise and
more actively employed, could not only have written all my
hooks about landscape and picture, but is very singularly
also of one mind with me, (God knows of how few English-
men I can now say so,) on matters regarding the Queen's
safety, and the Nation's honour. Of whose book {Far Out:
Kovin^'s Retold) since various passages will be given in
my subsequent terminal notes, I will content myself with
quoting for the end of my Preface, the memorable words
which Colonel Butler himself quotes, as spoken to the
ih-itish Parliament by its last Conservative leader, a British
officer who had also served with honour and success.
3. The Duke of IV^eliington said : " It is already well
' [See, e.g., Morningft in Florence, § 135 (13), Vol. XXIII. p. 426, and Fors
Clavigera, Letters 7 and 10 (Vol. XXVII. pp. 131, 180).]
^ [A collection of ])apers of travel, published in 1880 by Lieutenant-Colonel (now
(ieneral Sir) \\\ F. Butler, autlior of The Great Lone Land, The Wild North Land,
etc. The supposed quotation from the Duke of Wellington is at pp. 304-305 (in
a paper entitled A Plea for the Peasant"). The prohibition against the enlist-
ment of Roman Catholic soldiers was removed in 1800, and ''\n the fourteen years
of war following, not less tlian 100,000 Irish peasants offered for the army." * For
other (luotations from Sir H'illiam Butler's book, see below, p. 49 ; and A Knighfs
Faxth, eh. xii. (Vol. XXXI. p. 480 n.). "In a letter written to his friend, Ruskin
said : • Heaven knows you could have written all my books, if you hadn't been at
harder work," adding, ' I am profoundly thankful for the blessing of power that
IN MOW united in your wife and you. What may you not do for England, the
tw.» of you!'" {Daily Chronicle, October £4, 1901)." Sir William Butler had in
IB/ 7 married Miss Elizabeth Thompson, the artist, for whom see Vol. XIV.
|)p. 3(w;, vm.] '
PREFACE
23
known to your Lordships that of the troops which our
gracious Sovereign did me the honour to entrust to my
command at various periods during the war — a war under-
taken for the express purpose of securing the happy institu-
tions and independence of the country — at least one half
were Roman Catholics. My Lords, when I call your re-
collection to this fact I am sure all further eulogy is
unnecessary. Your Lordships are well aware for what
length of period and under what difficult circumstances
they maintained the Empire buoyant upon the flood which
overwhelmed the thrones and wrecked the institutions of
every other people ; — how they kept alive the only spark
of freedom which was left unextinguished in Europe. . . .
My Lords, it is mainly to the Irish Catholics that we all
owe our proud predominance in our military career, and
that I personally am indebted for the laurels with which
you have been pleased to decorate my brow. . . . We must
confess, my Lords, that without Catholic blood and Catholic
valour no victory could ever have been obtained, and the
first military talents might have been exerted in vain."^
4. Let these noble words of tender Justice be the first
example to my young readers of what all History ought
to be. It has been told them, in The Laws of Fesole,
that all great Art is Praise.^ So is all faithful History,
^ [The attribution of these words to the Duke of Wellington cannot be accepted.
Sir William Butler made his extracts from a speech as printed at pp. 615-616 n.
of J. C. O'Callaghan's History of the Irish Brigades (Glasgow, 1870), where it is
given as spoken by the Duke '^^in 1829 when addressing the House of Lords in
favour of Catholic emancipation." But O'Callaghan (who does not give his
authority) was mistaken. No such words occur in any of the numerous reports
of the Duke's speeches on Catholic emancipation^ and the rhetoric would have
been uncongenial to him. In the House of Commons cn February 22, 1837 (on
an Irish Municipal Reform Bill), Richard Lalor Shell, referring to Lord Lyndhurst's
description of the Irish as "aliens," exclaimed that the Duke ought to have risen
from his seat at the word and said that he ^^liad seen the aliens do their duty."
Shell then followed with a celebrated passage describing the speech which the
Duke might have made. Sheil's oration may be found in the volume of his
speeches edited by Thomas Macnevin (Dublin, 1845), and the passage in question
is included in Bell's Standard Elocutionist. It is precisely similar in sentiment to
the apocryphal speech attributed by O'Callaghan, Butler, and Ruskin to the Duke,
but the rhetoric is finer and more impassioned. O'Callaghan's quotation may have
come from some other rhetorical exercise of the kind, but search both at Dublin
and in the British Museum has failed to discover its source.]
^ [See Vol. XV, p. 351.]
24
THE IHBLE OF AMIENS
iiiid all hii^^h Philosophy. For these three, Art, History,
and riiilosophy, arc each but one part of the Heavenly
Wisdom, which sees not as man seeth, but with Eternal
Charity; and because she rejoices not in Iniquity, therefore
rejoices in the Truth. ^
For true knowledge is of A^irtues only:^ of poisons and
vices, it is Hecate who teaches, not Athena. And of all
wisdom, chieliy the Politician's must consist in this divine
Prudence; it is not, indeed, always necessary for men to
know the virtues of their friends, or their masters ; since
the friend will still manifest, and the master use. But woe
to the Nation which is too cruel to cherish the virtue
of its subjects, and too cowardly to recognize that of its
enemies !
^ [1 Samuel xvi. 7 ; 1 Corinthians xiii. 6.]
• [Conipare IHeaaures of England, § 20 (below, p. 431).]
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
CHAPTER I
BY THE RIVERS OF WATERS ^
1. The intelligent English traveller, in this fortunate age
for him, is aware that, half-way between Boulogne and
Paris, there is a complex railway-station, into which his
train, in its relaxing speed, rolls him with many more than
the average number of bangs and bumps prepared, in the
access of every important French gave, to startle the drowsy
or distrait passenger into a sense of his situation.
He probably also remembers that at this halting-place
in mid-journey there is a well-served buffet, at which he
has the privilege of " Dix minutes d'arret."
He is not, however, always so distinctly conscious that
these ten minutes of arrest are granted to him within not
so many minutes' walk of the central square of a city
which was once the Venice of France.
2. Putting the lagoon islands out of question, the
French River-Queen was nearly as large in compass as
Venice herself; and divided, not by slow currents of ebbing
and returning tide, but by eleven beautiful trout streams,
of which some four or five are as large, each separately, as
our Surrey Wandle,^ or as Isaac Walton's Dove ; and which,
branching out of one strong current above the city, and
uniting again after they have eddied through its streets,
are bordered, as they flow down, (fordless except where the
V [Song of Solomon, v. 12.]
2 [For other references to the Wandle, see Vol. XVIII. p. 385, and the first
chapter of Prcetenta.']
25
20
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
two Edwards rode them, the day before Crecy,^) to the
sands of St. ^^alery, by groves of aspen, and glades of
})()plar,' whose grace and gladness seem to spring in every
stately avenue instinct with the image of the just man's!
life, — *'Erit tanquam lignum quod plantatum est secus,
decursus aquarum."^
l^ut the Venice of Picardy owed her name, not to the
beauty of her streams merely, but to their burden. She
was a worker, like the Adriatic princess, in gold and glass,
in stone, wood, and ivory; she was skilled like an Egyp-
tian in the weaving of fine linen; dainty as the maids oi
Judah in divers colours of needlework. And of these, the
fruits of her hands, praising her in her own gates, she sent
also portions to stranger nations, and her fame went out
into all lands.'
"Vn reglement de rechevina<,'e, du 12^^ avril 1566, fait voir qu'on
fabriquait a cette epoque [a Amiens, des sati?is changeants da7nasses,\^ des
velours de toates couleurs pour meubles, des colombettes a grands et petiU
carreaux ; des burailles croisees, qu'on expediait en Allemagne, en EspagnCj
en Turquie et en Barbaric ! " ^
All-coloured velvets, pearl -iridescent colombettes! (1
wonder what they may be?) and sent to vie with the
variegated carpet of the Turk, and glow upon the arab-
esque towers of Barbary ! t Was not this a phase of pro-
vincial Picard life which an intelligent English travellei
might do well to inquire into? Why should this fountair
* M. H. Dusevel, Histoire de la Ville d' Amiens. Amiens, Caron et Lam
bert, 1848 ; p. '305. [Vol. i. p. 533, ed. 1832.]
t Carpaccio trusts for the chief splendour of any festa in cities to the
patterns of the draperies hung out of windows.^
' [See Vol. XIX. p, 'Mn^ "
p 423 J^"^^^^^' ^^^^^ po})lars of Amiens, Vol. V. p. 237, and Vol. VI
3 [Psalms i. 3; quoted also in Lectures on Art, § 118 (Vol. XX. p. 109).]
^ I bee Judges v. 30 ; Proverbs xxxi. 31 ; 1 Chronicles xiv. 17.]
[1 he words now niserted in brackets in the above quotation were omitted b)
Kuskin He takes "colombettes" to mean httle doves (hence "pearl-iridescent")
I oiombelles is, however, the word which bears that meaning. Littre throw;
no iigiit on the u^e of " colombettes " (ordinarily meaning a kind of mushroom;
or colombelles" in the present connexion.!
[Compare Vol. XXIV. pp. 342-343 ]
I. BY THE RIVERS OF WATERS
27
)f rainbows leap up suddenly here by Somme ; and a little
Prankish maid write herself the sister of Venice, and the
;ervant of Carthage and of Tyre?
.3. And if she, why not others also of our northern
/illages ? Has the intelligent traveller discerned anything,
n the country, or in its shores, on his way from the gate
3f Calais to the gave of Amiens, of special advantage for
artistic design, or for commercial enterprise ? He has seen
league after league of sandy dunes. We also, . we, have
our sands by Severn, by Lune, by Sol way. He has seen
extensive plains of useful and not unfragrant peat, — an
article sufficiently accessible also to our Scotch and Irish
industries. He has seen many a broad down and jutting
cliff of purest chalk ; but, opposite, the perfide Albion
gleams no whit less blanche beyond the blue. Pure waters
he has seen, issuing out of the snowy rock; but are ours
less bright at Croydon, at Guildford, or at Winchester ?
And yet one never heard of treasures sent from Sol way
sands to African; nor that the builders at Romsey could
give lessons in colour to the builders at Granada? What
can it be, in the air or the earth — in her stars or in her
sunlight — that fires the heart and quickens the eyes of the
little white-capped Amienoise soubrette, till she can match
herself against Penelope?^
4. The intelligent English traveller has of course no
time to waste on any of these questions. But if he has
bought his ham-sandwich, and is ready for the " En voiture,
messieurs," he may perhaps condescend for an instant to
hear what a lounger about the place, neither wasteful of
his time, nor sparing of it, can suggest as worth looking
at, when his train glides out of the station.
He will see first, and doubtless with the respectful
admiration which an Englishman is bound to bestow upon
such objects, the coal-sheds and carriage-sheds of the station
itself, extending in their ashy and oily splendours for about
a quarter of a mile out of the town ; and then, just as the
1 [Compare '"The Story of Arachue/' § 18 (Vol. XX. p. 375).]
..8 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
i
train gets into speed, under a large chimney tower, which'
he cannot see to nearly the top of, but will feel overcast
})y the shadow of its smoke, he may see, if he will trust
liis intelhgent head out of the window, and look back, |
fifty or fifty-one (I am not sure of my count to a unit)
similar chimneys, all similarly smoking, all with similar
works attached, oblongs of brown brick wall, with portholes
numberless of black square window. But in the midst of
these fifty tall things that smoke, he will see one, a little
taller than any, and more dehcate, that does not smoke ;^
and in the midst of these fifty masses of blank wall,
enclosing works" — and doubtless producing works profit-
able and honourable to France and the world — he will see
one mass of wall — not blank, but strangely wrought by
the hands of foolish men of long ago, for the purpose of
enclosing or producing no manner of profitable work what-
soever, but one — j
** This is the work of God ; that ye should believe onj I
Him whom He hath sent ! " ^ |
5. Leaving the intelligent traveller now to fulfil his vow
of pilgrimage to Paris, — or wherever else God may be
sending him, — I will suppose that an intelhgent Eton boy
or two,^ or thoughtful English girl, may care quietly to
walk with me as far as this same spot of commanding
view, and to consider what the workless — shall we say also
worthless? — building, and its unshadowed minaret, may
perhaps farther mean.
Minaret I have called it, for want of better English
word. Fleche — arrow — is its proper name ; vanishing into
the air you know not where, by the mere fineness of it.
Flameless— motionless — hurtless — the fine arrow; unplumed,
unpoisoned, and unbarbed; aimless — shall we say also,
readers young and old, travelUng or abiding? It, and the
^ [Compare Crown of Wild Olive, § 73 (Vol. XVIII. p. 448).l
« [John vi. 29.] y J A
[Some part of The Bible of Amiens had originally been given as a lecture at
Ktou College : see the Bibliographical Note, above, p. 5.]
Ill
Th.e Catliedral of Amiens
I. BY THE RIVERS OF WATERS 29
j
! walls it rises from — what have they once meant? What
meaning have they left in them yet, for you, or for the
people that live round them, and never look up as they
pass by?
Suppose we set ourselves first to learn how they came
there.
6. At the birth of Christ, all this hillside, and the
brightly-watered plain below, with the corn-yellow cham-
paign above, were inhabited by a Druid-taught race, wild
i enough in thoughts and ways, but under Roman govern-
ment, and gradually becoming accustomed to hear the names,
and partly to confess the power, of Roman gods. For three
hundred years after the birth of Christ they heard the name
of no other God.
Three hundred years ! and neither apostles nor inheritors
of apostleship had yet gone into all the world and preached
the gospel to every creature.^ Here, on their peaty ground,
the wild people, still trusting in Pomona for apples, in
I Silvanus for acorns, in Ceres for bread, and in Proserpina
for rest, hoped but the season's blessing from the Gods
of Harvest, and feared no eternal anger from the Queen
of Death.
But at last, three hundred years being past and gone,
in the year of Christ 301, there came to this hillside of
I Amiens, on the sixth day of the Ides of October, the
Messenger of a new Life.
7. His name, Firminius (I suppose) in Latin, Firmin
j in French, — so to be remembered here in Picardy. Firmin,
i not Firminius ; as Denis, not Dionysius ; coming out of
I space — no one tells what part of space. But received by
i the pagan Amienois with surprised welcome, and seen of
I them — Forty days — many days, we may read — preaching
I acceptably, and binding with baptismal vows even persons
in good society: and that in such numbers, that at last
he is accused to the Roman governor, by the priests of
1 [See Mark xvi. 15.]
80 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
Jupiter and Mercury, as one turning the world upside-down.^
And in the last day of the Forty— or of the indefinite
many meant by Forty — he is beheaded, as martyrs ought
to be, and his ministrations in a mortal body ended.
The old, old story, you say? Be it so; you will the
more easily remember it. The Amienois remembered it
so carefully, that, twelve hundred years afterwards, in the
sixteenth century, they thought good to carve and paint
the four stone pictures, Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4 of our first choir
photograph.^ Scene 1st, St. Firmin arriving; scene 2nd,
St. Firmin preaching; scene 3rd, St. Firmin baptizing; and
scene 4th, St. Firmin beheaded, by an executioner with very
red legs, and an attendant dog of the character of the dog
in Faust of whom we may have more to say presently.^
8. Following in the meantime the tale of St. Firmin,
as of old time known, his body was received, and buried,
by a Roman senator, his disciple (a kind of Joseph ol
Arimathea to St. Firmin), in the Roman senator's own
garden. Who also built a little oratory over his grave.'
The Roman senator's son built a church to replace the
oratory, dedicated it to Our Lad}^ of Martyrs, and estab-
lished it as an episcopal seat — the first of the French
nation's. A very notable spot for the French nation
surely? One deserving, perhaps, some little memory oi
monument, — cross, tablet, or the like ? Where, therefore
do you suppose this first cathedral of French Christianit)
stood, and with what monument has it been honoured ?
It stood where we now stand, companion mine, who-
ever you may be ; and the monument wherewith it ha^
been honoured is this — chimney, whose gonfalon of smokt
1 [Acts xvii. 6.]
2 [Plate IV. For the list of photographs issued in connexion with The BihU
of AmienSj see below, pp. 178-181.]
3 [Ruskin does not, however, return to the dog, nor indeed to the exterioi
decoration of the choir-screen at all. But he had employed Mr. Randal to mak(
draAvings of two dogs (which he called respectively "The Fine Lady's Dog" ant
"The Executioner's"), sculptured in the scenes describing the life of St. Firmin
and these were engraved to illustrate the intended further notice. The Plate ii
now included (V.). The "fine lady's dog" is in one of the scenes on the othe;
side of the choir.]
I
i
j
1
I. BY THE RIVERS OF WATERS
31
overshadows us — the latest effort of modern art in Amiens,
the chimney of St. Acheul/
The first cathedral, you observe, of the French nation ;
more accurately, the first germ of cathedral /or the French
nation — who are not yet here; only this grave of a martyr
is here, and this church of Our Lady of Martyrs, abiding
on the hillside, till the Roman power pass away.
Falling together with it, and trampled down by savage
tribes, alike the city and the shrine; the grave forgotten, —
when at last the Franks themselves pour from the north,
and the utmost wave of them, lapping along these downs
of Somme, is here stayed, and the Frankish standard
planted, and the French kingdom throned.
9. Here their first capital, here the first footsteps of
the Frank in his France ! Think of it. All over the south
are Gauls, Burgundians, Bretons, heavier-hearted nations of
sullen mind ; — at their outmost brim and border, here at
last are the Franks, the source of all Franchise,^ for this
our Europe. You have heard the word in England, before
now, but English word for it is none ! Honesty we have
of our own ; but Frankness we must learn of these : nay,
all the western nations of us are in a few centuries more
to be known by this name of Frank. Franks, of Paris
that is to be, in time to come ; but French of Paris is in
year of grace 500 an unknown tongue in Paris, as much
as in Stratford-att-ye-Bowe. French of Amiens is the
kingly and courtly form of Christian speech, Paris lying
yet in Lutetian clay, to develop into tile-field,^ perhaps,
in due time. Here, by soft-glittering Somme, reign Clovis
and his Clotilde.
And by St. Firmin's grave speaks now another gentle
* The first fixed and set-down footsteps ; wandering tribes called of
Franks, had overswept the country, and recoiled, again and again. But this
invasion of the so-called Saliau Franks never retreats again.
^ [St. Acheulj mile south-east of Amiens, on a hill 90 feet above the
Somme : see below, p. 184.]
* [Compare, below, ch. ii. § 28 n. (p. 68).]
5 [For the Tuileries, compare Vol. XX. p. 808, and Vol. XXVII. p. 105.]
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
evangelist, and the first Frank king's prayer to the Kin^
of kings is made to Him, known only as ''the God ol
Clotilde."' i
10. I must task the reader's patience now with a date
or two, and stern facts — two — three — or more.
Clodion, the leader of the first Franks who reach irre-
vocably beyond the Rhine, fights his way through desultory
Roman cohorts as far as Amiens, and takes it,^ in 445.'^
Two years afterwards, at his death, the scarcely asserted
throne is seized — perhaps inevitably — by the tutor of his
children, Merovee, whose dynasty is founded on the defeat
of Attila at Chalons.
He died in 457. His son Childeric, giving himself up
to the love of women, and scorned by the Frank soldiery,
is driven into exile, the Franks choosing rather to live
under the law of Rome than under a base chief of their
own. He receives asylum at the court of the king of
Thuringia, and abides there. His chief officer in Amiens,
at his departure, breaks a ring in two, and, giving him the
half of it, tells him, when the other half is sent, to return.
And, after many days, the half of the broken ring is
sent, and he returns, and is accepted king by his Franks.
The Thuringian queen follows him, (I cannot find if her
husband is first dead — still less, if dead, how dying,) and
offers herself to him for his wife.
" I have known thy usefulness, and that thou art very
strong; and I have come to live with thee. Had I known,
in parts beyond sea, any one more useful than thou, I
should have sought to live with himr^
See note at end of chapter,* as also for the allusions in § 13 to the
battle of Soissons.
1 [See below, p. 3-1 and nJ]
2 [The MS. gives a reference to Geata Francoriim , quoted in [Dusevel's] Histoire
d' Amiens, p. 50" : liigressus Ambianoruni urbem, ibidem et regni sedem statuit."]
3 [See Gregory of Tours, Bistorice Francorum, Book ii. ch. 12: "Novi utilitatem
tuam, quod sis valde strenuus : ideoque veni ut habitem tecum : nam noveris, si in
trausmarinis partibus aliquem cognovissera utiliorem te, expetissem utique cohabi-
tationem ejus."]
* [Below, p. 48; where, however, the story of Soissons is postponed; it is?
ultimately given at p. 77.]
m
b:
0
Q
I. BY THE RIVERS OF WATERS 33
He took her for his wife, and their son is Clovis.
11. A wonderful story; how far in Hteralness true is
f no manner of moment to us ; the myth, and power of
, do manifest the nature of the French kingdom, and pro-
hesy its future destiny. Personal valour, personal beauty,
)yalty to kings, love of women, disdain of unloving mar-
age, note all these things for true, and that in the
Drruption of these will be the last death of the Frank, as
I their force was his first glory.
Personal valour, worth. Utilitas, the keystone of all.
iirth nothing, except as gifting with valour; — Law of
rimogeniture unknown; — Propriety of conduct, it appears,
)r the present, also nowhere! (but we are all pagans yet,
imember).
12. Let us get our dates and our geography, at any
ite, gathered out of the great nowhere" of confused
lemory, and set well together, thus far.
457. Merovee dies. The useful Childeric, counting his
xile, and reign in Amiens, together, is King altogether
venty-four years, 457 to 481, and during his reign Odoacer
ids the Roman empire in Italy, 476.
481. Clovis is only fifteen when he succeeds his father,
i King of the Franks in Amiens. At this time a frag-
lent of Roman power remains isolated in central France,
hile four strong and partly savage nations form a cross
)und this dying centre : the Frank on the north, the Breton
a the west, the Burgundian on the east, the Visigoth,
rongest of all and gentlest, in the south, from Loire to
|ie sea.
Sketch for yourself, first, a map of France, as large as
ou like, as in Plate VI. ,^ Fig. 1, marking only the courses
♦ The first four figures in this illustration are explained in the text,
lie fifth represents the relations of Normandy, Maine, Anjou, and Aqui-
ine; see Viollet-le-Duc, Diet Arch., vol. i. p. 1S6.^
^ [Where a map of the divisions of France at the end of the tenth century is
ven. For another reference to the maps on the present plate^ see Fors Clavigera^
Jtter 95 (Vol. XXIX. p. 504), and compare Vol. XXVII. pp. Ixx.-lxxiii.]
xxxiii. c
84
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
of the five rivers, Somme, Seine, Loire, Saone, Rhone ;i
then, rudely, you find it was divided at the time thus,
Fig. 2 : Fleur-de-lysee part, Frank ; Breton ; Bur-
gundian; Visigoth. I am not sure how far these I
last reached across Rhone into Provence, but I think best '
to indicate Provence as semee with roses.
13. Now, under Clovis, the Franks fight three great
battles. The first, with the Romans, near Soissons, which
they win, and become masters of France as far as the j
Loire. Copy the rough map Fig. 2, and put the fleur-de- |
lys all over the middle of it, extinguishing the Romans
(Fig. 3). This battle was won by Clovis, I believe, before
he married Clotilde. He wins his princess by it: cannot
get his pretty vase, however, to present to her.^ Keep
that story well in your mind, and the battle of Soissons,
as winning mid-France for the French, and ending the
Romans there, for ever. Secondly, after he marries Clotilde,
the wild Germans attack hivi from the north, and he hasi
to fight for life and throne at Tolbiac. This is the battle
in which he prays to the God of Clotilde,^ and quits him-
self of the Germans by His help. Whereupon he is crowned
in Rheims by St. Remy.
And now, in the new strength of his Christianity, and
his twin victory over Rome and Germany, and his love for
his queen, and his ambition for his people, he looks south
on that vast Visigothic power, between Loire and the snowy
mountains. Shall Christ, and the Franks, not be stronger
than villainous Visigoths *'who are Arians also"?^ All his
Franks are with him, in that opinion. So he marches against
the Visigoths, meets them and their Alaric at Poitiers, ends
^ [See, however, below, p. 77, where Ruskiu corrects this statement.]
2 ["Oh Jesus Christ! whom Clotilda declares to be the son of the living God,
who art said to give help to the weary, and victory to them that trust in thee, I
humbly pray for thy glorious aid, and promise that if thou wilt indulge me with
the victory over these enemies, I will believe in thee and be baptized in thy name.
For I have called on my own gods, and have found that they are of no power
and do not help those who call upon them " (Hodgkin's Theodoric the Goth, p. 189).]
* [See Gibbon, ch. xxxviii. (vol. vi. p. 312).]
THE D'/NASTIES OF FRANCE
To the close of the Tenth C en ^iirj^ .
I. BY THE RIVERS OF WATERS 85
:heir Alaric and their Arianism, and carries his faithful
Franks to the Pie du Midi.
14. And so now you must draw the map of France
)nce more [Fig. 4], and put the fleur-de-lys all over its
central mass from Calais to the Pyrenees : only Brittany
dill on the west, Burgundy in the east, and the white
Provence rose beyond Rhone. And now poor little Amiens
las become a mere border town like our Durham, and
Somme a border streamlet like our Tyne. Loire and Seine
lave become the great French rivers, and men will be
ninded to build cities by these ; where the well- watered
plains, not of peat, but richest pasture, may repose under
iie guard of saucy castles on the crags, and moated towers
m the islands. But now let us think a little more closely
y\^hat our changed symbols in the map may mean — fleur-
le-lys for level bar.^
They don't mean, certainly, that all the Goths are gone,
md nobody but Franks in France? The Franks have not
nassacred Visigothic man, woman, and child, from Loire
0 Garonne. Nay, where their own throne is still set by
he Somme, the peat-bred people whom they found there,
ive there still, though subdued. Frank, or Goth, or Roman,
nay fluctuate hither and thither, in chasing or flying troops :
)ut, unchanged through all the gusts of war, the rural
)eople whose huts they pillage, whose farms they ravage,
md over whose arts they reign, must still be diligently,
ilently, and with no time for lamentation, ploughing,
iowing, cattle-breeding !
Else how could Frank or Hun, Visigoth or Roman,
ive for a month, or fight for a day?
15. Whatever the name, or the manners, of their masters,
he ground delvers must be the same; and the goat-herd
)f the Pyrenees, and the vine-dresser of Garonne, and the
nilkmaid of Picardy, give them what lords you may, abide
^ [In all editions hitherto, ''five fleur-de-lys for level bar/ The word "five"
which must have puzzled readers who compared the map) is a mistake ; Ruskin
truck out the word in his copy of the book.]
I
!
36 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
in their land always, blossoming as the trees of the field,
and enduring as the crags of the desert. And these, the
warp and first substance of the nation, are divided, not by
dynasties, but by climates ; and are strong here, and helpless
there, by privileges which no invading t5n'ants can abolish,
and through faults which no preaching hermit can repress. |
Now, therefore, please let us leave our history a minute or i
two, and read the lessons of constant earth and sky.
16. In old times, when one posted from Calais to Paris, i
there was about half an hour's trot on the level, from the '
gate of Calais to the long chalk hill, which had to be
climbed before arriving at the first common post-house in
the village of Marquise. ,
That chalk rise, virtually, is the front of France ; that !
last bit of level north of it, virtually the last of Flanders;
south of it, stretches now a district of chalk and fine
building limestone, — (if you keep your eyes open, you may
see a great quarry of it on the west of the railway, half-
way between Calais and Boulogne, where once was a blessed
little craggy dingle opening into velvet lawns;) — this high,!
but never mountainous, calcareous tract, sweeping round
the chalk basin of Paris away to Caen on one side, and
Nancy on the other, and south as far as Bourges, and
the Limousin. This limestone tract, with its keen fresh
air, everywhere arable surface, and everywhere quarriable
banks above well-watered meadow, is the real country of
the French. Here only are their arts clearly developed.
Farther south they are Gascons, or Limousins, or Auver-
gnats, or the like. Westward, grim-granitic Bretons ; east-
ward, Alpine-bearish Burgundians : here only, on the chalk ,
and finely-knit marble, between, say, Amiens and Chartresl '
one way, and between Caen and Rheims on the other, have
you real France,
17. Of which, before we carry on the farther vital his-
tory, I must ask the reader to consider with me a little,
how history, so called, has been for the most part written,
and of what particulars it usually consists.
I. BY THE RIVERS OF WATERS 37
Suppose that the tale of King Lear were a true one;
md that a modern historian were giving the abstract of it
Q a school manual, purporting to contain all essential facts
n British history valuable to British youth in competitive
examination. The story would be related somewhat after
his manner : —
The reign of the last king of the seventy-ninth dynasty
losed in a series of events with the record of which it is
)ainful to pollute the pages of history. The weak old man
vished to divide his kingdom into dowries for his three
laughters ; but on proposing this arrangement to them, find-
ag it received by the youngest with coldness and reserve,
le drove her from his court, and divided the kingdom be-
ween his two elder children.
i ''The youngest found refuge at the court of France,
Inhere ultimately the prince royal married her. But the
wo elder daughters, having obtained absolute power, treated
heir father at first with disrespect, and soon with contumely,
lefused at last even the comforts necessary to his declining
ears, the old king, in a transport of rage, left the palace,
nth, it is said, only the court fool for an attendant, and
v^andered, frantic and half naked, during the storms of
vinter, in the woods of Britain.
"Hearing of these events, his youngest daughter hastily
oUected an army, and invaded the territory of her ungrate-
ul sisters, with the object of restoring her father to his
hrone: but, being met by a well-disciplined force, under
he command of her eldest sister's paramour, Edmund,
)astard son of the Earl of Gloucester, was herself defeated,
hrown into prison, and soon afterwards strangled by the
idulterer's order. The old king expired on receiving the
lews of her death; and the participators in these crimes
joon after received their reward ; for the two wicked queens
)eing rivals for the affections of the bastard, the one of
hem who was regarded by him with less favour poisoned
he other, and afterwards killed herself. Edmund afterwards
net his death at the hand of his brother, the legitimate son
38
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
of Gloucester, under whose rule, with that of the Earl of
Kent, the kingdom remained for several succeeding years."
18. Imagine this succinctly graceful recital of what the
historian conceived to be the facts, adorned with violently
black and white woodcuts, representing the Minding of
Gloucester, the phrenzy of Lear, the strangling of Cordelia,
and the suicide of Goneril, and you have a type of popular
history in the nineteenth century; which is, you may per-i|
ceive after a little reflection, about as profitable reading for
young persons (so far as regards the general colour and
purity of their thoughts) as the Newgate Calendar would
be; with this farther condition of incalculably greater evil,
that, while the calendar of prison-crime would teach a
thoughtful youth the dangers of low life and evil company,
the calendar of kingly crime overthrows his respect for any
manner of government, and his faith in the ordinances of
Providence itself.
19. Books of loftier pretence, written by bankers, members
of Parliament, or orthodox clergymen, are of course not
wanting ; and show that the progress of civilization consists
in the victory of usury over ecclesiastical prejudice, or in the
establishment of the Parliamentary privileges of the borough
of Puddlecombe, or in the extinction of the benighted
superstitions of the Papacy by the glorious light of Refor-
mation. Finally, you have the broadly philosophical history,
which proves to you that there is no evidence whatever
of any overruling Providence in human affairs ; that all
virtuous actions have selfish motives ; and that a scientific
selfishness, with proper telegraphic communications, and
perfect knowledge of all the species of Bacteria, will en-
tirely secure the future well-being of the upper classes of
society, and the dutiful resignation of those beneath them.
Meantime, the two ignored powers — the Providence of
Heaven, and the virtue of men — have ruled, and rule, the
world, not invisibly; and they are the only powers of
which history has ever to tell any profitable truth. Under
all sorrow, there is the force of virtue ; over all ruin, thdj
I. BY THE RIVERS OF WATERS 39
•estoring charity of God. To these alone we have to look ;
n these alone we may understand the past, and predict
:he future, destiny of the ages.
20. I return to the story of Clovis, king now of all
central France. Fix the year 500 in your minds as the
ipproximate date of his baptism at Rheims, and of St.
Remy s sermon to him, telling him of the sufferings and
passion of Christ, till Clovis sprang from his throne, grasping
lis spear, and crying, " Had I been there with my brave
Franks, I would have avenged His wrongs."^
"There is little doubt," proceeds the cockney historian,
'that the conversion of Clovis was as much a matter of
policy as of faith." ^ But the cockney historian had better
imit his remarks on the characters and faiths of men to
:hose of the curates who have recently taken orders in his
kshionable neighbourhood, or the bishops who have lately
preached to the population of its manufacturing suburbs.
Frankish kings were made of other clay.
21. The Christianity of Clovis does not indeed produce
my fruits of the kind usually looked for in a modern
3onvert. We do not hear of his repenting ever so httle of
my of his sins, nor resolving to lead a new life^ in any the
smallest particular. He had not been impressed with con-
victions of sin at the battle of Tolbiac; nor, in asking for
:he help of the God of Clotilde, had he felt or professed
:he remotest intention of changing his character, or aban-
doning his projects. What he was, before he believed in
his queen s God, he only more intensely afterwards became,
in the confidence of that before unknown God's super-
natural help. His natural gratitude to the Delivering
Power, and pride in its protection, added only fierceness
to his soldiership, and deepened his political enmities with
jthe rancour of religious indignation. No more dangerous
snare is set by the fiends for human frailty than the belief
^ [See Gibbon, ch. xxxviii. : vol. vi. pp. 801-302.]
2 [The Pictorial History of France, by G. M. Bussey and T. Garpey, 2 vols.,
1843, ch. ii. (vol. i. p. 68).]
^ [See the Exhortation preceding the Communion Service.]
40
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
that our own enemies are also the enemies of God ; and it
is perfectly conceivable to me that the conduct of Clovis.
might have been tlie more unscrupulous, precisely in thel
measure that his faith was more sincere.
Had either Clovis or Clotilde fully understood the pre-
cepts of their Master, the following history of France, and
of Europe, would have been other than it is. What they
could understand, or in any wise were taught, you will
find that they obeyed, and were blessed in obeying. But
their history is complicated with that of several other
persons, respecting whom we must note now a few too
much forgotten particulars.
22. If from beneath the apse of Amiens Cathedral we
take the street leading due south, leaving the railroad
station on the left, it brings us to the foot of a gradually
ascending hill, some half a mile long — a pleasant and quiet
walk enough, terminating on the level of the highest land
near Amiens ; whence, looking back, the Cathedral is seen
beneath us, all but the fleche, our gained hill-top being on
a level with its roof-ridge : and, to the south, the plain of
France.
Somewhere about this spot, or in the line between
it and St. Acheul, stood the ancient Roman gate of the
Twins, whereon were Romulus and Remus being suckled
by the wolf; and out of which, one bitter winters day — a
hundred and seventy years ago when Clovis was baptized
— had ridden a Roman soldier, wrapped in his horseman's
cloak, on the causeway which was part of the great
Roman road from Lyons to Boulogne.
23. And it is well worth your while also, some frosty
autumn or winter day when the east wind is high, to feel
the sweep of it at this spot, remembering what chanced] j
here, memorable to all men, and serviceable, in that winter '
of the year 332, when men were dying for cold in Amiens
* More properly, his knight's cloak; in all likelihood the trabea, with
purple and white stripes, dedicate to the kings of Rome, and chiefly to
Romulus.
j I
1. BY THE RIVERS OF WATERS
41
streets : — namely, that the Roman horseman, scarce gone
out of the city gate, was met by a naked beggar, shiver-
ing with cold; and that, seeing no other way of shelter
for him, he drew his sword, divided his own cloak in two,
aiid gave him half of it.^
No ruinous gift, nor even enthusiastically generous:
Sidney's cup of cold water ^ needed more self-denial, and I
am well assured that many a Christian child of our day,
himself well warmed and clad, meeting one naked and cold,
would be ready enough to gi^^e the whole cloak off his
own shoulders to the necessitous one, if his better-advised
nurse, or mamma, would let him. But this Roman soldier
was no Christian, and did his serene charity in simplicity,
yet with prudence.
Nevertheless, that same night, he beheld in a dream
the Lord Jesus, who stood before him in the midst of
angels, having on His shoulders the half of the cloak he
had bestowed on the beggar.
And Jesus said to the angels that were around Him,
Know ye who hath thus arrayed me ? My servant Martin,
though yet unbaptized, has done this." And Martin after
this vision hastened to receive baptism, being then in his
twenty-third year.^
Whether these things ever were so, or how far so,
credulous or incredulous reader, is no business whatever of
yours or mine. What is, and shall be everlastingly, so, —
namely, the infallible truth of the lesson herein taught,
and the actual effect of the life of St. Martin on the mind
of Christendom, — is, very absolutely, the business of every
rational being in any Christian realm.
24. You are to understand, then, first of all, that the
especial character of St. Martin is a serene and meek
charity to all creatures. He is not a preaching saint — still
less a persecuting one: not even an anxious one. Of his
* Mrs. Jameson, Sacred and Legendary Art, vol. ii. p. 351 (ed. 1, 1848).
1 [Compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 61 (Vol. XXVIII. p. 485).]
» [See Fors Clavigera, Letter 36 (VoL XXVII. p. 671).]
42
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
prayers we hear little — of his wishes, nothing. What hej
does always, is merely the right thing at the right moment ; i
— rightness and kindness being in his mind one: an ex-'
tremely exemplary saint, to my notion.
Converted and baptized — and conscious of having seenj
Christ — he nevertheless gives his officers no trouble what-
ever— does not try to make proselytes in his cohort. It
is Christ's business, surely! — if He wants them. He may
appear to them as He has to me," seems the feeling of hisj
first baptized days. He remains seventeen years in the
army, on those tranquil terms. 1
At the end of that time, thinking it might be well
to take other service, he asks for his dismissal from the
Emperor Julian, — on whose accusation of faint-heartedness,
Martin offers, unarmed, to lead his cohort into battle,
bearing only the sign of the cross. Julian takes him at
his word, — keeps him in ward till time of battle comes;
but, the day before he counts on putting him to that war
ordeal, the barbarian enemy sends embassy with irrefusable
offers of submission and peace.
25. The story is not often dwelt upon : how far literally
true, again observe, does not in the least matter ; — here is
the lesson for ever given of the way in which a Christian
soldier should meet his enemies. Which, had John Bunyan's
Mr. Greatheart understood,^ the Celestial gates had opened
by this time to many a pilgrim who has failed to hew his
path up to them with the sword of sharpness.
But true in some practical and effectual way the story
is ; for after a while, without any oratorizing, anathematizing,
or any manner of disturbance, we find the Roman Knight
made Bishop of Tours, and becoming an influence of un-
mixed good to all mankind, then, and afterwards. And
virtually the same story is repeated of his bishop's robe
as of his knight's cloak, — not to be rejected because so
probable an invention ; for it is just as probable an act.
* [For Ruskin's numerous references to The Pilgrim^s Progress^ see the General
Index ; compare, below, p. 428.]
I. BY THE RIVERS OF WATERS
43
26. Going, in his full robes, to say prayers in church,
vith one of his deacons, he came across some unhappily
obeless person by the wayside; for whom he forth-
vith orders his deacon to provide some manner of coat,
>r gown.
The deacon objecting that no apparel of that profane
lature is under his hand, St. Martin, with his customary
erenity, takes off his own episcopal stole, or whatsoever
lowing stateliness it might be, throws it on the desti-
ute shoulders, and passes on to perform indecorous public
ervice in his waistcoat, or such mediaeval nether attire as
emained to him.
But, as he stood at the altar, a globe of light ap-
)eared above his head ; and when he raised his bare arms
nth the Host — the angels were seen round him, hang-
ng golden chains upon them, and jewels, not of the
•arth.'
27. Incredible to you, in the nature of things, wise
eader, and too palpably a gloss of monkish folly on the
)lder story ?
Be it so : yet in this fable of monkish folly, understood
vith the heart, would have been the chastisement and
^heck of every form of the Church's pride and sensuality,
vhich in our day have literally sunk the service of God
md His poor into the service of the clergyman and his
ich ; and changed what was once the garment of praise for
^he spirit of heaviness, into the spangling of Pantaloons in
in ecclesiastical Masquerade.
28. But one more legend, — and we have enough to show
us the roots of this saint's strange and universal power
3ver Christendom : —
"What peculiarly distinguished St. Martin was his sweet, serious, unfail-
ng serenity ; no one had ever seen him angry, or sad, or gay ; there was
lothing in his heart but piety to God and pity for men. The Devil, who
ivas particularly envious of his virtues, detested above all his exceeding
^ [For a reference to this miracle, see ^'^The Story of Lucia" in Roadside Songs
rf Tuscany (Vol. XXXII. p. 61).]
44 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
charity, because it was the most inimical to his own power, and one day
reproached him mockingly that he so soon received into favour the fallen j
and the repentant. But St. Martin answered him sorrowfully, saying, 'Ohii
most miserable that thou art! if ihou also couldst cease to persecute and]
seduce wretched men, if thou also couldst repent, thou also shouldst find]
mercy and forgiveness through Jesus Christ.' " *
29. In this gentleness was his strength ; and the issue
of it is best to be estimated by comparing its scope with
that of the work of St. Firmin. The impatient missionary
riots and rants about Amiens' streets — insults, exhorts,
persuades, baptizes, — turns everything, as aforesaid,^ upside j
down for forty days : then gets his head cut off, and is
never more named, out of Amiens. St. Martin teazes
nobody, spends not a breath in unpleasant exhortation,
understands, by Christ's first lesson to himself, that undipped
people may be as good as dipped if their hearts are clean ;
helps, forgives, and cheers, (companionable even to the
loving-cup,) as readily the clown as the king ; he is the
patron of honest drinking; the stuffing of your Martin- 1|
mas goose is fragrant in his nostrils, and sacred to him. the
last kindly rays of departing summer.^ And somehow — the
idols totter before him far and near — the Pagan gods fade,
his Christ becomes all men's Christ — his name is named
over new shrines innumerable in all lands ; high on the
Roman hills, lowly in English fields ; — St. Augustine bap-
tized his first English converts in St. Martin's church at
Canterbury ; and the Charing Cross station itself has not
yet effaced wholly from London minds his memory or his
name.
30. That story of the Episcopal Robe is the last of
St. Martin respecting which I venture to tell you that iti|
is wiser to suppose it literally true than a mere myth;
* Mrs. Jameson, vol. ii. p. 352.
"See above, § 7.]
For another reference to the "vein of gaiety and natural humour" ii
St. Martin, see A Knight's Faith (Vol. XXXI. p. 886 n.).]
1. BY THE RIVERS OF WATERS
45
nyth, however, of the deepest value and beauty it remains
issuredly : and this really last story I have to tell, which
( admit you will be wiser in thinking a fable than exactly
!;rue, nevertheless had assuredly at its root some grain of
"act (sprouting a hundred-fold^) cast on good ground by
I visible and unforgetable piece of St. Martin's actual
3ehaviour in high company; while, as a myth, it is every
whit and for ever valuable and comprehensive.
St. Martin, then, as the tale will have it, was dining
me day at the highest of tables in the terrestrial globe —
aamely, with the Emperor and Empress of Germany!
You need not inquire what Emperor, or which of the
Emperor's wives ! The Emperor of Germany is, in all early
myths, the expression for the highest sacred power of the
State, as the Pope is the highest sacred power of the
Church. St. Martin was dining then, as aforesaid, with the
Emperor, of course sitting next him on his left — Empress
opposite on his right: everything orthodox. St. Martin
much enjoying his dinner, and making himself generally
agreeable to the company : not in the least a John Baptist
sort of a saint. You are aware also that in Royal feasts
in those days persons of much inferior rank in society were
allowed in the hall: got behind people's chairs, and saw
and heard what was going on, while they unobtrusively
picked up crumbs, and licked trenchers.
When the dinner was a little forward, and time for
wine came, the Emperor fills his own cup — fills the
Empress's — fills St. Martin's, — affectionately hobnobs with
St. Martin. The equally loving, and yet more truly believ-
ing, Empress, looks across the table, humbly, but also
royally, expecting St. Martin, of course, next to hobnob
with her. St. Martin looks round, first, deliberately; —
becomes aware of a tatterdemalion and thirsty-looking soul
of a beggar at his chair side, who has managed to get his
cup filled somehow, also^ — by a charitable lacquey.
1 [Matthew xiii. 8.]
46
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
St. Martin turns his back on the Empress, and hobnobs 1
with liimf^
31. For which charity — mythic if you like, but ever-S
more exemplary — he remains, as aforesaid, the patron of
good-Christian topers to this hour.
As gathering years told upon him, he seems to have felt
that he had carried weight of crozier long enough — that
busy Tours must now find a busier Bishop — that, for him*
self, he might innocently henceforward take his pleasure
and his rest where the vine grew and the lark sang. Forij
his episcopal palace, he takes a little cave in the chalk 1
cHffs of the up-country river : arranges all matters therein, i
for bed and board, at small cost. Night by night the
stream murmurs to him, day by day the vine-leaves give
their shade; and, daily by the horizon's breadth so much
nearer Heaven, the fore-running sun goes down for him
beyond the glowing water; — there, where now the peasant
woman trots homewards between her panniers, and the saw
rests in the half-cleft wood, and the village spire rises grey
against the farthest light, in Turner's " Loireside."
32. All which things, though not themselves without
profit, my special reason for telling you now, has been that
you might understand the significance of what chanced first
on Clovis' march south against the Visigoths.
Having passed the Loire at Tours, he traversed the lands
of the abbey of St. Martin, which he declared inviolate,
and refused permission to his soldiers to touch anything,
save water and grass for their horses. So rigid were his
orders, and the obedience he exacted in this respect, that
* Modern Painters, Plate 73. [Vol. VII. p. 218.]
^ ["^Oii some occasion the emperor invited him to a banquet, and, wishing to
show the saint particular honour, he handed the wine-cup to him before he drank,
expecting, according to the usual custom^ that St. Martin would touch it with his
lips, and then present it respectfully to his imperial host ; but, equally to the
astonishment and admiration of the guests^ St. Martin turned round and presented
the brimming goblet to a poor priest who stood behind him. From this incident,
St. Martin has been chosen as the patron saint of drinking, and of all jovial
meetings" (Mrs. Jameson, vol. ii. p. 853).]
I. BY THE RIVERS OF WATERS 47
I Prankish soldier having taken, without the consent of
he owner, some hay which belonged to a poor man, saying
n raillery "that it was but grass," he caused the aggressor
o be put to death, exclaiming that "Victory could not be
;xpected, if St. Martin should be offended."
33. Now, mark you well, this passage of the Loire at
Cours is virtually the fulfilment of the proper bounds of the
^rench kingdom, and the sign of its approved and securely
et power is "Honour to the poor!" Even a little grass
s not to be stolen from a poor man, on pain of Death. So
vills the Christian knight of Roman armies ; throned now
ligh with God. So wills the first Christian king of far
dctorious Franks ; — here baptized to God in Jordan of his
roodly land, as he goes over to possess it.
How long?
Until that same Sign should be read backwards from a
iegenerate throne ; — until, message being brought that the
poor of the French people had no bread to eat, answer
should be returned to them " They may eat grass." ^ Where-
ipon — by St. Martin's faubourg, and St. Martin's gate —
here go forth commands from the Poor Man's Knight
igainst the King — which end his feasting,
j And be this much remembered by you, of the power
)ver French souls, past and to come, of St. Martin of
Tours.
^ [The saying attributed to Foulon (1788) : see Carlyle's French Revolution,
Book iii. ch. ix. and Book v. ch. iv.]
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
34. The reader will please observe that notes immediately necessary to the
understanding of the text will be given, with numbered references, under
the text itself; while questions of disputing authorities, or quotations of
supporting documents, will have lettered references, and be thrown together
at the end of each chapter. One good of this method * will be that, after
the numbered notes are all right, if I see need of farther explanation, as
I revise the press, I can insert a letter referring to a Jinal note without
confusion of the standing types. There will be some use also in the final
notes, in summing the chapters, or saying what is to be more carefully
remembered of them. Thus just now it is of no consequence to remember
that the first taking of Amiens was in 445, because that is not the found-
ing of the Merovingian dynasty ; neither that Merovaeus seized the throne
in 447 and died ten years later. The real date to be remembered is 481,
v;hen Clovis himself comes to the throne, a boy of fifteen; and the three
battles of Clovis' reign to be remembered are Soissons, Tolbiac, and Poitiers
— remembering also that this was the first of the three great battles of
Poitiers; — how the Poitiers district came to have such importance as a
battle-position, we must afterwards discover if we can.^ Of Queen Clotilda
and her flight from Burgundy to her Frank lover we must hear more in
next chapter, — the story of the vase at Soissons is given in The Pictorial
History of Francey but must be deferred also, with such comment as it
needs, to next chapter ; ^ for I wish the reader's mind, in the close of this
first number, to be left fixed on two descriptions of the modern Frank"
(taking that word in its Saracen sense as distinguished from the modern
Saracen. The first description is by Colonel Butler, entirely true and
admirable, except in the implied extension of the contrast to olden time:
for the Saxon soul under Alfred, the Teutonic under Charlemagne, and
the Frank under St. Louis, were quite as religious as any Asiatic's, though
more practical ; it is only the modern mob of kingless miscreants in the
West, who have sunk themselves by gambling, swindling, machine-making,
and gluttony, into the scurviest louts ^ that have ever fouled the Earth
with the carcases she lent them.
* This method is not, however, followed in the succeeding chapters. —
Ed. (1897).
^ [To this subject, however, Ruskin did not revert, except incidentally in ch. ii.
§ 53 (p. 84).]
2 See below, p. 77-]
3 [That is, in the sense in which Turks and other Levantine nations use the
word to describe all western peoples: '*all European nations that live among them
are called Franks " (North's Lives j 1734, vol. ii. p. 456). Compare Gibbon's
"Saraceus and Franks," as quoted below, p. 95 n.]
* [Ruskin defends and explains these words in Love's Meinie, § 183 (Vol. XXV.
p. 126).]
48
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
4^
35. "Of the features of English character brought to light by the
(read of British dominion in Asia, there is nothing more observable than
le contrast between the religious bias of Eastern thought and the innate
jsence of religion in tlie Anglo-Saxon mind. Turk and Greek, Buddhist
id Armenian, Copt and Parsee, all manifest in a hundred ways of daily
fe the great fact of their belief in a God. In their vices as well as in
leir virtues the recognition of Deity is dominant.
With the Western, on the contrary, the outward form of practising
jlief in a God is a thing to be half-ashamed of — something to hide. A
•ocession of priests in the Strada Reale would probably cause an average
riton to regard it with less tolerant eye than he Avould cast upon a
iggernaut festival in Orissa : but to each alike would he display the same
onoclasm of creed, the same idea, not the less fixed because it is seldom
cpressed in words : ' You pray ; therefore I do not think much of you.*
ut there is a deeper difference between East and West lying beneath this
compatibility of temper on the part of modern Englishmen to accept the
ligious habit of thought in the East. All Eastern peoples possess this
ibit of thought. It is the one tie which links together their widely
'ffering races. Let us give an illustration of our meaning. On an Austrian
loyd's steamboat in the Levant a traveller from Beyrout will frequently
*e strange groups of men crowded together on tlie quarter-deck. In the
orning the missal books of the Greek Church will be laid along the bul-
arks of the ship, and a couple of Russian priests, coming from Jerusalem,
ill be busy muttering mass. A yard to right or left a Turkish pilgrim,
iturning from Mecca, sits a respectful observer of the scene. It is prayer,
id therefore it is holy in his sight. So, too, when the evening hour has
)me, and the Turk spreads out his bit of carpet for the sunset prayers
id obeisance towards Mecca, the Greek looks on in silence, without trace
c' scorn in his face, for it is again the worship of the Creator by the
eated. They are both fulfilling the ^/irst law of the East — prayer to God ;
ad whether the shrine be Jerusalem, Mecca, or Lhassa, the sanctity of
orship surrounds the votary, and protects the pilgrim.
" Into this life comes the Englishman, frequently destitute of one touch
- sympathy with the prayers of any people, or the faith of any creed ;
ence our rule in the East has ever rested, and will ever rest, upon the
ayonet. We have never yet got beyond the stage of conquest ; never
^similated a people to our ways, never even civilized a single tribe
round the wide dominion of our empire. It is curious how frequently a
''ell-meaning Briton will speak of a foreign church or temple as though it
ad presented itself to his mind in the same light in which the City of
iOndon appeared to Blucher — as something to loot. The other idea, that
priest M^as a person to hang, is one which is also often observable in the
Iritish brain. On one occasion, when we were endeavouring to enlighten
ur minds on the Greek question, as it had presented itself to a naval
fficer whose vessel had been stationed in Greek and Adriatic waters during
ur occupation of Corfu and the other Ionian Isles, we could only elicit
*om our informant the fact that one morning before breakfast he had
anged seventeen priests." ^
36. The second passage which I store in these notes for future use, is
* ["A Trip to Cyprus," in Far Out: Rovings Retold, 1880, pp. 361-363.]
XXXIII. D
50
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
the supremely magnificent one, out of a book full of magnificence, — if
truth be counted as having in it the strength of deed: Alphonse Karr's
Grains de Bon Sens. I cannot praise either this or his more recent Bour-
donnements to my own heart's content, simply because they are by a man
utterly after my own heart, who has been saying in France, this many a
year, what I also, this many a year, have been saying in England, neither
of us knowing of the other, and both of us vainly. (See pages 11 and 12
of Bourdonnements}) The passage here given is the sixty-third clause in
Grains de Bon Sens : —
'^Et tout cela, monsieur, vient de ce qu'il n'y a plus de croyances —
de ce qu'on ne croit plus a rien.
"Ah! saperlipopette, monsieur, vous me la baillez belle! Vous ditesi
qu'on ne croit plus a rien ! Mais jamais, a aucune epoque, on n'a cru a
tant de billevesees, de bourdes, de mensonges, de sottises, d'absurdites i
qu'aujourd'hui. j
"D'abord, on croit a I'incredulite — I'incredulite est une croyance, une
religion tres exigeante, qui a ses dogmes, sa liturge, ses pratiques, ses
rites ! . . . son intolerance, ses superstitions. Nous avons des incredules et
«des impies Jesuites, et des incredules et des impies jansenistes ; des impies
molinistes, et des impies quietistes; des impies pratiquants, et non prati-
quants ; des impies indifferents et des impies fanatiques ; des incredules
cagots et des impies hypocrites et tartuffes. — La religion de I'incredulite
ne se refuse meme pas le luxe des heresies.
"On ne croit plus a la bible, je le veux bien, mais on croit aux
' ecritures ' des journaux, on croit au ' sacerdoce ' des gazettes et carres de
papier, et a leurs 'oracles' quotidiens. I
"On croit au 'bapteme' de la police correctionnelle et de la Cour^
d'assises — on appelle 'martyrs' et ' confesseurs ' les 'absents' k Noumea et
les ' freres ' de Suisse, d' Angleterre et de Belgique — et, quand on parle des
'martyrs de la Commune,' 9a ne s'entend pas des assassines, mais des
assassins.
" On se fait enterrer ' civilement,' on ne veut plus sur son cercueil des
prieres de I'Eglise, on ne veut ni cierges, ni chants religieux, — mais on
veut un cortege portant derriere la biere des immortelles rouges ; — on veut
une 'oraison,' une 'predication' de Victor Hugo qui a ajoute cette specialit<5|
^ [The following is the passage referred to : —
"C^est ce chagrin, c'est cette irritation que j'eprouve lorsque vivant dans la
retraite, etudiant, meditant, cherchaiit sans cesse, — demandant a la sagesse des
anciens, assidument feuilletes —
'"Nocturna versate manu, versate diurna'
" Et a ma propre experience, quelque remede pour la maladie regnante, j'ai la
conviction que j'ai trouve ce remede.
" Lorsque ayant visite la maison par le dedans et par le dehors, muni de cette
lampe qui s'allume, helas ! bien tard, la sagesse de I'experieuce, — je dis avec certi-
tude : ca c'est une fenetre par laquelle vous tomberez broye sur le pave, — ici est un
escalier, puis une porte par laquelle vous sortirez sans danger de la vieille maison.
" Et lorsque je le dis en vain."
It may be added that Ruskin purchased some twenty copies of both the books
above mentioned, and had them strongly bound as gifts for his friends.]
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
51
; ses autres specialites, si bien qu'un de ces jours derniers, comme il sui-
it un convoi en amateur, un croque-mort s'approcha de lui, le poussa du
1 ude, et lui dit en souriant : ^ Est-ce que nous n'aurons pas quelque chose
i' vous, aujourd'hui ? ' — Et cette predication 11 la lit ou la recite — ou, s'il
juge pas a propos 'd'officier' lui-meme, s'il s'agit d'un mort de plus, 11
vole pour la psalmodier M. Meurice ou tout autre 'pretre' ou 'enfant
coeur' du ' Dieu.' — A defaut de M. Hugo, s'il s'agit d'un citoyen obscur,
( se contente d'une homelie improvisee pour la dixieme fois par n'lmporte
^ el depute intransigeant — et le Miserere est remplace par les cris de 'Vive
[ Republique ! ' pousses dans le cimetiere.
"On n'entre plus dans les eglises, raais on frequente les brasseries et
; ; cabarets ; on y ofHcie, on y celebre les mysteres, on y chante les
langes d'une pretendue republique sacro-sainte, une, indivisible, demo-
iitique, sociale, athenienne, intransigeante, despotique, invisible quoique
.ant partout. On y communie sous differentes especes; le matin (matines)
i 'tue le ver' avec le vin blanc, — il y a plus tard les vepres de I'absinthe,
; xquelles on se ferait un crime de manquer d'assiduite.
"On ne croit plus en Dieu, mais on croit pieusement en M. Gambetta,
i MM. Marcou, Naquet, Barodet, Tartempion, etc., et en toute une longue
ianie de saints et de dii minores tels que Goutte-Noire, Polosse, Boriasse
* Silibat, le heros lyonnais.
" On croit a ' I'immuabilite ' de M. Thiers, qui a dit avec aplomb ' Je ne
< ange jamais,* et qui aujourd'hui est a la fois le protecteur et le protege de
> ux qu'il a passe une partle de sa vie a fusilier, et qu'il fusillait encore hier.
"On croit au republicanisme 'immacule' de I'avocat de Cahors qui a
^.e par-dessus bord tous les principes republicains, — qui est a la fois de
m cote le protecteur et le protege de M. Thiers, qui hier I'appelait 'fou
1 'ieux,' deportait et fusillait ses amis.
"Tous deux, il est vrai, en meme temps protecteurs hypocrites, et
; )teges dupes.
"On ne croit plus aux miracles anciens, mais on croit a des miracles
1 uveaux.
"On croit a une republique sans le respect religieux et presque fanatique
< s lois.
"On croit qu'on pent s'enrichir en restant imprevoyants, insouciants et
fresseux, et autrement que par le travail et I'economie.
" On se croit libre en obeissant aveuglement et betement k deux ou trois
< teries.
"On se croit independant parce qu'on a tue ou chasse un lion, et qu'on
] remplace par deux douzaines de caniches teints en jaune.
"On croit avoir conquis le 'suffrage universel' en votant par des mots
^)rdre qui en font le contraire du suffrage universel, — mene au vote comme
< mene un troupeau au paturage, avec cette difference que 9a ne nourrit
]s. — D'ailleurs, par ce suffrage universel qu'on croit avoir et qu'on n'a
]3, — 11 faudrait crozVe que les soldats doivent commander au general, les
<8vauxmener le cocher; — cmVe que deux radis valent mieux qu'une truffe,
<ux calUoux mieux qu'un dlamant, deux crottins mieux qu'une rose.
"On se croit en Republique, parce que quelques demi-quarterons de
i ceurs occupent les memes places, emargent les memes appolntements,
]itiquent les memes abus que ceux qu'on a renverses a leur benefice.
52
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
^^On se croit un peuple opprime, heroique, que brise ses fers, et n'est
qu'un domestique capricieiix qui aime a changer de maitres.
On croit au genie d'avocats de sixieme ordre, qui ne se sont jetes danj]
la politique et n'aspirent au gouvernement despotique de la France que
faute d'avoir pu gagner honnetement, sans grand travail, dans I'exercice
d'une profession correcte, une vie obscure humectee de chopes. ,
''On croit que des hommes devoyes, declasses, decaves, fruits sees, etc.,i
qui n'ont etudie que le 'domino a quatre ' et le ' bezigue en quinze cents'
se reveillent un matin, — apres un sommeil alourdi par le tabac et la biere—
possedant la science de la politique, et I'art de la guerre ; et aptes a ^tre
dictateurs, generaux, ministres, prefets, sous-prefets, etc.
"Et les soi-disant conservateurs eux-memes croient que la France pent
se relever et vivre tant qu'on n'aura pas fait justice de ce pretendu suffrage
universel qui est le contraire du suffrage universel.
" Les croyances ont subi le sort de ce serpent de la fable — coupe, hache
par morceaux, dont chaque tron9cn devenait un serpent.
"Les croyances se sont changees en monnaie — en billon de credulites.
" Et pour finir la liste bien incomplete des croyances et des credulites —
vous ci'oyeZf vous, qu'on ne croit a rien ! "
CHAPTER II
UNDER THE DRACHENFELS
1 . Without ignobly trusting the devices of artificial memory
—far less slighting the pleasure and power of resolute and
:houghtful memory — my younger readers will find it ex-
xemely useful to note any coincidences or links of number
vhich may serve to secure in their minds what may be
jailed Dates of Anchorage, round which others, less impor-
ant, may swing at various cables' lengths.
Thus, it will be found primarily a most simple and con-
venient arrangement of the years since the birth of Christ,
:o divide them by fives of centuries, — that is to say, by the
marked periods of the fifth, tenth, fifteenth, and, now fast
nearing us, twentieth centuries.
And this — at first seemingly formal and arithmetical —
iivision, will be found, as we use it, very singularly empha-
sized by signs of most notable change in the knowledge,
iisciplines, and morals of the human race.
2. All dates, it must farther be remembered, falling within
the fifth century, begin with the number 4 (401, 402, etc.) ;
and all dates in the tenth century with the number 9 (901,
[902, etc.) ; and all dates in the fifteenth century with the
inumber 14 (1401, 1402, etc.).
In our immediate subject of study, we are concerned
with the first of these marked centuries — the fifth — of which
I will therefore ask you to observe two very interesting
divisions.
All dates of years in that century, we said, must begin
with the number 4.
If you halve it for the second figure, you get 42.
And if you double it for the second figure, you get 48.
53
54
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
Add 1, for the third figure, to each of these numbers,
and you get 421^ and 481, which two dates you will please
fasten well down, and let there be no drifting about of themj
in your heads. \
For the first is the date of the birth of Venice herself,
and her dukedom, (see St. Clark's Rest, Part I., p. 30);^j
and the second is the date of birth of the French Venice,
and her kingdom ; Clovis being in that year crowned in
Amiens.
3. These are the great Birthdays — Birth-dates — in the'
fifth century, of Nations. Its Deathdays we will count, at
another time.^
Nor for dark Rialto's dukedom, nor for fair France's
kingdom, only, are these two years to be remembered above
all others in the wild fifth century; but because they are
also the birth-years of a great Lady, and greater Lord, of
all future Christendom — St. Genevieve, and St. Benedict.
Genevieve, the ''white wave"* (Laughing water) — the
purest of all the maids that have been named from the
sea-foam or the rivulet's ripple, unsullied, — not the troubled
and troubling Aphrodite, but the Leucothea of Ulysses,^
the guiding wave of deliverance.
White wave on the blue — whether of pure lake or
sunny sea — (thenceforth the colours of France, blue field
with white lilies,) she is always the type of purity, in active
brightness of the entire soul and life — (so distinguished
from the quieter and restricted innocence of St. Agnes), —
and all the traditions of sorrow in the trial or failure of
noble womanhood are connected with her name; Ginevra,
in Italian, passing into Shakespeare's Imogen ; and Guine-
vere, the torrent wave of the British mountain streams, of
* [Ruskiri here notes in his copy that ^'St. Jerome died 420."]
2 [See now, § 30: Vol. XXIV. p. 232.]
' [This, however, was not done.]
* [So Miss Yonge translates the name, in the Glossary prefixed to her History
of Christian Names; and Ruskin compares it with the Indian name, ''Laughing
Water," in Longfellow's Hiawatha (see Vol. XXiV. p. 278).]
^ {Odyssey, v. 333 seq. Compare Munera Pulveris, Vol. XVII. p. 291 ; St. Mark's
Rest, § 76 (Vol. XXIV. p. 267); and Fors Clavigera, Letter 78 (Vol. XXIX.
II. UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 55
vhose pollution your modern sentimental minstrels chant
•nd moan to you, lugubriously useless ; ^ — but none tell
^ou, that I hear, of the victory and might of this white
vaye of France.
4. A shepherd maid she was — a tiny thing, barefooted,
)areheaded — such as you may see running wild and inno-
;ent, less cared for now than their sheep, over many a hill-
ide of France and Italy. Tiny enough; — seven years old,
ill told, when first one hears of her : " Seven times one
jire seven, (I am old, you may trust me, linnet, linnet,*)"
{md all around her — fierce as the Furies, and wild as the
vinds of heaven — ^the thunder of the Gothic armies rever-
)erate over the ruins of the world.
5. Two leagues from Paris, {Roman Paris, soon to pass
iway with Rome herself,^) the little thing keeps her flock,
lot even her own, nor her father's flock, like David; she is
he hired servant of a richer farmer of Nanterre. Who can
ell me anything about Nanterre?^ — which of our pilgrims
this omni-speculant, omni-nescient age has thought of
/isiting what shrine may be there? I don't know even on
.vhat side of Paris it lies,t nor under which heap of rail-
way cinders and iron one is to conceive the sheep-walks
ind blossomed fields* of fairy Saint Phyllis. There were
iuch left, even in my time, between Paris and St. Denis,
see the prettiest chapter in all the Mysteries of Paris
where Fleur de Marie runs wild in them for the first
time,^) but now, I suppose, Saint Phyllis's native earth is
all thrown up into bastion and glacis, (profitable and blessed
* Miss Ingelow.
•f On inquiry, I find in the flat between Paris and Sevres.
* [The reference is to a song "Guinevere," which Ruskin disliked, by Sir
Arthur Sullivan (words by Lionel H. Lewin).]
* [Clovis expelled the Romans from Parisii in 496 ; Rome in the early years
of the following century was laid waste by the Goths.]
^ [The question was answered by a correspondent in Fors Clavigera: see
Letter 96, § 2 (Vol. XXIX. p. 518).]
* [They are still shown at Nanterre under the names Pare de Sainte-Genevieve
and Clos de Sainte-Genevieve.]
^ [Part i. ch. viii. : Ruskin refers to the same chapter in Modern Painters^
vol. iii. (Vol. V. p. 372 n.).]
56
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
of all saints, and her, as these have since proved them*
selves!), or else covered with manufactories and cabarets.!
Seven years old she was, then, when on his way to England\
from Auxerre, St. Germain passed a night in her village,!
and among the children who brought him on his way in
the morning in more kindly manner than Elisha's convoy,^!
noticed this one — wider-eyed in reverence than the rest;
drew her to him, questioned her, and was sweetly answered,
That she would fain be Christ's handmaid. And he hung
round her neck a small copper coin, marked with the cross, .i
Thenceforward Genevieve held herself as "separated from I
the world."'
6. It did not turn out so, however. Far the contrary.
You must think of her, instead, as the first of Parisiennes. i
Queen of Vanity Fair, that was to be, sedately poor St.'
Phyllis, with her copper crossed farthing about her neck!
More than Nitocris was to Egypt, more than Semiramis to
Nineveh, more than Zenobia to the city of palm trees —
this seven-years-old shepherd maiden became to Paris and
her France. You have not heard of her in that kind?— I
No : how should you ? — for she did not lead armies, but
stayed them, and all her power was in peace.
7. There are, however, some seven or eight and twenty
lives of her, I believe ; into the literature of which I cannot
enter, nor need, all having been ineffective in producing
any clear picture of her to the modern French or English
mind; and leaving one's own poor sagacities and fancy to
gather and shape the sanctity of her into an intelligible, I
do not say a credible, form; for there is no question here
about belief, — the creature is as real as Joan of Arc, and
far more powerful; — she is separated, just as St. Martin
is, by his patience, from too provocative prelates — by her
quietness of force, from the pitiable crowd of feminine
martyr saints. j
There are thousands of religious girls who have never
1 [See 2 Kings ii. 23.]
^ [Mrs. Jameson, Sacred and Legendary Art, ed. 1850, p. 455.]
II. UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 57
rot themselves into any calendars, but have wasted and
vearied away their lives — heaven knows why, for we cannot ;
)ut here is one, at any rate, who neither scolds herself to
nartyrdom, nor frets herself into consumption, but becomes
I tower of the Flock,^ and builder of folds for them all
ler days.
8. The first thing, then, you have to note of her, is
hat she is a pure native GauL She does not come as a
nissionary out of Hungary, or Illyria, or Egypt, or ineffable
;pace; but grows at Nanterre, like a marguerite in the dew,
he first " Heine Blanche " ^ of Gaul.
T have not used this ugly word Gaul " before, and
ve must be quite sure what it means, at once, though it
vill cost us a long parenthesis.
9. During all the years of the rising power of Rome,
ler people called everybody a Gaul who lived north of the
»ources of Tiber. If you are not content with that general
itatement, you may read the article Gallia " in Smith's
lictionary,^ which consists of seventy-one columns of close
jrint, containing each as much as three of my pages ; and
ells you at the end of it, that though long, it is not
complete." You may, however, gather from it, after an
littentive perusal, as much as I have above told you.
But, as early as the second century after Christ, and
nuch more distinctly in the time with which we are our-
lelves concerned — the fifth — the wild nations opposed to
Rome, and partially subdued, or held at bay by her, had
resolved themselves into two distinct masses, belonging to
'.wo distinct latitudes. One, Jia^'ed in habitation of the plea-
sant temperate zone of Europe — England with her western
mountains, the healthy limestone plateaux and granite
[nounts of France, the German labyrinths of woody hill
md winding thai, from the Tyrol to the Hartz, and all
1 fMicah iv. 8.]
^ Reine Blanche," because named white wave " (§ 3) and here called
white as a daisy ; but the phrase is generally used with reference to the white,
nstead of black, mourning of the widowed Queens of France.]
' [Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, by William Smith, 1856, vol. i.
jp. 934-970.]
58
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
the vast enclosed basin and branching valleys of the Car-
pathians. Think of these four districts, briefly and clearly,-
as " Britain," " Gaul," " Germany," and " Dacia." ' |
10. North of these rudely, but patiently, resident races,
possessing fields and orchards, quiet herds, homes of a sort,!
moralities and memories not ignoble, dwelt, or rather drifted,
and shook, a shattered chain of gloomier tribes, piratical
mainly, and predatory, nomad essentially ; homeless, of neces-
sity, finding no stay nor comfort in earth, or bitter sky:j
desperately wandering along the waste sands and drenched
morasses of the flat country stretching from the mouths
of the Rhine to those of the Vistula, and beyond Vistula
nobody knows where, nor needs to know. Waste sands
and rootless bogs their portion, ice-fastened and cloud-
shadowed, for many a day of the rigorous year : shallow
pools and oozings and windings of retarded streams, black
decay of neglected woods, scarcely habitable, never loveablajj
to this day the inner mainlands little changed for good*— j
and their inhabitants now fallen even on sadder times. 1
11. For in the fifth century they had herds of cattle t
to drive and kill, unpreserved hunting-grounds full of game
and wild deer, tameable reindeer also then, even so far in
the south ; spirited hogs, good for practice of fight as in
Meleager's time, and afterwards for bacon ; furry creatures
innumerable, all good for meat or skin. Fish of the in-
finite sea breaking their back-fibre nets ; fowl innumerable,
migrant in the skies, for their flint-headed arrows ; bred
* See generally any description that Carlyle has had occasion to give
of Prussian or Polish ground, or edge of Baltic shore.^
f Gigantic — and not yet fossilized ! See Gibbon's note on the death oi
Theodebert: "The King pointed his spear — the Bull overturned a tree on
his heady — he died the same day." — vii. 255.^ The Horn of Uri and her
shield, with the chiefly towering crests of the German helm, attest the
terror of these aurochs herds.
^ [See, further, ch. iii. ; below, p. 90.]
* [See, for instance, the description of ^' Preussen " in Book ii. ch. ii. oi
Friedricli.^
^ [Chapter 41 (a note). Ruskin's references are to Milman's edition of Gbbion
(Murray, 1838) ; see below, p. 219 n. On the Horn of Uri, see Vol. XII. p. 194
and FrcBterita, iii. § 8G (Vol. XXXV.).]
II. UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 59
lorses for their own riding; ships of no mean size, and of
ill sorts, flat-bottomed for the oozy puddles, keeled and
lacked for strong Elbe stream and furious Baltic on the
lorth, — for mountain- cleaving Danube and the black lake
)f Colchos on the south.
12. And they were, to all outward aspect, and in all
^elt force, the living powers of the world, in that long hour
>f its transfiguration. All else known once for awful, had
)ecome formalism, folly, or shame : — the Homan armies, a
nere sworded mechanism, fast falling confused, every sword
tgainst its fellow ; — the Roman civil multitude, mixed of
laves, slave-masters, and harlots ; the East, cut off from
Europe by the intervening weakness of the Greek. These
tarving troops of the Black forests and White seas, them-
elves half wolf, half drift-wood, (as we once called our-
elves Lion-hearts, and Oak-hearts, so they,) merciless as
he herded hound, enduring as the wild birch-tree and pine.
loM will hear of few beside them for five centuries yet
o come: Visigoths, west of Vistula; — Ostrogoths, east of
: /^istula ; radiant round little Holy Island (Heligoland), our
; wn Saxons, and Hamlet the Dane, and his foe the sledded
! ^olack on the ice,^ — all these south of Baltic; and, pouring
cross Baltic, constantly, her mountain-ministered strength
I )candinavia, until at last she for a time rules all, and the
Gorman name is of disputeless dominion, from the North
1 'ape to Jerusalem.
I 13. This is the apparent, this the only recognized world
listory, as I have said, for five centuries to come. And
et the real history is underneath all this. The wander-
i ng armies are, in the heart of them, only living hail, and
I hunder, and fire along the ground.^ But the Suffering Life,
i he rooted heart of native humanity, growing up in eternal
entleness, howsoever wasted, forgotten, or spoiled, — itself
leither wasting, nor wandering, nor slaying, but unconquer-
' ble by grief or death, became the seed ground of all love,
I - .
1 [Hamlet y Act i. sc. 1, 63.]
2 [Exodus ix. 23.]
60
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
that was to be born in due time ; giving, then, to mortality,
what hope, joy, or genius it could receive; and — if there
be immortality — rendering out of the grave to the Church
her fostering Saints, and to Heaven her helpful Angels.
14. Of this low-nestling, speechless, harmless, infinitely
submissive, infinitely serviceable order of being, no Historian
ever takes the smallest notice, except when it is robbed,
or slain. I can give you no picture of it, bring to your
ears no murmur of it, nor cry. I can only show you the
absolute " must have been " of its unrewarded past, and
the way in which all we have thought of, or been told, is
founded on the deeper facts in its history, unthought of,
and untold.
15. The main mass of this innocent and invincible
peasant life is, as I have above told you, grouped in the
fruitful and temperate districts of (relatively) mountainous
Europe, — reaching, west to east, from the Cornish Land's
End to the mouth of the Danube. Already, in the times
we are now dealing with, it was full of native passion —
generosity — and intelligence capable of all things. Dacia
gave to Rome the four last of her great Emperors,^ — Britain
to Christianity the first deeds, and the final legends, of her
chivalry, — Germany, to all manhood, the truth and the fire
of the Frank,' — Gaul, to all womanhood, the patience and
strength of St. Genevieve.
16. The truth, and the fire, of the Frank, — I must repeat
with insistence, — for my younger readers have probably
* Claudius, Aurelian, Probus, Constantius ; and after the division of the
empire, to the East, Justinian. " The emperor Justinian was born of an
obscure race of Barbarians, the inhabitants of a wild and desolate country,
to which the names of Dardania, of Dacia, and of Bulgaria have been suc-
cessively applied. The names of these Dardanian peasants are Gothic, and
almost English. Justinian is a translation of Uprauder (upright) ; his father,
Sabatius, — in Graeco-barbarous language, Stipes — was styled in his village
' Istock ' (Stock)." — Gibbon, beginning of chap. xl. and note.
^ [In the first draft of this chapter Ruskin here went on (1) with mattei
afterwards used (in a revised form) in Candida Cam, § 20 ; then (2) with that in
Bible of Amiens, iii. § 10 (also revised); next (3) with Candida Casa, §§ 22, 23;
then resuming at § 17 here. See, therefore, below, pp. 219, 91, 221.]
II. UNDER THE DKACHENFELS 61
3een in the habit of thinking that the French were more
jolite than true. They will find, if they examine into
:he matter, that only Truth can be polished : and that all
Are recognize of beautiful, subtle, or constructive, in the
nanners, the language, or the architecture of the French,
3omes of a pure veracity in their nature, which you will
>oon feel in the living creatures themselves if you love
:hem: if you understand even their worst rightly, their
/ery Revolution was a revolt against lies ; and against
che betrayal of Love. No people had ever been so loyal
n vain.
17. That they were originally Germans, they themselves
[ suppose would now gladly forget; but how they shook
:he dust of Germany off their feet — and gave themselves a
lew name — is the first of the phenomena which we have
low attentively to observe respecting them.
"The most rational critics," says Mr. Gibbon in his
tenth chapter, " suppose that about the year 240 " {suppose
then, we, for our greater comfort, say about the year 250,
Ijalf-way to end of fifth century, where we are, — ten years
less or more, in cases of *' supposing about," do not much
matter, but some floating buoy of a date will be handy
" About " A.D. 250, then, " a new confederacy was formed
under the name of Franks, by the old inhabitants of the
lower Rhine and the Weser."
18. My own impression, concerning the old inhabitants
of the lower Rhine and the Weser, would have been that
they consisted mostly of fish, with superficial frogs and
ducks ; but Mr. Gibbon's note on the passage informs us that
the new confederation composed itself of human creatures,
in these items following : —
1. The Chauci, who lived we are not told where.
2. The Sicambri „ in the Principality of Waldeck.
in the Duchy of Berg,
on the banks of the Lippe.
in the country of the Bructeri.
in Hessia.
3. The Attuarii
4. The Bructeri
5. The Chamavii
6. The Catti
62
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
All this I believe you will be rather easier in your minds
if you forget than if you remember ; but if it please you «
to read, or re-read, (or best of all, get read to you by '
some real Miss Isabella Wardour,) the story of Martin
Waldeck in The Antiquary,^ you will gain from it a suffi-
cient notion of the central character of " the Principality of
Waldeck" connected securely with that important German
word ; " woody " — or woodish" I suppose ? — descriptive
of rock and half-grown forest; together with some whole-
some reverence for Scott's instinctively deep foundations of
nomenclature.^
19. But for our present purpose we must also take
seriously to our maps again, and get things within linear
limits of space.
All the maps of Germany which I have myself the privi-
lege of possessing, diffuse themselves, just north of Frank-
fort, into the likeness of a painted window broken small by
Puritan malice, and put together again by ingenious church- j
wardens with every bit of it wrong side upwards ; — this '
curious vitrerie purporting to represent the sixty, seventy,
eighty, or ninety dukedoms, marquisates, counties, baronies,
electorates, and the like, into which hereditary Alemannia
cracked itself in that latitude. But under the mottling i
colours, and through the jotted and jumbled alphabets of r
distracted dignities — besides a chain-mail of black railroads
over all, the chains of it not in links, but bristling with
legs, like centipedes,^ — a hard forenoon's work with good
magnifying-glass enables one approximately to make out
the course of the Weser, and the names of certain towns
near its sources, deservedly memorable.
20. In case you have not a forenoon to spare, nor eye-
sight to waste, this much of merely necessary abstract
must serve you, — that from the Drachenfels and its six
^ [See chapter xviii.]
2 [On this subject, see Val d'Arno, § 218 (Vol. XXIII. p. 125).]
' [Compare Ruskin's description of the ordinary maps of France in Fors Clavigeray
Letter 95 (Vol. XXIX. p. 505).]
II. UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 63
•rother felsen,^ eastward, trending to the north, there runs
nd spreads a straggling company of gnarled and mysterious
raglets, jutting and scowling above glens fringed by coppice,
nd fretful or musical with stream: the crags, in pious
ges, mostly castled, for distantly or fancifully Christian
urposes ; — the glens, resonant of woodmen, or burrowed
t the sides by miners, and invisibly tenanted farther,
nderground, by gnomes, and, above, by forest and other
emons. The entire district, clasping crag to crag, and
uiding dell to dell, some hundred and fifty miles (with
itervals) between the Dragon mountain above Rhine, and
he Rosin mountain — " Hartz " — shadowy still, to the south
f the riding grounds of Black Brunswickers of indisput-
ble bodily presence ; — shadowy anciently with " Hercynian "
ledge, or fence) forest, corrupted or coinciding into Hartz,
r Rosin forest, haunted by obscurely apparent foresters of
t least resinous, not to say sulphurous, extraction.
21, A hundred and fifty miles east to west, say half as
luch north to south — about a thousand square miles in
i^hole — of metalliferous, coniferous, and Ghostiferous moun-
ain, fluent, and diffluent for us, both in mediaeval and
ecent times, with the most Essential oil of Turpentine,
nd Myrrh or Frankincense of temper and imagination,
^hich may be typified by it, producible in Germany; —
specially if we think how the more delicate uses of Rosin,
s indispensable to the Fiddle-bow, have developed them-
elves, from the days of St. Elizabeth of Marburg to
hose of St. Mephistopheles of Weimar.^
22. As far as I know, this cluster of wayward cliff and
ingle has no common name as a group of hills ; and it is
uite impossible to make out the diverse branching of it
1 any maps I can lay hand on : but we may remember
asily, and usefully, that it is all north of the Main, — that
^ [For the Siebengebirge, see Vol. XII. p. 377 n.]
^ [From the days, that is, when St. Elizabeth, of Hungary (for whom, see
ol. XIX. p. 14) lived and died at the castle of Marburg — ^^in a most melodiously
lous sort," says Carlyle {Friedrich^ Book ii. ch. vii.) — to those of the very different
telodies of Goethe's Mephistopheles ; or to put the contrast in another way, from
he Saint's Tragedy (in which Kingsley tells her story) to Faust.]
64
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
it rests on the Drachenfels at one end, and tosses itself
away to the morning light with a concave swoop, up to
the Hartz, (Brocken summit, 8700 feet above sea, nothing
higher) : with one notable interval for Weser stream, of
which presently.^ |
23. We will call this, in future, the chain, or company,
of the Enchanted Mountains; and then we shall all the
more easily join on the Giant mountains, Riesen-Gebirge,
when we want them : but these are altogether higher,j
sterner, and not yet to be invaded ; the nearer ones, through
which our road lies, we might perhaps more patly call the
Goblin mountains ; but that w^ould be scarcely reverent to
St. Elizabeth, nor to the numberless pretty chatelaines oi
towers, and princesses of park and glen, who have made
German domestic manners sweet and exemplary, and have
led their lightly rippling and translucent lives down the
glens of ages, until enchantment becomes, perhaps, tooj i
canonical, in the Almanach de Gotha.
We will call them therefore the Enchanted Mountains.'
not the Goblin ; perceiving gratefully also that the Rock
spirits of them have really much more of the temper of fair}
physicians than of gnomes : each — as it were with sensitive :
hazel wand instead of smiting rod — beckoning, out of sparrj ^
caves, effervescent Brunnen, beneficently salt and warm.
24. At the very heart of this Enchanted chain, then—
(and the beneficentest, if one use it and guide it rightly
of all the Brunnen there,) sprang the fountain of th(
earliest Frank race; "in the principality of AValdeck,"^-
you can trace their current to no farther source ; there i
rises out of the earth.
" Frankenberg " (Burg), on right bank of the Eder
nineteen miles north of Marburg, you may find marke(
clearly in the map No. 18 of Black's General Atlas,
wherein the cluster of surrounding bewitched mountains
» [See below, §§ 24-26.]
2 [See above, pp. m, 62.]
a [The edition of I860.]
II. UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 65
nd the valley of Eder-stream, otherwise (as the village
igher up the dell still calls itself) " Engel-Bach," "Angel
{rook," joining that of the Fulda, just above Cassel, are
Iso delineated in a way intelligible to attentive mortal
yes, I should be plagued with the names in trying a
oodcut ; but a few careful pen-strokes, or wriggles, of
our own ofF-hand touching, would give you the concurrence
f the actual sources of Weser in a comfortably extricated
)rm, with the memorable towns on them, or just south
f them, on the other slope of the watershed, towards
Iain. Frankenberg and Waldeck on Eder, Fulda and
assel on Fulda, Eisenach on Werra,^ who accentuates him-
If into Weser after taking Fulda for bride, as Tees the
rreta,^ beyond Eisenach, under the Wartburg, (of which
ou have heard as a castle employed on Christian mission
id Bible Society purposes ^) : — town-streets below hard paved
ith basalt — name of it, Iron-ach, significant of Thuringian
•mouries in the old time, — it is active with mills for many
lings yet.
25. The rocks all the way from Rhine, thus far, are
ts and spurts of basalt through irony sandstone, with a
rip of coal or two northward, by the grace of God not
orth digging for ; at Frankenberg even a gold mine ; also,
7 Heaven's mercy, poor of its ore; but wood and iron
ways to be had for the due trouble ; and, of softer wealth
)0ve ground, — game, corn, fruit, flax, wine, wool, and
imp ! Monastic care over all, in Fulda's and Walter's
3uses* — which I find marked by a cross as built by some
ous Walter, Knight or Minnesinger on this Boden-wasser,^
1 [Eisenach is in fact on the Horsel, which joins the Werra some distance below
B town.]
^ [See the lines from Scott quoted in Modern Painters, vol. iii. (Vol. V. pp. 340-
1).]
' [The allusion seems to be to the fact that Luther worked at his translation
the Bible in the Castle (May 4, 1521-March 6, 1522). The room which he
tbupied is still shown, with various relics of the Reformer.]
* [The town of " Waltershausen." At Fulda there was a Benedictine monastery.}
^ [AH editions hitherto have read : —
"... Walter's houses — which I find marked by a cross as built by
some pious Walter, Knig^ht of Meiningen on the Boden-wasser, ..."
e MS., however, shows that the passage has been misprinted ; the words actually
XXXIII. E
66
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
Bottom water, as of water having found its way well down!
at last: so " Boden-See," of Rhine well got down out of
Via Mala.
26. And thus, having got your springs of Weser clear
from the rock ; and, as it were, gathered up the reins ol
your river, you can draw for yourself, easily enough, the
course of its farther stream, flowing virtually straight north
to the North Sea. And mark it strongly on your sketched
map of Europe, next to the border Vistula, leaving out
Elbe 3^et for a time. For now, you may take the whok
space between Weser and Vistula (north of the mountains)
as wild barbarian (Saxon or Goth) ; but, piercing the source
of the Franks at Waldeck, you will find them gradually
but swiftly, filling all the space between Weser and the
mouths of Rhine, passing from mountain foam into calmei
diffusion over the Netherland, where their straying forest
and pastoral life has at last to embank itself into mudd}
agriculture, and, in bleak-flying sea mist, forget the sunshim
on its basalt crags.
27. Whereupon, we must also pause, to embank ourselve
somewhat; and before other things, try what we can under
stand in this name of Frank, concerning which Gibboi
tells us, in his sweetest tones of satisfied moral serenity-
" The love of liberty was the ruling passion of thesi
Germans. They deserved, they assumed, they maintained
the honourable epithet of Franks, or Freemen."^ He doe
not, however, tell us in what language of the time-
written by Ruskiii are now substituted in the text. The passage is still not ver
clear. Ruskin appears to have been drawing on his fancy in connexion with tb ^
cross which he noticed in the map (what, however, Ruskin took for a cross i
the end of a hatched line indicating a railway). He ascribes the foundation C !
Waltershausen to some Knight or Minnesinger, building a House on the river f
We may suppose that the name AValter had brought into his mind the thought (
the Minnesinger,, Walter von der Vogelweid (for whom see Vol. XII. p. 508), in th
age of the second Frederick, who held his court sometimes on the shores of tli
Lake of Constance (Boden-see). German legends of the lake — such as Schwab
well-known poem, Der Reiter and der Boden See — may also have come into Ruskini i
mind ; and thus, as he was dealing with the "springs of Weser," he calls the rivdj '
" this Boden-wasser," explaining it as in the text; with which explanation, compai
a note in Ulric, Vol. XXXII. p. 368 n. Waltershausen is in fact on a streamle
tributary to the Horsel.]
» [Ch. X. ; vol. i. p. 435 (ed. 1838).]
11. UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 67
tiaucian, Sicambrian, Chamavian, or Cattian ^ — " Frank "
^er meant Free: nor can I find out myself what tongue
' any time it first belongs to ; but I doubt not that Miss
onge {History of Christian Names, Articles on Frey and
rank^) gives the true root, in what she calls the High
erman "Frang," Free Lord, Not by any means a Free
immoner, or anything of the sort ! but a person whose
iture and name implied the existence around him, and
ineath, of a considerable number of other persons who
ere by no means "Frang," nor Frangs. His title is
le of the proudest then maintainable; — ratified at last
' the dignity of age added to that of valour, into the
dgneur, or Monseigneur, not even yet in the last cockney
rm of it, *'Mossoo," wholly understood as a republican
rm !
28. So that, accurately thought of, the quality of Frank-
iss glances only with the flat side of it into any meaning
"Libre," but with all its cutting edge, determinedly,
d to all time, it signifies Brave, strong, and honest,
4ove other men.^ The old woodland race were never
* Gibbon touches the facts more closely in a sentence of his 22nd chapter.
?he independent warriors of Germany, who considered truth as the noblest
their virtues, and freedom as the most valuable of their possessions." ^
i is speaking especially of the Prankish tribe of the Attuarii, against
cm the Emperor Julian had to re-fortify the Rhine from Cleves to Basle :
: the first letters of the Emperor Jovian, after Julian's death, "delegated
military command of Gaul and Illyrium (what a vast one it was, we
sdl see hereafter^), to Malarich, a brave and faithful officer of the nation
the Franks ; " ^ and they remain the loyal allies of Rome in her last
uggle with Alaric.^ Apparently for the sake only of an interesting
iety of language, — and at all events without intimation of any causes of
great a change in the national character, — we find Mr. Gibbon in his
ict volume suddenly adopting the abusive epithets of Procopius, and calling
i Franks '^a light and perfidious nation" (vii. 251). The only traceable
See above, p. 61.]
See p. 297 (ed. 1884). See further on the derivation of the word Franh^
's Clavigera, Letter 43, § 15 (Vol. XXVIII. pp. 122-123).]
'Vol. iv. p. 5.]
See below, p. 99.]
Ch. XXV. ; vol. iv. p. 219.]
'See Gibbon, ch. xxx. ; vol. v. p. 215. Raskin's following reference is to
vii. ; not therefore the ''next volume."]
68 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
I
in any wolfish sense **free," but in a most human sense
Frank, outspoken, meaning what they had said, and standing
to it, when they had got it out. Quick and clear in wore
and act, fearless utterly, and restless always ; — but idly law
less, or weakly lavish, neither in deed nor word. Theiil
frankness, if you read it as a scholar and a Christian, and*
not like a modern half-bred, half-brained infidel, knowing
no tongue of all the world but in the slang of it, is reall}
opposed, not to Servitude, — but to Shyness ! It is tc
this day the note of the sweetest and Frenchest of Frenclj
character, that it makes simply perfect Servants, Unweariec
in protective friendship, in meekly dextrous omnificence
in latent tutorship; the lovingly availablest of valets, — th(
grounds for this unexpected description of them are that they refuse to b'
bribed either into friendship or activity, by Rome or Ravenna ; and that ii
his invasion of Italy, the grandson of Clovis ^ did not previously send exac
warning of his proposed route, nor even entirely signify his intentions til
he had secured the bridge of the Po at Pavia ; afterwards declaring hi
mind with sufficient distinctness by assaulting, almost at the same instant
the hostile camps of the Goths and Romans, who, instead of uniting theij
arms, fled with equal precipitation." ^ j
* For detailed illustration of the word, see Val d'Arno, Lecture vir
[Vol. XXIII. pp. 116 seq.y, Fors Clavigera, Letters 46 and 77 [Vol. XXVII]
p. 179, and Vol. XXIX. p. 115]; and Chaucer, Romcmnt of Rose, 1212-
" Next him" (the knight sibbe to Arthur) ''daunced dame Franchise ;"-
the English lines are quoted and commented on in the first lecture c
Ariadne Florentina, § 26^ [Vol. XXII. p. 314]; I give the French here:—
" Apres tous ceulx estoit Franchise
Que ne fut ne brune ne bise.
Ains fut comme la neige blanche
Courtoyse estoit, joyeuse, et franche.
Le nez avoit long et tretis,
Yeulx vers, riants ; sourcilz faitis ;
Les cheveulx eut tres-blons et longs
Simple fut comme les coulons
Le cceur eut doulx et debonnaire.
Elle nosait dire ne faire
Nulle riens que faire ne deust."
And I hope my girl readers will never more confuse Franchise wit
" Liberty."
* [Theodebert.]
2 [Ch. xh. ; vol. vii. p. 253.]
' [And more fully in Fors Clavigera, Letter 43 (Vol. XXVIII. p. 114).]
II. UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 69
mentally and personally bonniest of bonnes. But in no
ipacity shy of you ! Though you be the Duke or Duchess
P Montaltissimo, you will not find them abashed at your
titude. They will speak " up " to you, when they have
mind.
29. Best of servants : best of subjects, also, when they
ive an equally frank King, or Count, or Capital, to lead
lem ; of which we shall see proof enough in due time ; —
ut, instantly, note this farther, that, whatever side-gleam
f the thing they afterwards called Liberty may be meant
y the Frank name, you must at once now, and always
I future, guard yourself from confusing their Liberties
ith their Activities. What the temper of the army may
s towards its chief, is one question; whether either chief
!r army can be kept six months quiet, — another, and a
)tally different one. That they must either be fighting
)mebody or going somewhere, — else, their life isn't worth
ving to them ; the activity and mercurial flashing and
ickering hither and thither, which in the soul of it is set
either on war nor rapine, but only on change of place,
lood — ^tense, and tension ; — which never needs to see its
3urs in the dish,^ but has them always bright, and on,
Qd would ever choose rather to ride fasting than sit
casting, — this childlike dread of being put in a corner,
nd continual want of something to do, is to be watched
y us with wondering sympathy in all its sometimes splen-
id, but too often unlucky or disastrous consequences to
he nation itself as well as to its neighbours.
30. And this activity, which we stolid beef-eaters, before
/e had been taught by modern science that we were no
etter than baboons ourselves, were wont discourteously to
iken to that of the livelier tribes of Monkey, did in fact
0 much impress the Hollanders, when first the irriguous
•"ranks gave motion and current to their marshes, that
* [^'When the last bullock was killed and devoured, it was the lady's custom
) place on the table a dish, which, on being uncovered, was found to contain a
air of clean spurs — a hint to the riders that they must shift for the next meal"
Border Minstrelsy, vol. i. p. 211 w.).]
70
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
the earliest heraldry in which we find the Frank power
blazoned seems to be founded on a Dutch endeavour tc
give some distantly satirical presentment of it. " For," says>
a most ingenious historian, Mons. Andre Favine, — Parisian,
and Advocate in the High Court of the French Parlia-
ment in the year 1620"^ — "those people who bordered on
the river Sala, called ' Salts,' by the AUemaignes," were on
their descent into Dutch lands called by the Romans
' Franci Salici ' — (whence * Salique ' law to come, you ob-
serve) and by abridgment ' Salii,' as if of the verb ' salire,'
that is to say 'saulter,' to leap" — (and in future therefore
— duly also to dance — in an incomparable manner) — "to be
quicke and nimble of foot, to leap and mount well, a
quality most notably requisite for such as dwell in watrie
and marshy places;^ So that while such of the French as^
dwelt on the great course of the river" (Rhine) "were
called 'Nageurs,' Swimmers, they of the marshes were
called ' Saulteurs,' Leapers, so that it was a nickname
given to the French in regard both of their natural dis-,
position and of their dwelling; as, yet to this day, their!
enemies call them French Toades, (or Frogs, more properly)
from whence grew the fable that their ancient Kings carried
such creatures in their Armes."^
31. Without entering at present into debate whether
fable or not, you will easily remember the epithet " Salian"
of these fosse-leaping and river-swimming folk, (so that,)
as aforesaid,* all the length of Rhine must be refortifiedi
against them) — epithet however, it appears, in its origiw
delicately Saline, so that we may with good discretion, as
we call our seasoned Mariners, ''old Salts," think of these
more brightly sparkling Franks as "Young Salts," — ^but
this equivocated presently by the Romans, with natural
respect to their martial fire and "elan," into "Salii"—
^ [From the title-page of the 1623 (English) edition of Faviue's Theater oj
Honour. ]
^ [Here Favine adds: "except they help themselves with stilts."]
^ [Summarised from p. 76 (Book ii. ch. 3) of Favine.]
* [See above, p. 67, note
II. UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 71
csultantes/^ — such as their own armed priests of war :
id by us now with some little farther, but slight equivo-
ition, into useful meaning, to be thought of as here first
alient, as a beaked promontory, towards the France we
now of; and evermore, in briUiant elasticities of temper,
salient or out-sallying nation; lending to us English
resently — for this much of heraldry we may at once glance
Q to — their " Leopard," ^ not as a spotted or blotted crea-
ire, but as an inevitably springing and pouncing one, for
ur own kingly and princely shields.
32. Thus much of their " Salian " epithet may be
lOUgh; but from the interpretation of the Frankish one
e are still as far as ever, and must be content, in the
leantime, to stay so, noting however two ideas afterwards
atangled with the name, which are of much descriptive
nportance to us.
" The French poet in the first book of his Franciades "
says Mons. Favine; but what poet I know not, nor can
iquire^) "encounters" (in the sense of en-quarters, or
epicts as a herald) "certain fables on the name of the
'ranch by the adoption and composure of two Gaulish
* Their first mischievous exsultation into Alsace being invited by the
'omans themselves, (or at least by Constantius in his jealousy of Julian,) —
ith "presents and promises, — the hopes of spoil, and a perpetual grant of
11 the territories they were able to subdue." Gibbon, chap. xix. (iii. 208).
»y any other historian than Gibbon, (who has really no fixed opinion on
ny character, or question, but, safe in the general truism that the worst
len sometimes do right, and the best often do wrong,^ praises when he
irants to round a sentence, and blames when he cannot otherwise edge
ne) — it might have startled us to be here told of the nation which
deserved, assumed, and maintained the honourable name of freemen/' that
'these imdisciplined robbers treated as their natural enemies all the subjects
f the empire who possessed any property which they were desirous of
cquiring." The first campaign of Julian, which throws both Franks and
Uemanni back across the Rhine, but grants the Salian Franks, under solemn
-ath, their established territory in the Netherlands, must be traced at
nother time.*
1 [See Fors Clavigera, Letter 25 (Vol. XXVII. p. 454).]
' [Ronsard's Franciade (1572).]
3 [Compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 42 (Vol. XXVIII. p. 98).]
* [This, however, was not done: see Gibbon, ch. xix.]
72
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
words joyned together, Phere-Encos which signifieth *Beare- i(
Launcey { — Shake-Lance, we might perhaps venture to] s
translate, a lighter weapon than the Spear beginning here $
to quiver in the hand of its chivalry) — ''and Fere-encos! .
then passing swiftly on the tongue into Francos ; " ^— a, i
derivation not to be adopted, but the idea of the weapon] ii
most carefully, — together with this following — that , J
"among the arms of the ancient French, over and beside the Launce, was !
the Battaile-Axe, which they called Anchon, and moreover, yet to this day,i '*
in many Provinces of France, it is termed an Achon, wherewith they served] i
themselves in warre, by throwing it a farre off at joyning with the enemy, ^
onely to discover the man and to cleave his shield. Because this Ach(m\ ■
was darted with such violence, as it would cleave the Shield, and compelli
the Maister thereof to hold down his arm, and being so discovered, as^ j)
naked or unarmed; it made way for the sooner surprizing of him. Itj j
seemeth, that this weapon was proper and particuler to the French Souldior,; .
as well him on foote, as on horsebacke. For this cause they called itj I
Franciscus, Francisca, securis oblonga, quam Franci librahant in Hostes. Forf
the Horseman, beside his shield and Francisca (Armes common, as wee have! t
said, to the Footman), had also the Lance, which being broken, and servings ^
to no further effect, he laid hand on his Francisca, as we learn the use | ]0
of that weapon in the Archbishop of Tours, his second book, and twenty-'
seventh chapter." 2
33. It is satisfactory to find how respectfully these
lessons of the Archbishop of Tours were received by thei ^l
French knights; and curious to see the preferred use of' ij
the Francisca by all the best of them — down, not only toi |i
Coeur de Lion's time, but even to the day of Poitiers. Inf sr
the last wrestle of the battle at Poitiers gate, " La, fit le
Boy Jehan de sa main, merveilles d'armes, et tenoit une u
hache de guerre dont bien se defFendoit et combattoit, — si-;
la quartre partie de ses gens luy eussent ressemble, la| ^
journee eust ete pour eux."^ Still more notably, in thel
episode of fight which Froissart stops to tell just before,! «
between the Sire de Verclef (on Severn), and the Picard •
squire Jean de Helennes : the Englishman, losing his sword,
dismounts to recover it, on which Helennes casts his own
1 [Favine, p. 65 (Book ii. ch. i.).]
« {ibid., p. 66.]
* [Froissart, Book i. part ii. ch. 44 ; vol. i. p. 353 (Buchon's ed., 1835).]
II. UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 73
t him with such aim and force "qu'il acconsuit I'Anglois
s cuisses, tellement que I'espee entra dedans et le cousit
out parmi, jusqu'au hans."^
On this the knight rendering himself, the squire binds
is wound, and nurses him, staying fifteen days *'pour
amour de lui" at Chasteleraut, while his life was in danger;
nd afterwards carrying him in a litter all the way to his
wn chastel in Picardy. His ransom however is 6000
obles — I suppose about 25,000 pounds, of our present
stimate; and you may set down for one of the fatallest
igns that the days of chivalry are near their darkening,
ow *'devint celuy Escuyer, Chevalier, pour le grand profit
u'il cut du Seigneur de Verclef."
I return gladly to the dawn of chivalry, when, every
our and year, men were becoming more gentle and more
rise; while, even through their worst cruelty and error,
ative qualities of noblest cast may be seen asserting
hemselves for primal motive, and submitting themselves
or future training.
34. We have hitherto got no farther in our notion of
Salian Frank than a glimpse of his two principal weapons,
-the shadow of him, however, begins to shape itself to us
>n the mist of the Brocken, bearing the lance light, pass-
ig into the javelin, — but the axe, his woodman's weapon,
eavy; — for economical reasons, in scarcity of iron, prefer-
blest of all weapons, giving the fullest swing and weight
»f blow with least quantity of actual metal, and roughest
orging. Gibbon gives them also a weighty" sword,
uspended from a "broad" belt:^ but Gibbon's epithets are
Jways gratis,^ and the belted sword, whatever its measure,
vas probably for the leaders only; the belt, itself of gold,
he distinction of the Roman Counts, and doubtless adopted
rom them by the allied Frank leaders, afterwards taking
^ [Froissart, ch. 43, ad fin.^ p. 853.]
2 Ch. XXXV. ; vol. vi. p. 95.]
' [See what Ruskin says, on the contrary, of Milton's epithets : Sesame and Lilies,
21 (Vol. XVIII. p. 71).]
74
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
the Pauline mythic meaning of the girdle of Truth ^— and
so finally ; the chief mark of Belted Knighthood.
35. The Shield, for all, was round, wielded like a
Highlander's target : — armour, presumably, nothing but hard-
tanned leather, or patiently close knitted hemp; Their
close apparel," says Mr. Gibbon, "accurately expressed the
figure of their limbs," ^ but "apparel" is only Miltonic-
Gibbonian for "nobody knows what." He is more intel-
ligible of their persons. "The lofty stature of the Franks,
and their blue eyes, denoted a Germanic origin; the war-
like barbarians were trained from their earliest youth to
run, to leap, to swim, to dart the javelin and battle-axe
with unerring aim, to advance without hesitation against a
superior enemy, and to maintain either in life or death,
the invincible reputation of their ancestors" (vi. 95). For
the first time, in 358, appalled by the Emperor Julian's I
victory at Strasburg, and besieged by him upon the Meuse,
a body of six hundred Franks "dispensed with the ancient j
law which commanded them to conquer or die."^ "Although
they were strongly actuated by the allurements of rapine,
they professed a disinterested love of war, which they
considered as the supreme honour and felicity of human
nature; and their minds and bodies were so hardened by
perpetual action that, according to the lively expression of
an orator, the snows of winter were as pleasant to them
as the flowers of spring."^
36. These mental and bodily virtues, or indurations,
were probably universal in the military rank of the nation:
but we learn presently, with surprise, of so remarkably
" free " a people, that nobody but the King and royal family
might wear their hair to their own liking. The kings
wore theirs in flowing ringlets on the back and shoulders,
— ^the Queens, in tresses rippling to their feet,* — but all
^ [Ephesians vi. 14 : " Stand, therefore, haviug your loins girt about with truth."
Isaiah (xi. 5) uses the same figure.]
' [Ch. XXXV. ; vol. vi. p. 95.]
3 [Ch. xix. ; vol. iii. pp. 219-220.]
* [Compare below, p. 159 n. ; and Val d'Arno, § 212 (Vol. XXIII. p. 124).]
!
II. UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 75
;he rest of the nation '*were obliged, either by law or
iustom, to shave the hinder part of their head, to comb
heir short hair over their forehead, and to content them-
lelves with the ornament of two small whiskers."^
37. Moustaches, — Mr. Gibbon means, I imagine: and I
ake leave also to suppose that the nobles, and noble ladies,
night wear such tress and ringlet as became them. But
igain, we receive unexpectedly embarrassing light on the
lemocratic institutions of the Franks, in being told that
*the various trades, the labours of agriculture, and the arts
)f hunting and fishing, were exercised by servile hands for
he emolument of the Sovereign."^
** Servile" and ''Emolument," however, though at first
hey sound very dreadful and very wrong, are only Miltonic-
iibbonian expressions of the general fact that the Frankish
Sngs had ploughmen in their fields, employed weavers and
miths to make their robes and swords, hunted with hunts-
jnen, hawked with falconers, and were in other respects
tyrannical to the ordinary extent that an English Master
!)f Hounds may be. " The mansion of the long-haired Kings
Ivas surrounded with convenient yards and stables for
|)Oultry and cattle ; the garden was planted with useful
vegetables ; the magazines filled with corn and wine either
or sale or consumption ; and the whole administration con-
iucted by the strictest rules of private economy."^
38. I have collected these imperfect, and not always
extremely consistent, notices of the aspect and temper of the
[•"ranks out of Mr. Gibbon's casual references to them during
I period of more than two centuries, — and the last pass-
ige quoted, which he accompanies with the statement that
' one hundred and sixty of these rural palaces were scattered
:hrough the provinces of their kingdom," without telling
iis what kingdom, or at what period, must I think be held
jlescriptive of the general manner and system of their
1 [Ch. XXXV. ; vol. vi. p. 94.]
2 [Ch. xxxviii. ; vol. vi. p. 336.1
3 [Ibid.-]
76
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
monarchy after the victories of Clovis. But, from the first
hour you hear of him, the Frank, closely considered, is
always an extremely ingenious, well-meaning, and industrious
personage ; — if eagerly acquisitive, also intelligently conser-
vative and constructive ; an element of order and crystal-
line edification, which is to consummate itself one day in
the aisles of Amiens ; and things generally insuperable and
impregnable, if the inhabitants of them had been as sound-
hearted as their builders, for many a day beyond.
39. But for the present, we must retrace our ground a
little; for indeed I have lately observed with compunction,
in re-reading some of my books for revised issue, that if
ever I promise, in one number or chapter, careful con-
sideration of any particular point in the next, the next
never does touch upon the promised point at all, but is sure
to fix itself passionately on some antithetic, antipathic, or
antipodic, point in the opposite hemisphere. This manner
of conducting a treatise I find indeed extremely conducive
to impartiality and largeness of view; but can conceive it
to be — ^to the general reader — not only disappointing, (if
indeed I may flatter myself that I ever interest enough to
disappoint,) but even liable to confirm in his mind some of
the fallacious and extremely absurd insinuations of adverse
critics respecting my inconsistency, vacillation, and liability
to be affected by changes of the weather in my principles or
opinions. I purpose, therefore, in these historical sketches,
at least to watch, and I hope partly to correct myself in
this fault of promise-breaking, and at whatever sacrifice of
my variously fluent or re-fluent humour, to tell in each
successive chapter in some measure what the reader justi-
fiably expects to be told.
40. I left, merely glanced at, in my opening chapter,
the story of the vase of Soissons.^ It may be found (and
it is very nearly the only thing that is to be found re-
specting the personal life or character of the first Louis)
* [See above, p. 34.]
11. UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 77
I in every cheap popular history of France ; with cheap
popular moralities engrafted thereon. Had I time to trace
lit to its first sources, perhaps it might take another aspect.
I But I give it as you may anywhere find it — asking you
oiily to consider whether — even as so read — it may not
properly bear a somewhat different moral.
41. The story is, then, that after the battle of Soissons,
in the division of Roman, or Gallic spoil, the King wished
to have a beautifully wrought silver vase for — ''himself,"
I I was going to write — and in my last chapter did mis-
I takenly infer that he wanted it for his better self, — his
j Queen. But he wanted it for neither ; — it was to restore
I to St. Remy, that it might remain among the consecrated
I treasures of Rheims. That is the first point on which
1 the popular histories do not insist, and which one of his
I warriors, claiming equal division of treasure, chose also
j to ignore. The vase was asked by the King in addition
j to his own portion, and the Frank knights, while they
I rendered true obedience to their king as a leader, had not
1 the smallest notion of allowing him what more recent kings
j call *' Royalties " — taxes on everything they touch. And
I one of these Frank knights or Counts — a little franker
I than the rest — and as incredulous of St. Remy's saintship
as a Protestant Bishop, or Positivist Philosopher — took
upon him to dispute the King's and the Church's claim, in
the manner, suppose, of a Liberal opposition in the House
of Commons ; and disputed it with such security of support
I by the public opinion of the fifth century, that — the King
j persisting in his request — the fearless soldier dashed the
vase to pieces with his war-axe, exclaiming, "Thou shalt
have no more than thy portion by lot."
42. It is the first clear assertion of French *'Liberte,
I Fraternite and Egalite," supported, then, as now, by the
destruction, which is the only possible active operation of
''free" personages, of the art they cannot produce.
The King did not continue the quarrel. Cowards will
think that he paused in cowardice, and malicious persons,
78
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
that he paused in inahgnity. He did pause in anger
assuredly; but biding its time, which the anger of a strong
man always can, and burn hotter for the waiting, which
is one of the chief reasons for Christians being told not
to let the sun go down upon it.^ Precept which Christians
now-a-days are perfectly ready to obey, if it is somebody
else who has been injured ; ^ and indeed, the difficulty in
such cases is usually to get them to think of the injury
even while the Sun rises on their wrath. ^
43. The sequel is very shocking indeed — to modern j
sensibility. I give it in the, if not polished, at least deli- I
cately varnished, language of the Pictorial History:^ —
"About a year afterwards, on reviewing his troops, he
went to the man who had struck the vase, and examining
his arms, complained that they were in bad condition ! "
(Italics mine) "and threw them" (What? shield and
sword?) "on the ground. The soldier stooped to recover
them; and at that moment the King struck him on the
head with his battle-axe, crying, 'Thus didst thou to the
vase at Soissons.' " The Moral modern historian proceeds (
to reflect that "this — as an evidence of the condition of
the Franks, and of the ties by which they were united, —
gives but the idea of a band of Robbers and their chief"
Which is, indeed, so far as I can myself look into and
decipher the nature of things, the Primary idea to be
entertained respecting most of the kingly and military
organizations in this world, down to our own day; (unless
perchance it be the Afghans and Zulus who are stealing
our lands in England — instead of we theirs, in their several
countries). But concerning the manner of this piece of
* Read Mr. Plimsoll's article on coal mines for instance."*
1 [See Ephesians iv. 26. J
^^[Compare what Ruskin says on the decay of ''righteous anger," Vol. XX.
3 [The Pictorial History of France and of the French People, vol. i. pp. 53-54.]
* [^'Explosions in Collieries, and their Cure/' in the Nineteenth Century,
December 1880, vol. 8, pp. 895-920.]
II. UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 79
military execution, I must for the present leave the reader
to consider with himself, whether indeed it be less Kingly,
or more savage, to strike an uncivil soldier on the head
with one's own battle-axe, than, for instance, to strike a
person like Sir Thomas More on the neck with an execu-
tioner's,— using for the mechanism, and as it were guillotine
bar and rope to the blow — ^the manageable forms of National
Law, and the gracefully twined intervention of a polite
group of noblemen and bishops.
44. Far darker things have to be told of him than this,
as his proud life draws towards the close, — things which, if
any of us could see clear through darkness, you should be
told in all the truth of them. But we never can know
the truth of Sin ; for its nature is to deceive, alike, on the
one side the Sinner, on the other the Judge: Diabolic, —
betraying whether we yield to it, or condemn. Here is
Gibbon's sneer — if you care for it; but I gather first from
the confused paragraphs which conduct to it, the sentences
of praise, less niggard than the Sage of Lausanne usually
grants to any hero who has confessed the influence of
Christianity : —
45. "Clovis, when he was no more than fifteen years of age, succeeded,
by his father's death, to the command of the Salian tribe. The narrow
limits of his kingdom were confined to the island of the Batavians, with the
mcient dioceses of Tournay and Arras ; and at the baptism of Clovis, the
number of his warriors could not exceed five thousand. The kindred tribes
3f the Franks who had seated themselves along the Scheldt, the Meuse, the
Moselle, and the Rhine, were governed by their independent kings, of the
Merovingian race, the equals, the allies, and sometimes the enemies of the
Salic Prince. When he first took the field he had neither gold nor silver
in his coffers, nor wine and corn in his magazines; but he imitated the
^jxample of Caesar, who in the same country had acquired wealth by the
sword, and purchased soldiers with the fruits of conquest. The untamed
spirit of the Barbarians was taught to acknowledge the advantages of
regular discipline. At the annual review of the month of March, their
arms were diligently inspected ; and when they traversed a peaceful ter-
ritory they were prohibited from touching a blade of grass. The justice
3f Clovis was inexorable ; and his careless or disobedient soldiers were
punished with instant death. It would be superfluous to praise the valour
af a Frank ; but the valour of Clovis was directed by cool and consum-
mate prudence. In all his transactions with mankind he calculated the
weight of interest, of passion, and of opinion; and his measures were
80
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
sometimes adapted to the sanguinary manners of the Germans, and some-
times moderated by the milder genius of Rome, and Christianity.
46. "But the savage conqueror of Gaul was incapable of examining thei
proofs of a religion, which depends on the laborious investigation of historic
evidence, and speculative theology. He was still more incapable of feeling
the mild influence of the Gospel, which persuades and purifies the heart
of a genuine convert. His ambitious reign was a perpetual violation of
moral and Christian duties : his hands were stained with blood, in peace ^
as well as in war ; and, as soon as Clovis had dismissed a synod of the
Gallican Church, he calmly assassinated all the princes of the Merovingian
race." ^
47. It is too true ; but rhetorically put, in the first
place — for we ought to be told how many '"all" the
princes were ; — in the second place, we must note that,
supposing Clovis had in any degree "searched the Scrip-
tures"^ as presented to the Western world by St. Jerome,
he was likely, as a soldier-king, to have thought more of
the mission of Joshua^ and Jehu than of the patience of
Christ, whose sufferings he thought rather of avenging than
imitating : and the question whether the other Kings of the
Franks should either succeed him, or, in envy of his en-
larged kingdom, attack and dethrone, was easily in his
mind convertible from a personal danger into the chance of
the return of the whole nation to idolatry. And, in the
last place, his faith in the Divine protection of his cause
had been shaken by his defeat before Aries by the Ostro-
goths ; and the Frank leopard had not so wholly changed
his spots ^ as to surrender to an enemy the opportunity of
a first spring.
* The likeness was afterwards taken up by legend, and the walls of
Angouleme, after the battle of Poitiers, are said to have fallen at the sound
of the trumpets of Clovis. A miracle,'' says Gibbon, which may be
reduced to the supposition that some clerical engineers had secretly under-
mined the foundations of the rampart." * I cannot too often warn my honest
readers against the modern habit of reducing" all history whatever to
"the supposition that" . . . etc., etc. The legend is of course the natural
and easy expansion of a metaphor.
^ [Ch. xxxviii. ; vol. vi. p. 294.]
[John V. 39.]
^ Jeremiah xiii. 23.]
^ [Ch. xxxviii. ; vol. vi. p. 81 7-]
11. UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 81
48. Finally, and beyond all these personal questions,
he forms of cruelty and subtlety — the former, observe,
rising much out of a scorn of pain which was a condition
|f honour in their women as well as men, are in these
ivage races all founded on their love of glory in war,
i^hich can only be understood by comparing what remains
jf the same temper in the higher castes of the North
junerican Indians ; and, before tracing in final clearness the
jctual events of the reign of Clovis to their end, the reader
|dll do well to learn this list of the personages of the
ireat Drama, taking to heart the meaning of the naine of
ich, both in its probable effect on the mind of its bearer,
I ad in its fateful expression of the course of their acts, and
le consequences of it to future generations : —
(1.) Clovis. Frank form, Hluodoveh. '^Glorious Holiness," or consecra-
tion. Latin Chlodovisus, when baptized by St. Remj, softening
afterwards through the centuries into Lhodovisus, Ludovicus,
Louis.
(2.) Albofleda. " White household fairy " } His youngest sister ; married
Theodoric (Theutreich, " People's ruler the great King of the
Ostrogoths.
(3.) Clotilde. Hlod-hilda. " Glorious Battle-maid." His wife. « Hilda "
first meaning Battle, pure ; and then passing into Queen or
Maid of Battle. Christianized to Ste Clotilde in France, and
Ste Hilda of Whitby cHff.
(3.) Clotilde. His only daughter. Died for the Catholic faith, under
Arian persecution.
(4.) Childebert. His eldest son by Clotilde, the first Frank King in
Paris. "Battle Splendour," softening into Hildebert, and then
Hildebrandt, as in the Nibelung.
(5.) Chlodomir. " Glorious Fame." His second son by Clotilde.
(6.) Clotaire. His youngest son by Clotilde ; virtually the destroyer of
his father's house. " Glorious Warrior."
(7.) Chlodowald. Youngest son of Chlodomir. " Glorious Power," after-
wards "St. Cloud."
49. I will now follow straight, through their light and
ladow, the course of Clovis' reign and deeds.
A.D. 481. Crowned, when he was only fifteen. Five
3ars afterwards, he challenges, "in the spirit, and almost
the language of chivalry,"^ the Roman governor Syagrius,
1 [Gibbon, vol. vi. p. 297.]
XXXIII. F
82
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
holding the district of Rheims and Soissons. " Campum j
sibi prgeparari jussit — he commanded his antagonist to pre-| [
pare him a battle field " — see Gibbon's note and referencej j
chap, xxxviii. The Benedictine abbey of Nogent was after- . |
wards built on the field, marked by a circle of Paganj
sepulchres. "Clovis bestowed the adjacent lands of Leuill)^ .j
and Coucy on the church of Rheims."^^ j
A.D. 485. The Battle of Soissons. Not dated by Gibbon; f
the subsequent death of Syagrius at the court of (th^ j
younger) Alaric, was in 486 — take 485 for the battle. \ ^
50. A.D. 493. I cannot find any account of the relation^ j
between Clovis and the King of Burgundy, the uncle oi j
Clotilde, which preceded his betrothal to the orphan princessi |
Her uncle, according to the common history, had killed j
both her father and mother, and compelled her sisteij i
to take the veil — motives none assigned, nor authorities! jt
Clotilde herself was pursued on her way to France, t anc i
the litter in which she travelled captured, with part of hei i
marriage portion. But the princess herself mounted or i
* When? — for this tradition, as well as that of the vase, points to ^ fj
friendship between Clovis and St. Remy, and a singular respect on th^ ,j
King's side for the Christians of Gaul, though he was not yet himself „
converted.
f It is a curious proof of the want in vulgar historians of the slightes
sense of the vital interest of anything they tell, that neither in Gibbom ^
nor in Messrs. Bussey and Gaspey,^ nor in the elaborate Histoire des Villel
de France^ can I find, with the best research my winter's morning allows
what city was at this time the capital of Burgundy, or at least in whiclii j.
of its four nominal capitals, — Dijon, Besan9on, Geneva, and Vienne, — Clotild| j^,
was brought up. The evidence seems to me in favour of Vienne — (callec ^
always by Messrs. B. and G., "Vienna,"* with what effect on the minds oi ,|'
their dimly geographical readers I cannot say) — the rather that Clotilde'| ^
mother is said to have been "thrown into the Rhone with a stone roum ^
her neck." The author of the introduction to " Bourgogne " in the llisim
^ [Gibbon, vol. vi. p. 297 n.]
2 [Authors of The Pictorial History of France : see above, p. 39 n.]
' [Histoire des Villes de France, avec une introduction gentrale pour chaqu
province, par M. Aristide Guilbert et une Societe de Membres de I'lnstitut, etc.
6 vols., Paris, 1844. Ruskin kept the book near his hands while writing Our Father
have Told Us: see the plan of his study, Vol. XXIII. p. Ixviii.]
* [See, e.g., vol. i. p. 69.]
II. UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 83
)rseback, and rode, with part of her escort, forward into
ranee, "ordering her attendants to set fire to everything
at pertained to her uncle and his subjects which they
ight meet with on the way."^
51. The fact is not chronicled, usually, among the say-
gs or doings of the Saints : but the punishment of Kings
destroying the property of their subjects, is too well
cognized a method of modern Christian warfare to allow
(ir indignation to burn hot against Clotilde ; driven, as she
is, hard by grief and wrath. The years of her youth are
ibt counted to us ; Clovis was already twenty-seven, and
^ three years maintained the faith of his ancestral religion
ainst all the influence of his queen.
52. A.D. 496. I did not in the opening chapter^ attach
arly enough importance to the battle of Tolbiac, thinking
it as merely compelling the Alemanni to recross the
line, and establishing the Frank power on its western
nk. But infinitely wider results are indicated in the
ort sentence with which Gibbon closes his account of the
Filles is so eager to get his little spiteful snarl at anything like reli-
n anywhere, that he entirely forgets the existence of the first queen of
.nee, — never names her, nor, as such, the place of her birth, — but con-
t )utes only to the knowledge of the young student this beneficial quota,
t Gondeband, " plus politique que guerrier, trouva au milieu de ses con-
verses theologiques avec Avitus, eveque de Fienne, le temps de faire mourir
trois freres et de recueillir leur heritage/*
The one broad fact which my own readers will find it well to remember
that Burgundy, at this time, by whatever king or victor tribe its in-
)itants may be subdued, does practically include the whole of French
Stitzerland, and even of the German, as far east as Vindonissa : — the Reuss,
fi'n Vindonissa through Lucerne to the St. Gothard being its effective
ejtern boundary; that westward — it meant all Jura, and the plains of the
Sbne ; and southward, included all Savoy and Dauphine. According to the
hor of La Suisse Histoiique ^ Clotilde was first addressed by Clovis's herald
^uised as a beggar, while she distributed alms at the gate of St. Pierre
Geneva ; and her departure and pursued flight into France were from
on.
The Pictorial History of France^ vol. i. ch. ii. p. 55.]
See above, pp. 34, 39.]
La Suisse Histoiique et Pitioresque. Premiere Partie : La Suisse HistoriquCf
H. Gaullieur: Geneva, 1855, pp. 45, 46.]
84
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
battle. "After the conquest of the western provinces, th
Franks alone retained their ancient possessions beyond th
Rhine. They gradually subdued and civilized the exhauster
countries as far as the Elbe and the mountains of Bohemia
and the peace of Europe was secured by the obedience c|
Germany." ^ |
53. For, in the south, Theodoric had already " sheathe
the sword in the pride of victory and the vigour of h]
age — and his farther reign of three and thirty years ws
consecrated to the duties of civil government." ^ Even whel
his son-in-law, Alaric, fell by Clovis' hand in the battl
of Poitiers, Theodoric was content to check the Fran
power at Aries, without pursuing his success, and to pn
tect his infant grandchild, correcting at the same tiiil
some abuses in the civil government of Spain. So thr
the healing sovereignty of the great Goth was establishe
from Sicily to the Danube — and from Sirmium to tl
Atlantic ocean. )
54. Thus, then, at the close of the fifth century, yc
have Europe divided simply by her watershed ; and t^
Christian kings reigning, with entirely beneficent and healtl|
power — one in the north — one in the south — the mightie ;
and v/orthiest of them married to the other's younge i
sister: a saint queen in the north — and a devoted ar
earnest Catholic woman, queen mother in the south. It
a conjunction of things memorable enough in the EartH i
history, — much to be thought of, oh fast whirling read^ J
if ever, out of the crowd of pent up cattle driven acrd :
Rhine, or Adige, you can extricate yourself for an hoi^ f
to walk peacefully out of the south gate of Cologne,
across Fra Giocondo's bridge at Verona — and so pausiiij i
look through the clear air across the battlefield of Tolbia
to the blue Drachenfels ; or across the plain of St. Ambrog
^ [Ch. xxxviii. ; vol, vi. p. 800.]
* [Ch. xxxix. ; vol. vii. p. 25. But Gibbon says: . . age. A reign of thir
three years ..." viz., 493-526.]
^ [About twenty-four miles from Cologne.]
II. UNDER THE DRACHENFELS 85
: the mountains of Garda. For there were fought — if you
i ll think closely — ^the two victor-battles of the Christian
iorld. Constantine's only gave changed form and dying
lour to the falling walls of Rome; but the Frank and
bthic races, thus conquering and thus ruled, founded the
■ Is and established the laws which gave to all future
larope her joy, and her virtue. And it is lovely to see
l»w, even thus early, the Feudal chivalry depended for
i; life on the nobleness of its womanhood. There was
!• visio7i seen, or alleged, at Tolbiac. The King prayed
Inply to the God of Clotilde.^ On the morning of the
Ittle of Verona, Theodoric visited the tent of his mother
i d his sister, " and requested that on the most illus-
I ous festival of his life, they would adorn him with
te rich garments which they had worked with their own
linds."'
55. But over Clovis, there was extended yet another in-
Uence — ^greater than his queen's. When his kingdom was
1st extended to the Loire, the shepherdess of Nanterre
us already aged, — no torch-bearing maid of battle, like
l otilde, no knightly leader of deliverance like Jeanne,^ but
ley in meekness of wisdom, and now "filling more and
lore with crystal light."* Clovis's father had known her;
I himself made her his friend, and when he left Paris on
te campaign of Poitiers, vowed that if victorious, he would
I did a Christian church on the hills of Seine. He returned
i victory, and with St. Genevieve at his side, stood on the
i;e of the ruined Roman Thermae, just above the "Isle"
[ Paris, to fulfil his vow: and to design the limits of
t e foundations of the first metropolitan church of Prankish
liiristendom.^
^ [See above^ p. 34.]
^ [Gibbon^ ch. xxxix. ; vol. vii. p. 15. Compare, below, p. 434.]
3 [For other references to Joan of Arc, see Vol. XXV. p. 350, Vol. XXVII.
[ 68, Vol. XXVIII. p. 112 ; and below, p. 128.]
* [Wordsworth : To (Lady Fitzgerald) in her Seventieth Year. Quoted also
iVol. IV. p. 175, and Notes on Bewick" (Vol. XXX. p. 288).]
° [The basilica of St. I*eter and St. Paul. See the Histoire des Villes de FrancCy
s . vi. p. 655.]
86
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
The King "gave his battle-axe the swing," ^ and tossec
it with his full force.
Measuring with its flight also, the place of his owi)
grave, and of Clotilde's, and St. Genevieve's. i
There they rested, and rest, — in soul, — together. "Lai
CoUine tout entiere porte encore le nom de la patronne'
de Paris ; une petite rue obscure a garde celui du Ro
Conquerant." ^
^ [Histoire de France, par Emile Keller: Tours, 1876, vol. i. p. 49. For hii
"Francisca," or axe, see above, § 32 (p. 72), and Fors Clavigera^ Letter 4.'
(Vol. XXVIII. p. 123).]
* [Keller, ut sup."]
CHAPTER III
THE LION TAMER 1
It has been often of late announced as a new discovery,
lat man is a creature of circumstances ; and the fact has
|een pressed upon our notice, in the hope, which appears
> some people so pleasing, of being able at last to resolve
ito a succession of splashes in mud, or whirlwinds in air,
le circumstances " answerable for his creation. But the
ore important fact, that his nature is not levelled, like
mosquito's, to the mists of a marsh, nor reduced, like a
lole's, beneath the crumblings of a burrow, but has been
idowed with sense to discern, and instinct to adopt, the
Dnditions which will make of it the best that can be, is
|ery necessarily ignored by philosophers who propose, as a
^autiful fulfilment of human destinies, a life entertained
Y scientific gossip, in a cellar lighted by electric sparks,
armed by tubular inflation, drained by buried rivers, and
;d, by the ministry of less learned and better provisioned
tees, with extract of beef, and potted crocodile.^
2. From these chemically analytic conceptions of a
'aradise in catacombs, undisturbed in its alkaline or acid
jirtues by the dread of Deity, or hope of futurity, I
now not how far the modern reader may willingly with-
raw himself for a little time, to hear of men who, in their
arkest and most foolish day, sought by their labour to
lake the desert as the garden of the Lord,^ and by their
^ [A proof of §§ 1-38 of this chapter at Brantwood gives the title as " Monte
assino."]
2 [For the reference in 'Spotted crocodile," see Fors Clavigera^ Letter 27
^ol. XXVII. pp. 503, 504).]
2 [Isaiah li. 3.]
87
88
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
love to become worthy of permission to live with Him for
ever. It has nevertheless been only by such toil, and in
such hope, that, hitherto, the happiness, skill, or virtue of
man has been possible : and even on the verge of the
new dispensation, and promised Canaan, rich in beatitudes]
of iron, steam, and fire, there are some of us, here and
there, who may pause in filial piety to look back towards
that wilderness of Sinai in which their fathers worshipped
and died.
3. Admitting, however, for the moment, that the main
streets of Manchester, the district immediately surrounding
the Bank in London, and the Bourse and Boulevards of
Paris, are already part of the future kingdom of Heaven,
when Earth shall be all Bourse and Boulevard, — the world
of which our fathers tell us was divided to them, as you
already know, partly by climates, partly by races, partly
by times ; and the circumstances " under which a man's
soul was given to him, had to be considered under these
three heads : — In what climate is he ? Of what race ? At
what time ?
He can only be what these conditions permit. With
appeal to these, he is to be heard ; — understood, if it may
be; — ^judged, by our love, first — by our pity, if he need it
— by our humility, finally and always. '
4. To this end, it is needful evidently that we should
have truthful maps of the world to begin with, and truth-
ful maps of our own hearts to end with ; neither of these
maps being easily drawn at any time, and perhaps least of
all now — when the use of a map is chiefly to exhibit hotels
and railroads; and humility is held the disagreeablest and
meanest of the Seven mortal Sins.
5. Thus, in the beginning of Sir Edward Creasy's His-
tory of England, you find a map purporting to exhibit the
possessions of the British Nation — illustrating the extremely
wise and courteous behaviour of Mr. Fox to a Frenchman
of Napoleon's suite, in ** advancing to a terrestrial globe
of unusual magnitude and distinctness, spreading his arms
III. THE LION TAMER
89
ound it, over both the oceans and both the Indies," and
pbserving, in this impressive attitude, that " while EngUsh-
nen Uve, they overspread the whole world, and clasp it in
:he circle of their power." ^
6. Fired by Mr. Fox's enthusiasm, the otherwise seldom
iery Sir Edward proceeds to tell us that " our island home
s the favourite domicile of freedom, empire and glory,"
vithout troubling himself, or his readers, to consider how
ong the nations over whom our freedom is imperious, and
n whose shame is our glory, may be satisfied in that
irrangement of the globe and its affairs; or may be even
it present convinced of their degraded position in it by his
nethod of its delineation.
For, the map being drawn on M creator's projection, re-
)resents therefore the British dominions in North America
[is twice the size of the States, and considerably larger than
ill South America put together : while the brilliant crimson
N\i\\ which all our landed property is coloured cannot but
mpress the innocent reader with the idea of a universal
i[lush of freedom and glory throughout all those acres and
latitudes. So that he is scarcely likely to cavil at results
io marvellous by inquiring into the nature and completeness
3f our government at any particular place, — for instance
n Ireland, in the Hebrides or at the Cape.
7. In the closing chapter of the first volume of The
Laws of Fesole I have laid down the mathematical prin-
ciples of rightly drawing maps ; ^—principles which for many
reasons it is well that my young readers should learn; the
jpundamental one being that you cannot flatten the skin of
|an orange without splitting it, and must not, if you draw
countries on the unsplit skin, stretch them afterwards to fill
the gaps.
The British pride of wealth which does not deny itself
^ [History of England, Jrom the Earliest to the Present Time, in 5 vols, (only two
published), 1869, vol. i. p. 4. Creasy quotes the anecdote from the first volume
of Thiers's History of the Consulate and the Empire.]
I ^ [Not the closing chapter, but the last but one : Vol. XV. pp. 440 seq.]
90
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
the magnificent convenience of penny Walter Scotts and
penny Shakespeares, may assuredly, in its future greatness,
possess itself also of penny universes, conveniently spinnable
on their axes. I shall therefore assume that my readers
can look at a round globe, while I am talking of the
world ; and at a properly reduced drawing of its surfaces,
when I am talking of a country.
8. Which, if my reader can at present do — or at least
refer to a fairly drawn double- circle map of the globe with
converging meridians — I will pray him next to observe,
that, although the old division of the world into four
quarters is now nearly effaced by emigration and Atlantic
cable, yet the great historic question about the globe is
not how it is divided, here and there, by ins and outs
of land or sea ; but how it is divided into zones all round,
by irresistible laws of light and air. It is often a matter
of very minor interest to know whether a man is an
American or African, a European or an Asiatic. But it
is a matter of extreme and final interest to know if he be
a Brazilian or a Patagonian, a Japanese or a Samoyede.
9. In the course of the last chapter,^ I asked the reader
to hold firmly the conception of the great division of
climate, which separated the wandering races of Norway
and Siberia from the calmly resident nations of Britain,
Gaul, Germany, and Dacia.
Fasten now that division well home in your mind, by
drawing, however rudely, the course of the two rivers, little
thought of by common geographers, but of quite unspeak-
able importance in human history, the Vistula and the
Dniester.
10. They rise within thirty miles of each other,^ and
each runs, not counting ins and outs, its clear three hun-
dred miles, — the Vistula to the north-west, the Dniester
* Taking the " San " branch of Upper Vistula.
III. THE LION TAMER
91
to the south-east : the two of them together cut Europe
straight across, at the broad neck of it, — and, more deeply
looking at the thing, they divide Europe, properly so
called — Europa's own, and Jove's — the small educationable,
civilizable, and more or less mentally rational fragment of
the globe, from the great Siberian wilderness, Cis-Ural
and Trans-Ural ; the inconceivable chaotic space, occupied
datelessly by Scythians, Tartars, Huns, Cossacks, Bears,
Ermines, and Mammoths, in various thickness of hide, frost
I of brain, and woe of abode — or of unabiding. Nobody's
history worth making out has anything to do with them ;
for the force of Scandinavia never came round by Finland
at all, but always sailed or paddled itself across the Baltic,
or down the rocky west coast; and the Siberian and
Russian ice-pressure merely drives the really memorable
I races into greater concentration, and kneads them up in
i fiercer and more necessitous exploring masses. But by
I those exploring masses, of true European birth, our own
i history was fashioned for ever ; and, therefore, these two
[truncating and guarding rivers are to be marked on your
I map of Europe with supreme clearness : the Vistula, with
j Warsaw astride of it half way down, and embouchure in
I Baltic, — the Dniester, in Euxine, flowing each of them,
j measured arrow straight, as far as from Edinburgh to
i London, — with windings,"^ the Vistula six hundred miles,
I and the Dniester five — count them together for a thousand
I miles of moat,^ between Europe and the Desert, reaching
from Dantzic to Odessa.
11. Having got your Europe moated off into this
manageable and comprehensible space, you are next to fix
the limits which divide the four Gothic countries, Britain,
* Note, however, generally that the strength of a river, cceteris paribus^
is to be estimated by its straight course, windings being almost always
caused by flats in which it can receive no tributaries.
^ [See "Candida Casa," § 22 (below, p. 221), where Ruskin again refers to the
Vi3tula and Dniester as ''the two moat rivers of Europe."]
92
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
Gaul, Germany, and Dacia, from the four classic countries,
Spain, Italy, Greece, and Lydia.
There is no other generally opponent term to " Gothic "
but Classic " : and I am content to use it for the sake
of practical breadth and clearness, though its precise mean-
ing for a little while remain unascertained. Only get the
geography well into your mind, and the nomenclature will
settle itself at its leisure.
12. Broadly, then, you have sea between Britain and
Spain — Pyrenees between Gaul and Spain — Alps between
Germany and Italy — Danube between Dacia and Greece.
You must consider everything south of the Danube as
Greek, variously influenced from Athens on one side, Byzan-
tium on the other: then, across the ^Egean, you have
the great country absurdly called Asia Minor, (for we
might just as well call Greece, Europe Minor, or Cornwall,
England Minor,) but which is properly to be remembered
as " Lydia," the country which infects with passion, and
tempts with wealth ; which taught the Lydian measure in
music, and softened the Greek language on its border
into Ionic ; which gave to ancient history the tale of Troy,
and to Christian history, the glow, and the decline, of the
Seven Churches.^
13. Opposite to these four countries in the south, but
separated from them either by sea or desert, are other four,
as easily remembered — ^Morocco, Libya, Egypt, and Arabia.
Morocco, virtually consisting of the chain of Atlas and
the coasts depending on it, may be most conveniently
thought of as including the modern Morocco and Algeria,
with the Canaries as a dependent group of islands.
Libya, in like manner, will include the modern Tunis
and Tripoli : it will begin on the west with St. Augustine's
town of Hippo ; and its coast is colonized from Tyre and
Greece, dividing it into the two districts of Carthage and
Cyrene. Egypt, the country of the River, and Arabia, the
^ [For Ruskiii's study of the Seven Churches, see Fors Clavigera, Letter 84
(Vol. XXIX. pp. 298 seq.).]
III. THE LION TAMER
98
country of no River, are to be thought of as the two
great southern powers of separate Religion.
14. You have thus, easily and clearly memorable, twelve
countries, distinct evermore by natural laws, and forming
three zones from north to south, all healthily habitable —
but the races of the northern-most, disciplined in endur-
ance of cold ; those of the central zone, perfected by the
enjoyable suns alike of summer and winter ; those of the
southern zone, trained to endurance of heat. Writing them
now in tabular view,
Britain Gaul Germany Dacia
Spain Italy Greece Lydia
Morocco Libya Egypt Arabia,
you have the ground of all useful profane history mapped
out in the simplest terms ; and then, as the fount of inspira-
tion, for all these countries, with the strength which every
soul, that has possessed, has held sacred and supernatural,
you have last to conceive perfectly the small hill district
of the Holy Land, with Philistia and Syria on its flanks,
both of them chastising forces : but Syria, in the beginning,
herself the origin of the chosen race — A Syrian ready
to perish was my father"^ — and the Syrian Rachel being
thought of always as the true mother of Israel.
15. And remember, in all future study of the relations
of these countries, you must never allow your mind to be
disturbed by the accidental changes of political limit. No
matter who rules a country, no matter what it is officially
called, or how it is formally divided, eternal bars and doors
are set to it by the mountains and seas, eternal laws
enforced over it by the clouds and stars. The people that
are born on it are its people, be they a thousand times
again and again conquered, exiled, or captive. The stranger
cannot be its king, the invader cannot be its possessor;
and, although just laws, maintained whether by the people
or their conquerors, have always the appointed good and
^ [Deuteronomy xxvi. 5.]
94
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
strength of justice, nothing is permanently helpful to any
race or condition of men but the spirit that is in their
own hearts, kindled by the love of their native land.
16. Of course, in saying that the invader cannot be the
possessor of any country, I speak only of invasion such as
that by the Vandals of Libya, or by ourselves of India;
where the conquering race does not become permanently
inhabitant. You are not to call Libya Vandalia, nor India
England, because these countries are temporarily under the
rule of Vandals and English ; neither Italy Gothland under
Ostrogoths, nor England Denmark under Canute. National
character varies as it fades under invasion or in corruption;
but if ever it glows again into a new life, that life must
be tempered by the earth and sky of the country itself.
Of the twelve names of countries now given in their order,
only one v/ill be changed as we advance in our history;
— Gaul will properly become France when the Franks
become her abiding inhabitants. The other eleven primary
names will serve us to the end.
17. With a moment's more patience, therefore, glancing
to the far East, we shall have laid the foundations of all
our own needful geography. As the northern kingdoms
are moated from the Scythian desert by the Vistula, so the
southern are moated from the dynasties properly called
"Oriental" by the Euphrates; which, ''partly sunk beneath
the Persian Gulf, reaches from the shores of Beloochistan
and Oman to the mountains of Armenia, and forms a huge
hot-air funnel, the base" (or mouth) ''of which is on the
tropics, while its extremity reaches thirty-seven degrees of
northern latitude. Hence it comes that the Semoom itself
(the specific and gaseous Semoom) pays occasional visits to
Mosoul and Djezeerat Omer, while the thermometer at
Bagdad attains in summer an elevation capable of stagger-
ing the belief of even an old Indian." ^
18. This valley in ancient days formed the kingdom of
* W. G. Palgrave, Arabia, vol. ii. p. 155. I gratefully adopt in the next
paragraph his division of Asiatic nations, p. l60.
III. THE LION TAMER
95
Assyria, as the valley of the Nile formed that of Egypt.
the work now before us, we have nothing to do with
ts people, who were to the Jews merely a hostile power
)f captivity, inexorable as the clay of their walls, or the
tone of their statues; and, after the birth of Christ, the
narshy valley is no more than a field of battle between
^est and East. Beyond the great river, — Persia, India,
md China, form the southern " Oriens." Persia is properly
0 be conceived as reaching from the Persian Gulf to the
nountain chains which flank and feed the Indus ; and is the
rue vital power of the East in the days of Marathon : but
t has no influence on Christian history except through
Irabia ; while, of the northern Asiatic tribes, Mede, Bactrian,
^arthian, and Scythian, changing into Turk and Tartar,
ve need take no heed until they invade us in our own
listoric territory.
19. Using therefore the terms " Gothic " and " Classic "
or broad distinction of the northern and central zones of
his our own territory, we may conveniently also use the
vord " Arab'"^ for the whole southern zone. The influence
)f Egypt vanishes soon after the fourth century, while
hat of Arabia, powerful from the beginning, rises in the
ixth into an empire whose end we have not seen.t And
^ou may most rightly conceive the religious principle which
s the base of that empire, by remembering, that while
he Jews forfeited their prophetic power by taking up the
)rofession of usury over the whole earth, the Arabs returned
o the simplicity of prophecy in its beginning by the well
* Gibbon's fifty-sixth chapter begins with a sentence which may be
aken as the epitome of the entire history we have to investigate : " The
hree great nations of the world, the Greeks, the Saracens, and the Franks,
ncountered each other on the theatre of Italy." I use the more general
i^ord, Goths, instead of Franks ; and the more accurate word, Arab, for
iaracen; but otherwise, the reader will observe that the division is the
ame as mine. Gibbon does not recognize the Roman people as a nation
-but only the Roman power as an empire.
t Recent events have shown the force of these words. (Note on revision,
lay, 1885.)!
^ [ITie reference is to the Mahdi and the death of General Gordon.]
96
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
of Hagar/ and are not opponents to Christianity; but only
to the faults or follies of Christians. They keep still their
faith in the one God who spoke to Abraham their father;
and are His children in that simplicity, far more truly than
the nominal Christians who lived, and live, only to dispute
in vociferous council, or in frantic schism, the relations of
the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.
20. Trusting my reader then in future to retain in his
mind without confusion the idea of the three zones, Gothic,
Classic, and Arab, each divided into four countries, clearly
recognizable through all ages of remote or recent history ;-
— I must farther, at once, simplify for him the idea of
the Roman Empire, (see note to last paragraph,) in the
manner of its affecting them. Its nominal extent, temporary
1 [See Genesis xxi. 17-20. Ruskin refers to the tradition of Mahomet's first
vision, in which the angel Gabriel called him to be a prophet. What Ruskin
here says about the relations of Mahometanism and early Christianity is illustrated
by ch. viii. ("Mahometanism in its Relations to the Eastern Church") in Deau
Stanley's Lectures on the History of the Eastern Church.]
" [Among some matter set up in type for future parts of Our Fathers have Told
Us is the following passage : —
"I have asked the reader to hold firmly the conception of the great
division^ by climate, of the wandering Gothic nations from those of the
resident races in temperate England, France, Germany, and Dacia. Aud
the ways in which both these Northern zones of human intelligence accept
the doctrines and endeavour the practice of Christianity are to be studied
as the elForts of scholars, placed at no ordinary disadvantage, to comply
with the dem^ands of duty never before recognized, and rise to the com-
pleteness of a rational theology out of the confused terrors and symbols
of merely natural superstition.
("I do not know if 1 have ever before permitted myself this vaguely
injurious word, used by religious writers habitually of every religion but
their own, and by infidel writers of every motion they feel on any subject
unconnected with the stomach or the pocket.
"The proper meaning of superstition ' is a belief in any supernatural
law, or person, which is not based either on reason or experience. It is
quite probable that the reason may be feeble, and the experience narrow ;
but the deliberate and watchful appeal to either separates the subsequent
conviction from the host of traditionary or imaginary impressions which
in all lands confuse, terrify, or inflame the minds of common devotees.
" Spiritual vision, if actual, whether in dreams, disease, or enthusiasti-
cally exalted health, is always to be held as real experience, — whether it
be deceived or not. Homer describes, and Plato assumes, a religion of
clear and consistent vision. The wisest men who have accepted Chris-
tianity have received it on the evidence of men who asserted that they
had seen Christ after He rose from the dead. The reason has full power
in both Homer and Dante. And the evidence they receive is the best
attainable by them on their subjects of doubt. Both are therefore in the
purest sense religious, not superstitious. Over inferior minds, less rational
III. THE LION TAMER
97
conquests, civil dissensions, or internal vices, are scarcely of
my historical moment at all; the real Empire is efFec-
:ual only as an exponent of just law, military order, and
nechanical art, to untrained races, and as a translation of
jreek thought into less diffused and more tenable scheme
br them. The Classic zone, from the beginning to the end
)f its visible authority, is composed of these two elements
—Greek imagination, w^ith Roman order: and the divisions
)r dislocations of the third and fourth century are merely
he natural apparitions of their differences, when the political
ystem which concealed them was tested by Christianity,
t seems almost wholly lost sight of by ordinary historians,
hat in the wars of the last Romans with the Goths the
:reat Gothic captains were all Christians ; and that the
igorous and naive form which the dawning faith took in
heir minds is a more important subject of investigation,
fears and less tested ideals mingle continually with what is rightly tenable
in their creeds, and may always be forgiven to gentleness and sometimes
admired by sympathy : incapability of them is always vulgar, and scorn
of them always insolent.)
''But there remains a third zone of Europe, consisting of its southern
peninsulas, warmed by the winds and glowing with the reflected passion,
or thought, of the opposite coasts of Atlas, Libya, and Egypt.
''To this narrow zone, — and, if measured on the world's circumference,
this curt one, — the district of the olive, the vine, the orange, and the
peach, all the most gracious gifts of Nature have been granted ; and under
their influence, the highest powers and imaginations of humanity born
and trained.
" From these coasts of tideless and never frozen sea, these mountains
of marble vein and golden stream, — these plains of dazzling garden and
fragrant grove, all the sentiments that exalt and luxuries that prolong
the life of man have been dilfused through the Arctic gloom and starving
wrath of the northern nation : and in the kindness of a Heaven which
permitted new beauty in every changing season of earth, the faith of man
foretold a spring which should burst from the sleep, and bloom beyond
the winter, of his soul.
"Then, lastly, there is the Libyan zone itself, torrid Christendom :
whose influence is to be thought of, throughout all records of it, as far
more that of pure heat and light, than of race. Carthaginian, Cyrenian,
Egyptian ; the pillars of Atlas, of Hercules ; Dido and Cleopatra, St.
Augustine and the Bishop of Carthage in Genseric's time ; colonizing
Tyrian, colonizing Vandal, colonizing Arab ; native Moor, native Lion
and Asp ; — how will you get any tenable first image of all this, afterwards
to be more subtly divided by the differences between torrid saints and
torrid sinners, cool saints and cool sinners, the fat and lean kine of
preachers, the fat and lean kine of congregations to be preached at?"
)r the bishop in Genseric's time, see Milman's History of Latin Christianity, vol. i.
243 (small ed.).]
XXXIII. G
98
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
by far, than the inevitable wars which followed the retire-
ment of Diocletian, or the confused schisms and crimes of
the lascivious court of Constantine. I am compelled, how-
ever, to notice the terms in which the last arbitrary dis-
solutions of the empire took place, that they may illustrate,
instead of confusing, the arrangement of the nations which
I would fasten in your memory.
21. In the middle of the fourth century you have,
politically, what Gibbon calls " the final division of the
Eastern and Western Empires''^ This really means only
that the Emperor Valentinian, yielding, though not with-
out hesitation, to the feeling now confirmed in the legions
that the Empire was too vast to be held by a single
person, takes his brother for his colleague, and divides, not,
truly speaking, their authority, but their attention, between
the east and the west. To his brother Valens he assigns
the extremely vague "Prasfecture of the East, from the
lower Danube to the confines of Persia," while for his own
immediate government he reserves the " warlike pr^efectures
of lUyricum, Italy, and Gaul, from the extremity of Greece
to the Caledonian rampart, and from the rampart of Cale-
donia to the foot of Mount Atlas." That is to say, in
less poetical cadence, (Gibbon had better have put hi^
history into hexameters at once,) Valentinian kept undei
his own watch the whole of Roman Europe and Africa,
and left Lydia and Caucasus to his brother. Lydia and
Caucasus never did, and never could, form an Easterr
Empire, — they were merely outside dependencies, useful foi
taxation in peace, dangerous by their multitudes in war
There never was, from the seventh century before Christ
to the seventh after Christ, but one Roman Empire, which
meant — the power over humanity of such men as Cincin
natus and Agricola ; ^ it expires as the race and temper o
these expire; the nominal extent of it, or brilliancy at an)
moment, is no more than the reflection, farther or nearei
^ [Chapter xxv.]
2 [For similar references to Cincinnatus, see Fors Clavigera, Letter 54, § li
(Vol. XXVIII. p. 352 7..); to Agricola, see below, pp. 211, 427, 432.]
III. THE LION TAMER
99
upon the clouds, of the flames of an altar whose fuel was
of noble souls. There is no true date for its division;
there is none for its destruction. Whether Dacian Probus
or Noric Odoacer be on the throne of it, the force of its
living principle alone is to be watched — remaining, in arts,
in laws, and in habits of thought, dominant still in Europe
down to the twelfth century; — in language and example,
dominant over all educated men to this hour.
22. But in the nominal division of it by Valentinian,
let us note Gibbon's definition (I assume it to be his, not
the Emperor's) of European Roman Empire into " lUyri-
eum, Italy, and Gaul." I have already said you must hold
everything south of the Danube for Greek. The two chief
districts immediately south of the stream are upper and
lower Moesia, consisting of the slope of the Thracian moun-
tains northward to the river, with the plains between it and
them. This district you must notice for its importance in
forming the Mceso-Gothic alphabet, in which the " Greek
is by far the principal element,'"'' giving sixteen letters out
of the twenty-four. The Gothic invasion under the reign
of Valens is the first that establishes a Teutonic nation
within the frontier of the empire; but they only thereby
bring themselves more directly under its spiritual power.
Their bishop, Ulphilas, adopts this Moesian alphabet, two-
thirds Greek, for his translation of the Bible, and it is
universally disseminated and perpetuated by that translation,
until the extinction or absorption of the Gothic race.
23. South of the Thracian mountains you have Thrace
herself, and the countries confusedly called Dalmatia and
Illyria, forming the coast of the Adriatic, and reaching
inwards and eastwards to the mountain watershed. I have
never been able to form a clear notion myself of the real
character of the people of these districts, in any given
period; but they are all to be massed together as northern
* Milman, Hist, of Christianity, vol. iii. p. S6}
^ [Ruskin's references are to the octavo edition ; Book iii. ch. vii. (vol. iii.
55 in the small edition).]
100
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
Greek, having more or less of Greek blood and dialect
according to their nearness to Greece proper ; though neither
sharing in her philosophy, nor submitting to her discipline.
But it is of course far more accurate, in broad terms, to
speak of these Illyrian, Moesian, and Macedonian districts
as all Greek, than with Gibbon or Valentinian to speak of
Greece and Macedonia as all Illyrian.'^
24). In the same imperial or poetical generalization, we
find England massed with France under the term Gaul,
and bounded by the " Caledonian rampart." Whereas in
our own division, Caledonia, Hibernia, and Wales, are from
the first considered as essential parts of Britain,t and the
link with the continent is to be conceived as formed by
the settlement of Britons in Brittany, and not at all by
Roman authority beyond the Humber.
25. Thus, then, once more reviewing our order of
countries, and noting only that the British Islands, though
for the most part thrown by measured degree much north
of the rest of the north zone, are brought by the influence
of the Gulf Stream into the same climate ; — you have, at
the time when our history of Christianity begins, the Gothic
zone yet unconverted, and having not yet even heard of
the new faith. You have the Classic zone variously and
increasingly conscious of it, disputing with it, striving to
* I find the same generalization expressed to the modern student
under the term Balkan Peninsula," extinguishing every ray and trace of
past history at once.
f Gibbon's more deliberate statement is clear enough. "From the
coast or the extremity of Caithness and Ulster, the memory of Celtic
origin was distinctly preserved in the perpetual resemblance of languages,
religion, and manners, and the peculiar character of the British tribes
might be naturally ascribed to the influence of accidental and local circum-
stances." The Lowland Scots, "wheat-eaters" or W^anderers, and the
Irish, are very positively identified by Gibbon at the time our own his-
tory begins. It is certain " (italics his, not mine) that in the declining
age of the Roman Empire, Caledonia, Ireland, and the Isle of Man, were
inhabited by the Scots."— Chap. 25, vol. iv. p. 279. |
The higher civilization and feebler courage of the Lowland English ren-
dered them either the victims of Scotland, or the grateful subjects of Rome.
The mountaineers, Pict among the Grampians, or of their own colour
in Cornwall and Wales, have never been either instructed or subdued, and
remain to this day the artless and fearless strength of the British race.
III. THE LION TAMER
101
extinguish it — and your Arab zone, the ground and susten-
ance of it, encompassing the Holy Land with the warmth
of its own wings, and cherishing there — embers of phoenix
fire over all the earth — the hope of Resurrection.^
26. What would have been the course, or issue, of
Christianity, had it been orally preached only, and unsup-
ported by its poetical literature, might be the subject of
deeply instructive speculation — if a historian's duty were to
reflect instead of record. The power of the Christian faith
was however, in the fact of it, always founded on the
written prophecies and histories of the Bible ; and on the
interpretations of their meaning, given by the example, far
more than by the precept, of the great monastic orders.
The poetry and history of the Syrian Testaments were given
to the Latin Church by St. Jerome, while the virtue and
efficiency of monastic life are summed in the rule of St.
Benedict. To understand the relation of the work of these
two men to the general order of the Church is quite the
first requirement for its farther intelligible history.
Gibbon's thirty-seventh chapter professes to give an
account of the " Institution of the Monastic Life " in the
third century. But the monastic life had been instituted
somewhat earlier, and by many prophets and kings.^ By
Jacob, when he laid the stone for his pillow;^ by Moses,
when he drew aside to see the burning bush; by David,
before he had left " those few sheep in the wilderness " ;
and by the prophet who "was in the deserts till the time
of his showing unto Israel." Its primary institution," for
Europe, was Numa's, in that of the Vestal Virgins, and
College of Augurs ; * founded on the originally Etrurian
1 [Compare Art of England, § 15 (below, p. 276).]
^ [On the subject of monasticism, see further pp. 195-196, 228 seq. ; and
compare Ethics of the Dust, §§ 81-85 (Vol. XVIII. pp. 302-307), and Presterita, iii.
ch. i. With the gloomier forms of Catholic asceticism Ruskin meant to deal in
later Parts of Our Fathers have Told Us (see Vol. XXV. p. 464 n.).]
^ [Genesis xxviii. 11. For the other Bible references in this paragraph, see
Exodus iii. 3 ; 1 Samuel xvii. 28 ; Luke i. 80.]
* [See Livy, Book i. For another reference to the institutions of Numa, see
below, p. 200*, and Fors Clavigern, Letter 68 (Vol XXVIII, p. 667). The Religion
of Numa is the subject of a book by J. B. Carter (1906).]
102
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
and derived Roman conception of pure life dedicate to the
service of God, and practical wisdom dependent on His
guidance."^
The form which the monastic spirit took in later times
depended far more on the corruption of the common world,
from which it was forced to recoil either in indignation or
terror, than on any change brought about by Christianity
in the ideal of human virtue and happiness.
27. " Egypt," (Mr. Gibbon thus begins to account for
the new Institution !) " the fruitful parent of superstition,
afforded the first example of monastic life." Egypt had
her superstitions, like other countries; but was so little
the parent of superstition that perhaps no faith among the
imaginative races of the world has been so feebly missionary
as hers. She never prevailed on even the nearest of her
neighbours to worship cats or cobras with her; and I am
alone, to my belief, among recent scholars, in maintaining
Herodotus' statement of her influence on the archaic theo-
logy of Greece.^ But that influence, if any, was formative
and delineative; not ritual: so that in no case, and in no
country, was Egypt the parent of Superstition: while she
was beyond all dispute, for all people and to all time, the
parent of Geometry, Astronomy, Architecture, and Chiv-
alry. She was, in its material and technic elements, the
mistress of Literature,^ showing authors who before could
only scratch on wax and wood, how to weave paper and
engrave porphyry. She was the first exponent of the law
* I should myself mark as the fatallest instant in the decline of the
Roman Empire, Julian's rejection of the counsel of the Augurs. ''For
the last time, the Etruscan Haruspices accompanied a Roman Emperor,
but by a singular fatality their adverse interpretation of the signs of
heaven was disdained, and Julian followed the advice of the philosophers,
who coloured their predictions with the bright hues of the Emperor's
ambition." (Milman, Hist, of Christianity^ chap, vi.^)
^ [See Herodotus, ii. 50-58. Compare Queen of the Air, § 25 (Vol. XIX.
p. 319 n.). See also Vol. XVIII. pp. 364, 461.]
^ [For the Egyptian as ''the scribe of scribes" and as the "tutress of Moses,"
etc., see Fors Clavigera, Letter 64 (Vol. XXVIII. pp. 563, 568).]
^ [Ch. vi. of Book iii. (vol. iii. p. 26, small ed.). The reference is to the
Emperor's campaign against Persia, in which he lost his life.]
III. THE LION TAMER
103
I )f Judgment after Death for Sin. She was the Tutress of
I Moses; and the Hostess of Christ.
28. It is both probable and natural that, in such a
I 30untry, the disciples of any new spiritual doctrine should
i mng it to closer trial than was possible among the illiterate
ivarriors, or in the storm-vexed solitudes of the North; yet
I t is a thoughtless error to deduce the subsequent power
)f cloistered fraternity from the lonely passions of Egyptian
nonachism. The anchorites of the first three centuries
i /anish like feverish spectres, when the rational, merciful,
I ind laborious laws of Christian societies are established;
i ind the clearly recognizable rewards of heavenly solitude
! ire granted to those only who seek the Desert for its
I *edemption.^
i 29. "The clearly recognizable rewards," I repeat, and
1 ivith cautious emphasis. No man has any data for esti-
I Hating, far less right of judging, the results of a life of
i resolute self-denial, until he has had the courage to try it
it [limself, at least for a time: but I believe no reasonable
J! person will wish, and no honest person dare, to deny the
i! benefits he has occasionally felt both in mind and body,
j iuring periods of accidental privation from luxury, or
I exposure to danger. The extreme vanity of the modern
I Englishman in making a momentary Stylites of himself
I on the top of a Horn or an Aiguille,^ and his occasional
I confession of a charm in the solitude of the rocks, of
1 which he modifies nevertheless the poignancy with his
^ pocket newspaper, and from the prolongation of which he
,[ thankfully escapes to the nearest table-d'hote, ought to
f make us less scornful of the pride, and more intelligent of
"i the passion, in which the mountain anchorites of Arabia
It, and Palestine condemned themselves to lives of seclusion
* Even the best Catholic historians are too commonly blind to the
^ iinviolable connection of monastic virtue with the Benedictine law of agri-
icultural labour. (Note on revision, 1885.)
^ [For Raskin's views on this subject, see Vol. XVI. p. 138 n.]
104
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
and suffering, which were comforted only by supernatural
vision, or celestial hope. That phases of mental disease are
the necessary consequence of exaggerated and independent
emotion of any kind must, of course, be remembered in i
reading the legends of the wilderness ; but neither physicians
nor moralists have yet attempted to distinguish the morbid
states of intellect"^ which are extremities of noble passion,
from those which are the punishments of ambition, avarice,
or lasciviousness. |
30. Setting all questions of this nature aside for the
moment, my younger readers need only hold the broad fact
that during the whole of the fourth century, multitudes of
self-devoted men led lives of extreme misery and poverty in
the effort to obtain some closer knowledge of the Being and
Will of God. We know, in any available clearness, neither
what they suffered, nor what they learned. We cannot esti- '
mate the solemnizing or reproving power of their examples
on the less zealous Christian world ; and only God knows
how far their prayers for it were heard, or their persons
* Gibbon's hypothetical conclusion respecting the effects of self-morti-
fication, and his following historical statement, must be noted as in them-
selves containing the entire views of the modern philosophies and policies
which have since changed the monasteries of Italy into barracks, and the
churches of France into magazines. "This voluntary martyrdom must have
gradually destroyed the sensibility, both of mind and body; nor can it he
presumed that the fanatics who torment themselves, are capable of any
lively affection for the rest of mankind. A cruel unfeeling temper has chav'
acterized the monks of every age and country.**
How much of penetration, or judgment, this sentence exhibits, I hope
will become manifest to the reader as I unfold before him the actual
history of his faith ; but being, I suppose, myself one of the last surviving
witnesses of the character of recluse life as it still existed in the begin-
ning of this century, I can point to the portraiture of it given by Scott in
the introduction to The Monastery as one perfect and trustworthy, to the
letter and to the spirit ; ^ and for myself can say, that the most gentle,
refined, and in the deepest ?ense amiable, phases of character I have ever
known, have been either those of monks, or of domestic servants trained
in the Catholic faith. (And, when I wrote this sentence — I did not know ,
Miss Alexander's Edwige.^ — Note on revision, 1885.) j
^ [Compare Appendix 7 to Fors Clavigera, Vol. XXIX. p. 539.]
2 [For whom see the Index in Vol. XXXII. p. 835.]
i
III. THE LION TAMER 105
iccepted. This only we may observe with reverence, that
imong all their numbers, none seem to have repented their
chosen manner of existence; none perish by melancholy or
uicide; their self-adjudged sufferings are never inflicted in
:he hope of shortening the lives they embitter or purify;
md the hours of dream or meditation, on mountain or in
;ave, appear seldom to have dragged so heavily as those
vhich, without either vision or reflection, we pass ourselves,
m the embankment and in the tunnel.
31. But whatever may be alleged, after ultimate and
lonest scrutiny, of the follies or virtues of anchorite life, we
8 ire unjust to Jerome if we think of him as its introducer
nto the West of Europe. He passed through it himself
IS a phase of spiritual discipline ; but he represents, in his
otal nature and final work, not the vexed inactivity of the
i Eremite, but the eager industry of a benevolent tutor and
)astor. His heart is in continual fervour of admiration or
I )f hope— remaining to the last as impetuous as a child's
)ut as affectionate; and the discrepancies of Protestant
)bjection by which his character has been confused, or
loncealed, may be gathered into some dim picture of his
eal self when once we comprehend the simplicity of his
aith, and sympathise a little with the eager charity which
^an so easily be wounded into indignation, and is never
epressed by policy.
32. The slight trust which can be placed in modern
eadings of him, as they now stand, may be at once proved
jy comparing the two passages in which Milman has
variously guessed at the leading principles of his political
5 Wduct:—
"Jerome began (!) and ended his career as a monk of Palestine; he
ttained, he aspired to^ no dignity in the Church. Though ordained a
)resbyter against his will, he escaped the episcopal dignity which was
breed upon his distinguished contemporaries/' {Historic of Christianity,
3ook III.i)
"Jerome cherished the secret hope, if it was not the avowed object of
» [Ch. xi. ; vol. iii. p. 225 (small edition).]
106
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
his ambition, to succeed Damasus as Bishop of Rome. ... Is the rejec-iij
tion of an aspirant so singularly unfit for the station, from his violent
passions, his insolent treatment of his adversaries, his utter want of self- J ''i
command, his almost unrivalled faculty of awakening hatred, to be attri-|^
buted to the sagacious and intuitive wisdom of Rome } " (History of Latin
Christianity, Book I., chap, ii.i)
33. You may observe, as an almost unexceptional char-jri
acter in the " sagacious wisdom " of the Protestant clerical
mind, that it instinctively assumes the desire of power and
place not only to be uiiiversal in Priesthood, but to bei
always purely selfish in the ground of it. The idea thati
power might possibly be desired for the sake of its bene-| ;
volent use, so far as I remember, does not once occur in I
the pages of any ecclesiastical historian of recent date. In
our own reading of past ages we will, with the reader*sj '
permission, very calmly put out of court all accounts of i
" hopes cherished in secret " ; and pay very small attention ^
to the reasons for mediaeval conduct which appear logical
to the rationalist, and probable to the politician. Wei ^
concern ourselves only with what these singular and fantastic!
Christians of the past audibly said, and assuredly did. j ^
34. Jerome's life by no means began as a monk of' ^
Palestine." Dean Milman has not explained to us how
any man's could ; but Jerome's childhood, at any rate, waf
extremely other than recluse, or precociously religious. He
was born of rich parents living on their own estate, the
* The habit of assuming, for the conduct of men of sense and feeling
motives intelligible to the foolish, and probable to the base, gains upor
every vulgar historian, partly in the ease of it, partly in the pride ; anc
it is horrible to contemplate the quantity of false witness against theii
neighbours which commonplace writers commit, in the mere rounding anc
enforcing of their shallow sentences. " Jerome admits, indeed, with speciou.
hut doubtful humility^ the inferiority of the unordained monk to the ordainec
priest," says Dean Milman in his eleventh chapter, following up his gratui
tous doubt of Jerome's humility with no less gratuitous asseveration of thi
ambition of his opponents. "The clergy, no doubt, had the sagacity t<
foresee the dangerous rival as to influence and authority, which was rising ]
up in Christian society."
1 [Vol. i. pp. 95-96 (small edition).]
III. THE LION TAMER
107
lime of his native town in North lUyria, Stridon, per-
lips now softened into Strigi, near Aquileja. In Venetian
cimate, at all events, and in sight of Alps and sea. He
Id a brother and sister, a kind grandfather, and a dis-
reeable private tutor, and was a youth still studying
ammar at Julian's death in 363.
35. A youth of eighteen, and well begun in all institutes
the classic schools; but, so far from being a monk, not
jt a Christian; — nor at all disposed towards the severer
dices even of Roman life ! or contemplating with aversion
tie splendours, either worldly or sacred, which shone on
In in the college days spent in its Capital city. For
lie power and majesty of Paganism were still concentrated at Rome ;
^ deities of the ancient faith found their last refuge in the capital
the empire. To the stranger, Rome still offered the appearance of a
Ij^an city. It contained one hundred and fifty-two temples, and one hun-
did and eighty smaller chapels or shrines, still sacred to their tutelary
( d, and used for public worship. Christianity had neither ventured to
uirp those few buildings which might be converted to her use, still less
II she the power to destroy them. The religious edifices were under
t; protection of the praefect of the city, and the praefect was usually a
I^an; at all events he would not permit any breach of the public peace,
violation of public property. Above all still towered the Capitol, in its
issailed and awful majesty, with its fifty temples or shrines, bearing the
St sacred names in the religious and civil annals of Rome, those of
^e, of Mars, of Janus, of Romulus, of Caesar, of Victory. Some years
er the accession of Theodosius to the Eastern empire, the sacrifices
re still performed as national rites at the public cost, — the pontiffs made
r offerings in the name of the whole human race. The Pagan orator ven-
es to assert that the Emperor dared not to endanger the safety of the
pire by their abolition. The Emperor still bore the title and insignia
the Supreme Pontiff; the Consuls, before they entered upon their func-
as, ascended the Capitol ; the religious processions passed along the
wded streets, and the people thronged to the festivals and theatres
^jich still formed part of the Pagan worship." *
I 36. Here, Jerome must have heard of what by all the
(iristian sects was held the judgment of God, between
tern and their chief enemy — the death of the Emperor
J lian. But I have no means of tracing, and will not
* Milman, History of Christianity, vol. iii. p. l62 [iii. p. 79, small ed.].
te the sentence in italics, for it relates the true origin of the Papacy.
108
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
conjecture, the course of his own thoughts, until the teno
of all his life was changed at his baptism. The candou
which lies at the basis of his character has given us on
sentence of his own, respecting that change, which is wortl
some volumes of ordinary confession. "I left, not onl;
parents and kindred, but the accustomed luxuries of delicat
life.'' The words throw full light on what, to our les
courageous temper, seems the exaggerated reading by th(
early converts of Christ's words to them — '*He that lovetl
father or mother more than me, is not worthy of me."
Tf^e are content to leave, for much lower interests, eithe
father or mother, and do not see the necessity of am
farther sacrifice : we should know more of ourselves and o
Christianity if we oftener sustained what St. Jerome foum
the more searching trial. I find scattered indications of con
tempt among his biographers, because he could not resigi
one indulgence — that of scholarship ; and the usual sneer:
at monkish ignorance and indolence are in his case trans
ferred to the weakness of a pilgrim who was so luxu
rious as to carry his library in his wallet. It is a singula
question (putting, as it is the modern fashion to do, th(
idea of Providence wholly aside), whether, but for th(
literary enthusiasm, which was partly a weakness, of thi'
old man's character, the Bible would ever have become th(
library of Europe.^
37. For that, observe, is the real meaning, in its firsi
1 [Matthew x. .'^T. Compare Mornings in Florence, § 50 (Vol. XXIII. p. 345).
2 [In some additional matter for further Parts of Our Fathers have Told Us
Ruskin, it appears, intended to " complete the too slight outline already given o
the life of St. Jerome, in The Bible of Amiens" : —
" I may perhaps assume the reader's leave to recapitulate the mail
points of it — that St. Jerome is, in the history of the world's truest thought
the Lion-tamer as distinguished from Heracles and Samson the Lion-slayers
That liis entire emotional nature is of eager and devoted affection to al
living creatures, and ftis intellect, subtle, patient, and joyful in following
out the detail of all useful truth. He retires to the desert, not because hi
hates the world — or dreads it — but because he loves his books, cannot ge
leave — at Rome — to read them, and finds his entire life at Rome mad*
a warfare of by its corrupt clergy, who are all united alike against th(
sincerity of his life — and its simplicity, he having already at Rome re
jected the luxury and vanity of Rome ; all the more decisively because h(
felt how delightful they were to him. I quote from p. 118 of the 'Lioi
1
III. THE LION TAMER
109
])wer, of the word Bible} Not book, merely; but "Biblio-
leca," Treasury of Books: and it is, I repeat, a singular
(lestion, how far, if Jerome, at the very moment when
ome, his tutress, ceased from her material power, had
Dt made her language the oracle of Hebrew prophecy, a
:erature of their own, and a religion unshadowed by the
rrors of the Mosaic law, might have developed itself in
le hearts of the Goth, the Frank, and the Saxon, under
heodoric, Clovis, and Alfred.
38. Fate had otherwise determined, and Jerome was so
issive an instrument in her hands that he began the study
■ Hebrew as a discipline only, and without any concep-
on of the task he was to fulfil,^ still less of the scope of
s fulfilment. I could joyfully believe that the words of
hrist, " If they hear not Moses and the Prophets, neither
ill they be persuaded though one rose from the dead,"^
ad haunted the spirit of the recluse, until he resolved
lat the voice of Moses and the Prophets should be made
idible to the Churches of all the earth. But so far as
e have evidence, no such will or hope exalted the quiet
istincts of his natural industry; partly as a scholar's
^ercise, partly as an old man's recreation, the severity of
le Latin language was softened, like Venetian crystal, by
le variable fire of Hebrew thought; and the "Book of
Tamer/ the sentence on which I have now further to enlarge. [§ 36
here.]
" My first reason for recalling my readers' attention to this passage is
that whether it be thought boasting or confessive, I think it right to say
St. Jerome is the only saint whom I have entire sympathy with, and
whom, in whatever the least good there is in me, I absolutely resemble —
the terrible difference being in the fact that while he left, for his studies
in the desert, Roman luxury far away, I always carried it with me, as
well as my books, and my chosen kind of desert was, the Hotel de Bellevue
at Thun, or of the Cascade at the Giesbach. But in my way of reading,
' my love of quiet (with certain reliefs and embellishments) and my love
of all loveable animals, from lions down to grasshoppers and ants, St.
Jerome and I — though I say it — are absolutely of the same mind."]
1 [Compare Sesame and Lilies, § 17 (Vol. XVIII. p. 67).]
2 [Ruskin often notices this unconsciousness in men of prophetic power ; as of
[oses (Vol. VI. p. 461) and of Giotto (Vol. XXIV. p. 18) ; and so, too, of himself
^ol. XXIX. p. 138).]
' [Luke xvi. 31.]
I
110 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
Books" took the abiding form of which all the future art
of the Western nations was to be an hourly enlarging
interpretation.
39. And in this matter you have to note that the gist
of it lies, not in the translation of the Hebrew and Greek
Scriptures into an easier and a common language, but in
their presentation to the Church as of common authority.
The earlier Gentile Christians had naturally a tendency tc
carry out in various oral exaggeration or corruption, the
teaching of the Apostle of the Gentiles, until their freedoni
from the bondage of the Jewish law passed into doubt oi
its inspiration ; and, after the fall of Jerusalem, even into
horror-stricken interdiction of its observance. So that, onl}
a few years after the remnant of exiled Jews in Pella had
elected the Gentile Marcus for their Bishop, and obtained
leave to return to the iElia Capitolina built by Hadriar
on Mount Zion, "it became a matter of doubt and con-
troversy whether a man who sincerely acknowledged Jesu.'
as the Messiah, but who still continued to observe the law
of Moses, could possibly hope for salvation ! " ^ While, or
the other hand, ,the most learned and the most wealth}
of the Christian name, under the generally recognized titlt
of "knowing" (Gnostic), had more insidiously effaced tht
authority of the Evangelists by dividing themselves, during
the course of the third century, "into more than fift}
numerably distinct sects, and producing a multitude of his
tories, in which the actions and discourses of Christ anc
His Apostles were adapted to their several tenets." t
40. It would be a task of great, and in nowise profitabk
difficulty to determine in what measure the consent of tht
* Gibbon, chap. xv. (ii. 277).
j* Ihid.f ii. 283. His expression "the most learned and most wealthy
should be remembered in confirmation of the evermore recurring fact o
Christianity, that minds modest in attainment, and lives careless of gain
are fittest for the reception of every constant^ Christian principle.
1 [Here, in ed. 1, the note continued, — i.e. not local or accidental, — .
Ruskin omitted the words on revision in 1885.]
I
III. THE LION TAMER
111
l^^eneral Church, and in what measure the act and authority
j)f Jerome, contributed to fix in their ever since undisturbed
liarmony and majesty, the canons of Mosaic and Apostolic
Scripture. All that the young reader need know is, that
vhen Jerome died at Bethlehem, this great deed was vir-
ually accomplished ; and the series of historic and didactic
!)ooks which form our present Bible, (including the Apoc-
ypha) were established in and above the nascent thought
j)f the noblest races of men living on the terrestrial globe,
lis a direct message to them from its Maker, containing
jvhatever it was necessary for them to learn of His purposes
i owards them ; and commanding, or advising, with divine
uthority and infallible wisdom, all that was best for them
0 do, and happiest to desire.
41. And it is only for those who have obeyed the law
incerely, to say how far the hope held out to them by
1 he law-giver has been fulfilled. The worst "children of
jlisobedience " ^ are those who accept, of the Word, what
[hey like, and refuse what they hate : nor is this perversity
n them always conscious, for the greater part of the sins
)f the Church have been brought on it by enthusiasm
vhich, in passionate contemplation and advocacy of parts
|)f Scripture easily grasped, neglected the study, and at
ast betrayed the balance, of the rest.^ What forms and
nethods of self-will are concerned in the wresting of the
scriptures to a man's destruction, is for the keepers of
consciences to examine, not for us. The history we have
:o learn must be wholly cleared of such debate, and the
nfluence of the Bible watched exclusively on the persons
jvho receive the Word with joy,^ and obey it in truth.
I 42. There has, however, been always a farther difficulty
n examining the power of the Bible, than that of dis-
inguishing honest from dishonest readers. The hold of
^Christianity on the souls of men must be examined, when
* [Ephesians v. 6.]
* [Compare Time and Tide, § 87 (Vol. XVII. p. 350).]
3 [Luke viii. 13.]
112 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
we come to close dealing with it, under these three several
heads : there is first, the power of the Cross itself, and of
the theory of salvation, upon the heart, — then, the operation
of the Jewish and Greek Scriptures on the intellect, — then,
the influence on morals of the teaching and example of the
living hierarchy. And in the comparison of men as they
are and as they might have been there are these three
questions to be separately kept in mind, — first, what would
have been the temper of Europe without the charity and
labour meant by " bearing the Cross " ; then, secondly,
what would the intellect of Europe have become without
Biblical literature ; and lastly, what would the social order
of Europe have become without its hierarchy.
43. You see I have connected the words " charity " and
*' labour" under the general term of "bearing the cross."
" If any man will come after me, let him deny himself,
(for charity) and take up his cross (of pain) and follow me."^
The idea has been exactly reversed by modern Protes-
tantism, which sees, in the cross, not a furca to which it
is to be nailed; but a raft on which it, and all its valuable
properties,"^ are to be floated into Paradise.
44. Only, therefore, in days when the cross was received
with courage, the Scripture searched with honesty, and
the Pastor heard in faith, can the pure word of God, and
the bright sword of the Spirit,^ be recognized in the heart
and hand of Christianity. The effect of Biblical poetry
and legend on its intellect, must be traced farther, through
decadent ages, and in unfenced fields ; — producing Paradise
Lost for us, no less than the Divina Commedia ; — Goethe's
Faust, and Byron's Cain, no less than the Imitatio Christi.
* Quite one of the most curious colours of modern Evangelical thought
is its pleasing connection ol Gospel truth with the extension of lucrative
commerce! See farther the note at p. 11 6.
1 [Matthew xvi. 24 : compare Lectures on Art, § 59 (Vol. XX. p. 66) ; and
for the idea of the Cross as a raft, Ariadne Florentina^ §§ 28, 29 (Vol. XXII.
pp. 316, 317).]
^ [Ephesians vi. 17.]
I
i
TIL THE LION TAMER
113
45. Much more, must the scholar, who would com-
prehend in any degree approaching to completeness, the
influence of the Bible on mankind, be able to read the
■nterpretations of it which rose into the great arts of
Europe at their culmination. In every province of Christen-
dom, according to the degree of art-power it possessed,
1 series of illustrations of the Bible were produced as time
ATcnt on ; beginning with vignetted illustrations of manu-
script, advancing into life-size sculpture, and concluding
n perfect power of realistic painting. These teachings and
preachings of the Church, by means of art, are not only
I most important part of the general Apostolic Acts of
]!hristianity ; but their study is a necessary part of Biblical
cholarship, so that no man can in any large sense under-
tand the Bible itself until he has learned also to read
hese national commentaries upon it, and been made aware
)f their collective weight. The Protestant reader, who
aost imagines himself independent in his thought, and
Private in his study, of Scripture, is nevertheless usually
Lt the mercy of the nearest preacher who has a pleasant
loice and ingenious fancy; receiving from him thankfully,
nd often reverently, whatever interpretation of texts the
greeable voice or ready wit may recommend : while, in
he meantime, he remains entirely ignorant of, and if left
0 his own will, invariably destroys as injurious, the deeply
leditated interpretations of Scripture which, in their matter,
ave been sanctioned by the consent of all the Christian
i'hurch for a thousand years ; and in their treatment, have
•een exalted by the trained skill and inspired imagination
f the noblest souls ever enclosed in mortal clay.
46. There are few of the fathers of the Christian Church
^hose commentaries on the Bible, or personal theories of
:s gospel, have not been, to the constant exultation of the
jnemies of the Church, fretted and disgraced by angers
if controversy, or weakened and distracted by irreconcilable
icresy. On the contrary, the scriptural teaching, through
leir art, of such men as Orcagna, Giotto, Angelico, Luca
XXXIII. H
114
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
della Robbia, and Luini, is, literally, free from all earthly
taint of momentary passion ; its patience, meekness, and
quietness are incapable of error through either fear or
anger ; they are able, without offence, to say all that they
wish ; they are bound by tradition into a brotherhood which
represents unperverted doctrines by unchanging scenes ; and
they are compelled by the nature of their work to a
deliberation and order of method which result in the purest
state and frankest use of all intellectual power.
47. I may at once, and without need of returning to
this question, illustrate the difference in dignity and safety
between the mental actions of literature and art, by re-
ferring to a passage, otherwise beautifully illustrative of
St. Jerome's sweetness and simplicity of character, though
quoted, in the place where we find it, with no such favour-
ing intention, — namely, in the pretty letter of Queen Sophie
Charlotte (father's mother of Frederick the Great), to the
Jesuit Vota, given in part by Carlyle in his first volume,
ch. iv. : —
*' ' How can St. Jerome, for example, be a key to Scripture ? ' she
insinuates ; citing from Jerome this remarkable avowal of his method of
composing books ; — especially of his method in that book, Commentary
on the Galatians, where he accuses both Peter and Paul of simulation,
and even of hypocrisy. The great St. Augustine has been charging him
with this sad fact, (says her Majesty, who gives chapter and verse,) and
Jerome answers, 'I followed the commentaries of Origen, of — five or six
different persons, who turned out mostly to be heretics before Jerome had
quite done with them, in coming years, ' And to confess the honest truth
to you/ continues Jerome, ' I read all that, and after having crammed my
head with a great many things, I sent for my amanuensis, and dictated to
him, now my own thoughts, now those of others, without much recol-
lecting the order, nor sometimes the words, nor even the sense!' In
another place, (in the book itself further on he says, ' I do not myself
write; I have an amanuensis, and I dictate to him what comes into my
mouth. If I wish to reflect a little, or to say the thing better, or a
better thing, he knits his brows, and the whole look of him tells me
sufficiently that he cannot endure to wait.' Here is a sacred old gentle-
man whom it is not safe to depend upon for interpreting the Scriptures^
— thinks her Majesty, but does not say so, — leaving Father Vota to his
reflections."
* Commentary on the Galatians, chap, iii.
III. THE LION TAMER
115
Alas, no, Queen Sophie, neither old St. Jerome's nor
my other human lips nor mind, may be depended upon
m that function; but only the Eternal Sophia, the Power
3f God and the Wisdom of God : ^ yet this you may see of
y^our old interpreter, that he is wholly open, innocent, and
:rue, and that, through such a person, whether forgetful of
I lis author, or hurried by his scribe, it is more than probable
rou may hear what Heaven knows to be best for you;
md extremely improbable you should take the least harm,
—while by a careful and cunning master in the literary
irt, reticent of his doubts and dexterous in his sayings,
my number of prejudices or errors might be proposed to
Tou acceptably, or even fastened in you fatally, though
ill the while you were not the least required to confide in
lis inspiration.
48. For indeed, the only confidence, and the only safety
vhich in such matters we can either hold or hope, are in
)ur own desire to be rightly guided, and willingness to
bllow in simplicity the guidance granted. But all our
onceptions and reasonings on the subject of inspiration
lave been disordered by our habit, first of distinguishing
alsely — or at least needlessly — between inspiration of words
md of acts ; and secondly by our attribution of inspired
trength or wisdom to some persons or some writers only,
astead of to the whole body of believers, in so far as they
re partakers of the Grace of Christ, the Love of God,
nd the Fellowship of the Holy Ghost.^ In the degree in
yhich every Christian receives, or refuses, the several gifts
xpressed by that general benediction, he enters or is cast
ut from the inheritance of the saints, — in the exact degree
[1 which he denies the Christ, angers the Father, and
Tieves the Holy Spirit, he becomes uninspired or unholy, —
nd in the measure in which he trusts Christ, obeys the
''ather, and consents with the Spirit, he becomes inspired
1 [1 Corinthians i. 24.]
'[Compare Lectures on Art, § 125 (Vol. XX. pp. 115, 116), where lluskin
?ain quotes and expounds this benediction. See also Letter V. in The Lord's
'rayer and the Church (Vol. XXXIV.).]
116
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
in feeling, act, word, and reception of word, according to
the capacities of his nature. He is not gifted with higher
abihty, nor called into new offices, but enabled to use his
granted natural powers, in their appointed place, to the
best purpose. A child is inspired as a child, and a maiden 1
as a maiden ; the weak, even in their weakness, and the
wise, only in their hour.
That is the simply determinable theory of the inspira-
tion of all true members, of the Church ; ^ its truth can
only be known by proving it in trial : but I believe
there is no record of any man's having tried and declared
it vain.^
49. Beyond this theory of general inspiration, there is
that of especial call and command, with actual dictation of
the deeds to be done or words to be said. I will enter
at present into no examination of the evidences of such
separating influence; it is not claimed by the Fathers of
the Church, either for themselves, or even for the entire
body of the Sacred writers, but only ascribed to certain
passages dictated at certain times for special needs : and
there is no possibility of attaching the idea of infallible
truth to any form of human language in which even these
* Compare the closing paragraph in p. 45 of The Shrine of the Slaves.-
Strangely, as I revise this page for press, a slip is sent me from The Christian
newspaper, in which the comment of the orthodox evangelical editor may
be hereafter representative to us of the heresy of his sect ; in its last
audacity, actually opposing the power of the Spirit to the work of Christ.
(I only wish I had been at Matlock, and heard the kind physician's
sermon.)
" An interesting and somewhat unusual sight was seen in Derbyshire
on Saturday last — two old-fashioned Friends, dressed in the original garb
of the Quakers, preaching on the roadside to a large and attentive audience
in Matlock. One of them, who is a doctor in good practice in the county,
by name Dr. Charles A. Fox, made a powerful and effective appeal to his
audience to see to it that each one was living in obedience to the light of
the Holy Spirit within. Christ within was the hope of glory, and it was
as He was followed in the ministry of the Spirit that we were saved
* [On this theory of " inspiration " compare Time and Tide, § 36 (Vol. XVII.
p. 350).]
^ [The reference is to the original edition : see now, § 205 of St. Mark's Rest
(Vol. XXIV. p. 308).]
\
III. THE LION TAMER
117
exceptional passages have been delivered to us. But this
s demonstrably true of the entire volume of them, as we
lave it, and read, — each of us as it may be rendered in
lis native tongue; that, however mingled with mystery
ivhich we are not required to unravel, or difficulties which
rve should be insolent in desiring to solve, it contains plain
;eaching for men of every rank of soul and state in life,
A^hich so far as they honestly and implicitly obey, they
mil be happy and innocent to the utmost powers of their
lature, and capable of victory over all adversities, whether
)f temptation or pain.
50. Indeed, the Psalter alone, which practically was the
ervice book of the Church for many ages, contains merely
n the first half of it the sum of personal and social
visdom. The 1st, 8th, 12th, 14th, 15th, 19th, 23rd, and
J4th psalms, well learned and believed, are enough for all
personal guidance ; the 48th, 72nd, and 7 5th, have in them
,he law and the prophecy of all righteous government ;
md every real triumph of natural science is anticipated in
:he 104th.
51. For the contents of the entire volume, consider
)y Him, who became thus to each the author and finisher of faith. He
•autioned his hearers against building their house on the sand by beheving
n the free and easy Gospel so commonly preached to the wayside hearers,
is if we were saved by 'believing' this or that. Nothing short of the
vovk of the Holy Ghost in the soul of each one could save us, and to
ireach anything short of this was simply to delude the simple and unwary
n the most terrible form.
" [It would be unfair to criticise an address from so brief an abstract, but
ve must express our conviction that the obedience of Christ unto death, the death
if the Cross, rather than the work of the Spiiit in us, is the good tidings for
inful men. — Ed.]"
In juxtaposition with this editorial piece of modern British press theology,
'. will simply place the 4th, 6th, and 13th verses of Romans viii., italicising
;he expressions which are of deepest import, and always neglected. "That
;he righteousness of the Law might be fulfilled in us, who walk not after
;he flesh, but after the Spirit. . . . For to be carnally minded, is death, but
;o be spiritually minded, is life, and peace. . . . For if ye live after the
lesh, ye shall die ; but if through the Spirit do mortify the deeds of the
)ody, ye shall live."
It would be well for Christendom if the Baptismal service explained
vhat it professes to abjure.
118 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
what other group of historic and didactic literature has a
range comparable with it. There are —
(I.) The stories of the Fall and of the Flood, the
grandest human traditions founded on a true horror of
sin.
(II.) The story of the Patriarchs, of which the effective
truth is visible to this day in the polity of the Jewish and
Arab races.
(III.) The story of Moses, with the results of that
tradition in the moral law of all the civilized world.
(IV.) The story of the Kings— virtually that of all
Kinghood, in David, and of all Philosophy, in Solomon:
culminating in the Psalms and Proverbs, with the still
more close and practical wisdom of Ecclesiasticus and the
Son of Sirach.
(V.) The story of the Prophets — virtually that of the
deepest mystery, tragedy, and permanent fate, of national
existence.
(VI.) The story of Christ.
(VII.) The moral law of St. John, and his closing
Apocalypse of its fulfilment.
Think, if you can match that table of contents in any
other— I do not say "book" but "literature." Think, so
far as it is possible for any of us — either adversary or
defender of the faith — to extricate his intelligence from the
habit and the association of moral sentiment based upon
the Bible, what literature could have taken its place, or
fulfilled its function, though every library in the world had
remained unravaged, and every teacher's truest words had
been written down ?
52. I am no despiser of profane literature. So far
from it, that I believe no interpretations of Greek religion
have ever been so affectionate, none of Roman religion so
reverent, as those which will be found at the base of my
art teaching, and current through the entire body of my
works. But it was from the Bible that I learned the^j
III. THE LION TAMER
119
lymbols of Homer, and the faith of Horace'/ the duty
enforced upon me in early youth of reading every word of
he gospels and prophecies as if written by the hand of
jod,^ gave me the habit of awed attention which afterwards
nade many passages of the profane writers, frivolous to an
rreligious reader, deeply grave to me. How far my mind
las been paralysed by the faults and sorrow of life, — how far
,hort its knowledge may be of what I might have known,
lad I more faithfully walked in the light I had, is beyond
ny conjecture or confession : but as I never wrote for my
^wn pleasure or self-proclaiming,^ I have been guarded, as
nen who so write always will be, from errors dangerous to
)thers ; and the fragmentary expressions of feeling or state-
nents of doctrine, which from time to time I have been
ible to give, will be found now by an attentive reader to
)ind themselves together into a general system of interpreta-
don of Sacred literature, — both classic and Christian, which
will enable him without injustice to sympathize in the faiths
if candid and generous souls, of every age and every clime.
53. That there is a Sacred classic literature, running
parallel with that of the Hebrews, and coalescing in the
symbolic legends of mediaeval Christendom,* is shown in
the most tender and impressive way by the independent,
yet similar, influence of Virgil upon Dante, and upon Bishop
Gawaine Douglas.^ At earlier dates, the teaching of every
master trained in the Eastern schools was necessarily grafted
on the wisdom of the Greek mythology ; and thus the
story of the Nemean Lion, with the aid of Athena in
its conquest,® is the real root-stock of the legend of
^ [On the faith and piety " of Horace, see Queen of the Air, §§ 47, 48
(Vol. XIX. pp. 348-349) ; Val d'Arno, §§ 218 seq. (Vol. XXIII. p. 219) ; and For»
Clavigera, Letter 92, § 9 (Vol. XXIX. p. 459).]
2 [See PrcBterita, i. § 46.]
^ [Compare the close of the Preface to vol. v. of Modern Painters (Vol. VII.
p. 10).]
* [Compare "The Mending of the Sieve," § 14 (below, p. 238).]
^ [For the bishop's translation of the JEneid, see also ch. iv. § 20 (p. 137 n.)
and Pleasures of England, §.67 (below, p. 463).]
6 [Compare Queen of the Air, Vol. XIX. pp. 416-417 ; and Val d'Arno, §§ 17, 203
(Vol. XXIII. pp. 19, 119).]
120
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
St. Jerome's companion, conquered by the healing gentleness
of the Spirit of Life.
54*. I call it a legend only. Whether Heracles everi
slew, or St. Jerome ever cherished, the wild or wounded
creature, is of no moment to us in learning what the;
Greeks meant by their vase-outlines of the great con-
test, or the Christian painters by their fond insistence on
the constancy of the Lion-friend. Former tradition, in thei
story of Samson, — of the disobedient Prophet, — of David'sl
first inspired victory, and finally of the miracle wrought in
the defence of the most favoured and most faithful of the!
greater Prophets,^ runs always parallel in symbolism with'
the Dorian fable: but the legend of St. Jerome takes up
the prophecy of the Millennium, and foretells, with the|
Cumgean Sibyl,^ and with Isaiah, a day when the Fear oil
Man shall be laid in benediction, not enmity, on inferior'
beings, — when they shall not hurt nor destroy in all the
holy Mountain, and the Peace of the Eartli shall be as far.
removed from its present sorrow, as the present gloriously!
animate universe from the nascent desert, whose deeps were'
the place of dragons,^ and its mountains, domes of fire.
Of that day knoweth no man ; * but the Kingdom of.
God is already come to those who have tamed in their I
own hearts what was rampant of the lower nature, andf
have learned to cherish what is lovely and human, in thef
wandering children of the clouds and fields.
AvALLON, 28th August, 1882.
^ [Judges xiv. 8 ; 1 Kings xiii. ; 1 Samuel xvii. 34-38 ; Daniel vi.]
- [See the fourth Eclogue of Virgil ; the passage is quoted, and commented
upon, by Ruskin in Ariadne Florentina, Vol. XXII. p. 448. The notice by
Virgil of a prophecy concerning the regeneration of the world by the birth of a ii
child, at a date only forty years before the Christian era, has been the subject of I
much speculation ; as also the resemblance which some passages in Virgil's descrip-
tion of the millennium bear to some in Isaiah : compare, for instance, Isaiah xi. 9
(here quoted by Ruskin) with Eclogue iv. 22 : ^' nec magnos metuent armenta
leones." See on the whole subject Virgil's Messianic Eclogue: its Meaning, Occasion,
and Sources, by J. B. Mayor, W. Warde Fowler, and R. S. Conway (1907).]
^ [See Psalms xliv. 19, cxlviii. 7.]
[Matthew xxiv. 36.]
4
4
CHAPTER IV
INTERPRETATIONS
. It is the admitted privilege of a eustode who loves
is cathedral to depreciate, in its comparison, all the other
athedrals of his country that resemble, and all the edifices
n the globe that differ from it. But I love too many
ithedrals — though I have never had the happiness of be-
aming the eustode of even one — to permit myself the
asy and faithful exercise of the privilege in question; and
must vindicate my candour, and my judgment, in the
utset, by confessing that the cathedral of Amiens has
othing to boast of in the v^ay of towers, — that its central
eche is merely the pretty caprice of a village carpenter, —
lat the total structure is in dignity inferior to Chartres,
I sublimity to Beauvais, in decorative splendour to Rheims,
[id in loveliness of figure-sculpture to Bourges. It has
othing like the artful pointing and moulding of the arcades
I Salisbury — nothing of the might of Durham ; — no Dseda-
an inlaying like Florence, no glow of mythic fantasy like
erona. And yet, in all, and more than these, ways, out-
jione or overpowered, the cathedral of Amiens deserves
lie name given it by M. VioUet-le-Duc —
"The Parthenon of Gothic Architecture."^
, Of Gothic, mind you ; Gothic clear of Roman tradi-
I on, and of Arabian taint ; Gothic pure, authoritative,
! * Of French Architecture, accurately, in the place quoted, Dictionary/
IE 'Architecture, vol. i. p. 71;^ but in the article " Cathedrale," it is called
* lol. ii. p. 330) "I'eglise ogivale par excellence."
[Where, however, the reference is not to Amiens^ but to Beauvais.]
121
122
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
unsurpassable, and unaccusable ; — its proper principles of
structure being once understood and admitted.
2. No well-educated traveller is now without some
consciousness of the meaning of what is commonly and
rightly called "purity of style," in the modes of art which
have been practised by civilized nations ; and few are un-
aware of the distinctive aims and character of Gothic.
The purpose of a good Gothic builder was to raise, with
the native stone of the place he had to build in, an edifice
as high and as spacious as he could, with calculable and
visible security, in no protracted and wearisome time, and
with no monstrous or oppressive compulsion of human
labour.
He did not wish to exhaust in the pride of a single
city the energies of a generation, or the resources of a
kingdom ; he built for Amiens with the strength and the
exchequer of Amiens ; with chalk from the cliffs of the
Somme,^ and under the orders of two successive bishops,
one of whom directed the foundations of the edifice, andf
the other gave thanks in it for its completion.^ His object,
as a designer, in common with all the sacred builders of
his time in the North, was to admit as much light into
the building as was consistent with the comfort of it; to
make its structure intelligibly admirable, but not curious
* It was a universal principle with the French builders of the great
ages to use the stones of their quarries as they lay in the bed ; ^ if the
beds were thick, the stones were used of their full thickness — if thin, ol
their necessary thinness, adjusting them with beautiful care to directions
of thrust and weight. The natural blocks were never sawn, only squared
into fitting, the whole native strength and crystallization of the stone being
thus kept unflawed — " ne dedouhlaid jamais une pierre. Cette methode est
excellente, elle conserve a la pierre toute sa force naturelle, — tons ses moyens
de resistance/* See M. Viollet-le-Duc, Article ''Construction" (Materiaux),
vol. iv. p. 129. He adds the very notable fact that, to this day, in seventt^
departments of France, the use of the stone-saw is zmknown.^
1 [See § 24 n. ; p. 139.]
2 [On this point, compare Val d'Amo, § 152 (Vol. XXIII. p. 92).]
^ [And adds further that they are those where the construction is best.]
IV. INTERPRETATIONS 123
• confusing ; and to enrich and enforce the understood
• ructure with ornament sufficient for its beauty, yet yield-
g to no wanton enthusiasm in expenditure, nor insolent
: giddy or selfish ostentation of skill ; and finally, to make
.e external sculpture of its walls and gates at once an
iphabet and epitome of the religion, by the knowledge and
spiration of which an acceptable worship might be ren-
(3red, within those gates, to the Lord whose Fear was in
is Holy Temple, and whose seat was in Heaven.^
! 3. It is not easy for the citizen of the modern aggregate
bad building, and ill-living held in check by constables,
hich we call a town, — of which the widest streets are
(ivoted by consent to the encouragement of vice, and the
iirrow ones to the concealment of misery, — not easy, I
j y, for the citizen of any such mean city to understand
• e feeling of a burgher of the Christian ages to his
"thedral. For him, the quite simply and frankly-believed
xt, " Where two or three are gathered in my name, there
;n I in the midst of them, '^ was expanded into the wider
omise to many honest and industrious persons gathered
His name — "They shall be my people and I will be
eir God " ; ^ — deepened in his reading of it, by some lovely
!eal and simply affectionate faith that Christ, as He was
Jew among Jews, and a Galilean among Galileans, was
ISO, in His nearness to any — even the poorest — group of
<sciples, as one of their nation; and that their own ** Beau
' hrist d' Amiens " was as true a compatriot to them as if
^e had been born of a Picard maiden.
4. It is to be remembered, however — and this is a
leological point on which depended much of the struc-
iral development of the northern basilicas — that the part
<■ the building in which the Divine presence was believed
be constant, as in the Jewish Holy of Holies, was
uly the enclosed choir; in front of which the aisles and
^ [Psalms xi. 4 (Prayer-book version).]
2 [Matthew xviii. 20.]
j 3 [2 Corinthians vi. 16.]
124
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
transepts might become the King's Hall of Justice, as in'
the presence-chamber of Christ; and whose high altar was]
guarded always from the surrounding eastern aisles by a
screen of the most finished workmanship; while from those
surrounding aisles branched off a series of radiating chapels,
or cells, each dedicated to some separate saint. This con-i
ception of the company of Christ with His saints, (the
eastern chapel of all being the Virgin's,) was at the root of
the entire disposition of the apse with its supporting and
dividing buttresses and piers ; and the architectural forni!!
can never be well delighted in, unless in some sympathy'
with the spiritual imagination out of which it rose. We
talk foolishly and feebly of symbols and types : in old
Christian architecture, every part is litej^al: the cathedral u
for its builders the House of God ; ^ — it is surrounded, like^
an earthly king's, with minor lodgings for the servants;'
and the glorious carvings of the exterior walls and interior
wood of the choir, which an English rector would almost
instinctively think of as done for the glorification of the
canons, was indeed the Amienois carpenter's way of making
his Master-carpenter^ comfortable,''' — nor less of showing
his ow^n native and insuperable virtue of carpenter, before
God and man.
4
* The philosophic reader is quite welcome to "detect" and "expose'
as many carnal motives as he pleases, besides the good ones, — competition
with neighbour Beauvais^ — comfort to sleepy heads — solace to fat sides,
and the like. He will find at last that no quantity of competition or com-
fort-seeking will do anything the like of this carving now ; — still less W\
own philosophy, whatever its species : and that it was indeed the little
mustard-seed of faith ^ in the heart, with a very notable quantity of honest)
besides in the habit and disposition, that made all the rest grow togethei
for good.^
^ [Compare the phrase ^'logeurs du Bon Dieu" for the masons: Vol. XVII.
p. 280, and Vol. XX. p. 67.]
2 [Compare Lectures on Art, § 31 (Vol. XX. p. 45).]
^ [^^ A most amiable weakness," however, as Ruskiu admits : see the reference
to the rivalry between Beauvais and Amiens in Lectures on Architecture and Painting
§ 19 (Vol. XII. p. 39).]
* [See Matthew xvii. 20.]
^ [See Romans viii. 28.]
VII
The Choir Stalls
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
125
5. Whatever you wish to see, or are forced to leave
nseen, at Amiens, if the overwhelming responsibilities of
our existence, and the inevitable necessities of precipitate
)Comotion in their fulfilment, have left you so much as one
uarter of an hour, not out of breath — for the contempla-
on of the capital of Picardy, give it wholly to the cathedral
hoir. Aisles and porches, lancet windows and roses, you
an see elsewhere as well as here — but such carpenter's
^ork, you cannot. It is late, — fully developed flamboyant
ist past the fifteenth century — and has some Flemish
colidity mixed with the playing French fire of it; but
^ood-carving was the Picard's joy from his youth up, and,
) far as I know, there is nothing else so beautiful cut out
f the goodly trees of the world.
Sweet and young-grained wood it is : oak, ti^amed and
losen for such work, sound now as four hundred years
nee. Under the carver's hand it seems to cut like clay,
) fold like silk, to grow like living branches, to leap like
ving flame. Canopy crowning canopy, pinnacle piercing
innacle — it shoots and wreathes itself into an enchanted
lade, inextricable, imperishable, fuller of leafage than any
)rest, and fuller of story than any book."^
* Arnold Boulin, master-joiner (menuisier) at Amiens, solicited the enter-
•ise, and obtained it in the first months of the year 1508. A contract
as drawn and an agreement made with him for the construction of one
mdred and twenty stalls with historical subjects, high backings, crownings,
id pyramidal canopies. It was agreed that the principal executor should
ave seven sous of Tournay (a little less than the sou of France) a day,
ir himself and his apprentice (threepence a day the two — say a shilling
week the master, and sixpence a week the man), and for the super-
itendence of the whole work, twelve crowns a year, at the rate of twenty-
»ur sous the crown ; (z.e., twelve shillings a year). The salary of the simple
orkman was only to be three sous a day. For the sculptures and histories
I the seats, the bargain was made separately with Antoine Avernier,
(lage-cutter, residing at Amiens, at the rate of thirty-two sous (sixteen
3nce) the piece. Most of the wood came from Clermont en Beauvoisis,
■jar Amiens ; the finest, for the bas-reliefs, from Holland, by St. Valery
id Abbeville. The Chapter appointed four of its own members to super-
itend the work : Jean Dumas, Jean Fabres, Pierre Vuaille, and Jean
englache, to whom my authors (canons both) attribute the choice of sub-
lets, the placing of them, and the initiation of the workmen '^au sens
126
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
6. I have never been able to make up my mind which
was really the best way of approaching the cathedral fori
the first time. If you have plenty of leisure, and the day;
is fine, and you are not afraid of an hour's walk, the
really right thing to do is to walk dow^n the main street
of the old town, and across the river, and quite out to the
veritable et plus eleve de la Bible ou des legendes, et portant quelquefois
le simple savoir-faire de Touvrier jusqu'a la hauteur du genie du theologian."
Without pretending to apportion the credit of savoir-faire and theology i|
in the business, we have only to observe that the whole company, master,
apprentices, workmen, image-cutter, and four canons, got well into traces,
and set to work on the 3rd of July, 1508, in the great hall of the eveche,
which was to be the workshop and studio during the whole time of the
business. In the following year, another menuisier, Alexander Huet, was
associated with the body, to carry on the stalls on the right hand of the
choir, while Arnold Boulin went on with those on the left. Arnold, leaving
his new associate in command for a time, went to Beauvais and St. Riquier,
to see the woodwork there; and in July of 1511 both the masters went
to Rouen together, ''pour etudier les chaires de la cathedrale." The year
before, also, two Franciscans, monks of Abbeville, " expert and renowned in
working in wood," had been called by the Amiens chapter to give their
opinion on things in progress, and had each twenty sous for his opinion,
and travelling expenses.
In 1516, another and an important name appears on the accounts,—
that of Jean Trupin, "a simple workman at the wages of three sous a day,"
but doubtless a good and spirited carver, whose true portrait it is without
doubt, and by his own hand, that forms the elbow-rest of the 85th stall
(right hand, nearest apse), beneath which is cut his name JHAN TRUPIN,
and again under the 92nd stall, with the added wish, "Jan Trupin, God
take care of thee" {Dieu te pourvoie).
The entire work was ended on St. John's Day, 1522, without (so far
as we hear) any manner of interruption by dissension, death, dishonesty, or
incapacity, among its fellow-workmen, master or servant. And the accounts
being audited by four members of the Chapter, it was found that the total
expense was 9488 livres, 11 sous, and 3 obols (decimes), or 474 napoleons,
11 sous, 3 decimes of modern French money, or roughly four hundred
sterling English pounds.
For which sum, you perceive, a company of probably six or eight good
workmen, old and young, had been kept merry and busy for fourteen;
years ; and this that you see — left for substantial result and gift to you. |
I have not examined the carvings so as to assign, with any decision,
the several masters' work ; but in general the flower and leaf design in
the traceries will be by the two head menuisiers, and their apprentices;
the elaborate Scripture histories by Avernier, with variously completing'
incidental grotesque by Trupin ; and the joining and fitting by the common
workmen. No nails are used, — all is morticed, and so beautifully that the
joints have not moved to this day, and are still almost imperceptible. Thelj
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
127
halk hill'^ out of which the citadel is half quarried — half
/ailed; — and walk to the top of that, and look down into
he citadel's dry ''ditch," — or, more truly, dry valley of
eath, which is about as deep as a glen in Derbyshire, (or,
lore precisely, the upper part of the *' Happy Valley at
)xford, above Lower Hincksey,^) and thence across to the
athedral and ascending slopes of the city ; so, you will
nderstand the real height and relation of tower and town :
-then, returning, find your way to the Mount Zion of it
y any narrow cross streets and chance bridges you can —
he more winding and dirty the streets, the better; and
whether you come first on west front or apse, you will
link them worth all the trouble you have had to reach
lem.
7. But if the day be dismal, as it may sometimes be,
v^en in France, of late years, — or if you cannot or will not
^alk, which may also chance, for all our athletics and
iwn-tennis, — or if you must really go to Paris this after-
oon, and only mean to see all you can in an hour or two,
-then, supposing that, notwithstanding these weaknesses,
ur terminal pyramids ''you might take for giant pines forgotten for six
mturies on the soil where the church was built ; they might be looked
11 at first as a wild luxury of sculpture and hollow traceries — but examined
analysis they are marvels of order and system in construction, uniting all
le lightness, strength, and grace of the most renowned spires in the last
Doch of the Middle Ages."
The above particulars are all extracted — or simply translated, out of
le excellent description of the Sialics et les Clotures du Choeur of the
athedral of Amiens, by MM. les Chanoines Jourdain et Duval (Amiens,
V. Alfred Caron, 1867).^ The accompanying lithographic outlines are
fceedingly good, and the reader will find the entire series of subjects
idicated with precision and brevity, both for the woodwork and the external
2il of the choir, of which I have no room to speak in this traveller's
unraary.
* The strongest and finally to be defended part of the earliest city was
1 this height.
1 [One of the little valleys that debouch on the valley of the Thames behind
le Hinckseys" (Dr. Arnold's letter to Clough, in Stanley's Life of Arnold, p. 467
d. 1901). Compare, below, p. 527.]
2 [The book is a reprint from the description of the stalls published in 1844 in
le Memoires de la Societe des Anttquaii'es de Picardie.]
128
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
you are still a nice sort of person, for whom it is of some
consequence which way you come at a pretty thing, or begin
to look at it — I think the best way is to walk from the
Hotel de France or the Place de Perigord, up the Street
of Three Pebbles, towards the railway station — stopping a
little as you go, so as to get into a cheerful temper, and
buying some bonbons or tarts for the children in one of
the charming patissiers' shops on the left. Just past them,
ask for the theatre ; and just past that, you will find, also
on the left, three open arches, through which you can turn,
passing the Palais de Justice, and go straight up to the
south transept, which has really something about it to
please everybody. It is simple and severe at the bottom,
and daintily traceried and pinnacled at the top, and yet
seems all of a piece— though it isn't — and everybody must
like the taper and transparent fretwork of the fleche above,
which seems to bend to the west wind, — though it doesn't
— at least, the bending is a long habit, gradually yielded
into, with gaining grace and submissiveness, during the last
three hundred years. And, coming quite up to the porch,
everybody must like the pretty French Madonna in the
middle of it, with her head a little aside, and her nimbus
switched a little aside too, like a becoming bonnet.^ A
Madonna in decadence she is, though, for all, or rather by
reason of all, her prettiness, and her gay soubrette's smile;
and she has no business there, neither, for this is St.
Honore s porch, not hers ; and grim and grey St. Honore
used to stand there to receive you, — he is banished now
to the north porch, where nobody ever goes in. This was
done long ago, in the fourteenth-century days, when the
people first began to find Christianity too serious, and devised
a merrier faith for France, and would have bright-glancing,
soubrette Madonnas everywhere — letting their own dark- eyed
Joan of Arc be burnt for a witch. And thenceforward.
^ [Plate IX., and compare p. 166. For another reference to this carving, se(
The Two Paths, § 36 (Vol. XVI. p. 281). In the same book is a descriptiou o
the other sculptures of the porch : see pp. 855-357 and Plate XVI.]
I
I
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
129
lings went their merry way, straight on, "9a allait, 9a
•a," to the merriest days of the guillotine.^
But they could still carve, in the fourteenth century,
ad the Madonna and her hawthorn-blossom linteP are
^orth your looking at, — much more the field above, of
iulpture as delicate and more calm, which tells St. Honore s
wn story, little talked of now in his Parisian faubourg.
8. I will not keep you just now to tell St. Honore's
:ory — (only too glad to leave you a little curious about
, if it were possible)* — for certainly you will be impatient
) go into the church; and cannot enter it to better
Ivantage than by this door. For all cathedrals of any
lark have nearly the same effect when you enter at the
j est door ; but I know no other which shows so much of
is nobleness from the south interior transept ; the opposite
i)se being of exquisite fineness in tracery, and lovely in
jistre ; and the shafts of the transept aisles forming wonder-
!il groups with those of the choir and nave; also, the
bse shows its height better, as it opens to you when you
iivance from the transept into the mid-nave, than when
I is seen at once from the west end of the nave ; where
is just possible for an irreverent person rather to think
le nave narrow, than the apse high. Therefore, if you let
le guide you, go in at this south transept door, (and put a
)u into every beggar's box who asks it there, — it is none
■ your business whether they should be there or not, nor
hether they deserve to have the sou, — be sure only that
Du yourself deserve to have it to give ; and give it prettily,
jid not as if it burnt your fingers). Then, being once
I side, take what first sensation and general glimpse of it
[eases you — promising the custode to come back to see it
* See, however, §§ 36, 112-114 of The Two Paths [Vol. XVI. pp. 281,
■5-357].
^ [For the allusion here, see Fiction^ Fair and Foul^ § 47 and n. (Vol. XXXIV.).]
I ^ ["Less charming," says M. Proust in a note to his French translation, "than
at of Bourges," which is "the cathedral of the hawthorn" — referring to Stones
Venice, vol. i. ch. 2, § 13 (Vol. IX. p. 70).]
XXXIII. 1
9
180 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
properly; (only then mind you keep the promise,) and in
this first quarter of an hour, seeing only what fancy bids
you — but at least, as I said, the apse from mid-nave, and
all the traverses of the building, from its centre. Then
you will know, when you go outside again, what the
architect was working for, and what his buttresses and
traceries mean. For the outside of a French cathedral,
except for its sculpture, is always to be thought of as the
wrong side of the stuff, in which you find how the threads
go that produce the inside or right-side pattern. And if
you have no wonder in you for that choir and its encom-
passing circlet of light, when you look up into it from
the cross-centre, you need not travel farther in search of
cathedrals, for the waiting-room of any station is a better
place for you ; — but, if it amaze you and delight you at
first, then, the more you know of it, the more it wiU
amaze. For it is not possible for imagination and mathe-
matics together, to do anything nobler or stronger than
that procession of window, with material of glass and stone
— nor anything which shall look loftier, with so temperate
and prudent measure of actual loftiness.
9. From the pavement to the keystone of its vault is
but 132 French feet— about 150 English. Think only-
you who have been in Switzerland, — the Staubbach falls
m?ie hundred ! Nay, Dover chfF under the castle, just at
the end of the Marine Parade, is twice as high ; ^ and the
little cockneys parading to military polka on the asphalt
below, think themselves about as tall as it, I suppose
— nay, what with their little lodgings and stodgings anc
podgings about it, they have managed to make it look nc
bigger than a moderate-sized limekiln. Yet it is twice th(
height of Amiens' apse ! — and it takes good building, witl
only such bits of chalk as one can quarry beside Somme
to make your work stand half that height, for six hundrec
years.
^ [On the height, apparent and real, of cathedrals and mountains, compar
.Seven Lamps, ch. iii. § 4 (Vol VIII. p. 104).]
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
131
10. It takes good building, I say, and you may even
iver the best — that ever was, or is again likely for many a
lay to be, on the unquaking and fruitful earth, where one
^ould calculate on a pillar's standing fast, once well set
ip ; and where aisles of aspen, and orchards of apple, and
dusters of vine, gave type of what might be most beauti-
uUy made sacred in the constancy of sculptured stone.^
^rom the unhewn block set on end in the Druid's Bethel,
o this Lord's House and blue-vitrailed gate of Heaven,^
^ou have the entire course and consummation of the
s^orthern Religious Builder's passion and art.
11. But, note further — and earnestly, — this apse of
Imiens is not only the best,^ but the very first thing
|one perfectly in its manner, by Northern Christendom,
n pages 323 and 327 of the sixth volume of M. VioUet-le-
l)uc,* you will find the exact history of the development
|f these traceries through which the eastern light shines on
ou as you stand, from the less perfect and tentative forms
f Rheims : and so momentary was the culmination of the
xact rightness, that here, from nave to transept — built
nly ten years later, — there is a little change, not towards
ecline, but to a not quite necessary precision.^ Where
ecline begins, one cannot, among the lovely fantasies that
icceeded, exactly say— but exactly, and indisputably, we
now that this apse of Amiens is the first virgin perfect
jork — Parthenon also in that sense — of Gothic Archi-
icture.
12. Who built it, shall we ask? God, and Man, — is
lie first and most true answer. The stars in their courses
juilt it, and the Nations. Greek Athena labours here —
ad Roman Father Jove, and Guardian Mars. The Gaul
^ [For a reference to tliis passage, see Art of England, § 128 ; below, p. 352 n.]
' [See Genesis xxviii. 17 ; and compare Crown of Wild Olive, § 62 (Vol. XVIII.
441).]
' [Compare Lectures on Architecture and Painting ^ § 18 (Vol. XII. p. 35).]
j * [Under the heading ^'Meneau.'*]
^ [On this point, of too great precision in contrast with variation, see Stones of
mice, vol. ii. (Vol. X. pp. 53, 54).]
182
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
labours here, and the Frank: knightly Norman, — mighty
Ostrogoth, — and wasted anchorite of Idmnea.
The actual Man who built it scarcely cared to tell you |
he did so ; nor do the historians brag of him. Any quan-
tity of heraldries of knaves and faineants you may find in
what they call their history " : but this is probably the
first time you ever read the name of Robert of Luzarches.
I say he "scarcely cared" — we are not sure that he cared
at all. He signed his name nowhere, that I can hear of.
You may perhaps find some recent initials cut by English
remarkable visitors desirous of immortality, here and there
about the edifice, but Robert the builder — or at least the
Master of building, cut his on no stone of it. Only when,
after his death, the headstone had been brought forth with
shouting, Grace unto it, this following legend was written,
recording all who had part or lot in the labour, within the
middle of the labyrinth then inlaid in the pavement of the
nave. You must read it trippingly on the tongue : it was
rhymed gaily for you by pure French gaiety, not the least
like that of the Theatre de Folies.
"En Fan de Grace mil deux cent
Et vingt, fu I'oeuvre de cheens
Premierement encomenchie.
A done y ert de cheste evesquie ]
Evrart, eveque benis ; a
Et, Roy de France, Loys ^
Qui fut fils Phelippe le Sage. ? pit
Qui maistre y ert de I'oeuvre If
Maistre Robert estoit nomes
Et de Luzarches surnomes. f
Maistre Thomas fu apres lui 1151
De Cormont. Et apres, son filz I
Maistre Regnault, qui mestre .
Fist a chest point chi cheste lectre ™'
Que I'incarnation valoit ,H]i
Treize cent, moins douze, en faloit."
13. I have written the numerals in letters, else the il
metre would not have come clear: they were really ir krd
figures thus, ii c. et xx," **xiii c. moins xii." I quotf
the inscription from M. I'Abbe Roze's admirable littl(
iiflat
I
I
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
138
book, Visite a la Cathedrale d' Amiens'^ — Sup. Lib. de Mgr.
I'Eveque d' Amiens, 1877, — ^which every grateful traveller
{should buy, for I'm only going to steal a little bit of it
here and there. I only wish there had been a translation
of the legend to steal, too ; for there are one or two points,
both of idea and chronology, in it, that I should have liked
the Abbe's opinion of.
The main purport of the rhyme, however, we perceive
to be, line for line, as follows : —
In the year of Grace, Twelve Hundred
And twenty, the work, then faUing to ruin.
Was first begun again.
Then was, of this Bishopric
Everard the blessed Bishop.
And, King of France, Louis,
Who was son to Philip the Wise.
He who was Master of the Work
Was called Master Robert,
And called, beyond that, of Luzarches.
Master Thomas was after him.
Of Corraont. And after him, his son.
Master Reginald, who to be put
Made — at this point — this reading.
When the Incarnation was of account
Thirteen hundred, less twelve, which it failed of."
In which legend, while you stand where once it was
written (it was removed^ — to make the old pavement more
I polite — in the year, I sorrowfully observe, of my own earliest
I tour on the Continent, 1825, when I had not yet turned
my attention to Ecclesiastical Architecture), these points
are noticeable — if you have still a little patience.
14. "The work" — ix., the Work of Amiens in especial,
I her cathedral, was decheant," falling to ruin, for the — I
cannot at once say — ^fourth, fifth, or what time, — in the
year 1220. For it was a wonderfully difficult matter for
httle Amiens to get this piece of business fairly done, so
hard did the Devil pull against her. She built her first
1 [See p. 4 of that little book.]
^ 1/^ Restored" in its original place in 1894, The original central stone, much
mutilated, is in the Museum of Amiens.]
134
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
Bishop's church (scarcely more than St. Firmin's tomb-
chapel) about the year 350, just outside the railway station
on the road to Paris ; then, after being nearly herself
destroyed, chapel and all, by the Frank invasion, having
recovered, and converted her Franks, she built another and
a properly called cathedral, where this one stands now,
under Bishop St. Save, (St. Sauve, or Salve). But even
this proper cathedral was only of wood, and the Normans
burnt it in 881. Rebuilt, it stood for 200 years ; but was
in great part destroyed by lightning in 1019. Rebuilt
again, it and the town were more or less burnt together
by lightning, in 1107, — my authority says calmly, "un in-
cendie provoque par la meme cause detruisit la ville, et
une partie de la cathedrale." The " partie " being rebuilt
once more, the whole was again reduced to ashes, "reduite
en cendre par le feu de ciel en 1218, ainsi que tons les
titres, les martyrologies, les calendriers, et les Archives de
I'Eveche et du Chapitre."
15. It was the fifth cathedral, I count, then, that lay
in "ashes," according to Mons. Gilbert — in ruin certainly
— decheante ; — and ruin of a very discouraging completeness
it would have been, to less lively townspeople — in 1218.
But it was rather of a stimulating completeness to Bishop
Everard and his people — the ground well cleared for them,
as it were ; and lightning (feu de Tenfer, not du ciel, recog-
nized for a diabolic plague, as in Egypt ),^ was to be defied
— to the pit.^ They only took two years, you see, to pull
themselves together ; and to work they went, in 1220,
they, and their bishop, and their king, and their Robert of
Luzarches. And this, that roofs you, was what their hands
found to do with their might. ^
* At St. Acheul. See the first chapter of this book [p. 30], and the
Description Historique de la Cathedrale d' Amiens, by A. P. M. Gilbert, 8vo,
Amiens, 1833, pp. 5-7.
1 [Exodus ix. 23.]
^ [So punctuated in Ruskin's manuscript : for the phrase, see Julius Cessar,
Act V. sc. 5.]
^ [Ecclesiastes ix. 10.]
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
135
16. Their king was " a-donc," at that time," Louis
VIII., who is especially further called the son of Philip of
August, or Philip the Wise, because his father was not
dead in 1220 ; but must have resigned the practical king-
ioiii to his son, as his own father had done to him ; the old
md wise king retiring to his chamber, and thence silently
Tuiding his son's hands, very gloriously, yet for three years.
But, farther — and this is the point on which chiefly I
ivould have desired the Abbe's judgment — Louis VIII. died
fever at Montpensier in 1226. And the entire conduct
3f the main labour of the cathedral, and the chief glory of
ts service, as we shall hear presently, was Saint Louis's ;
or a time of forty-four years. And the inscription was
3ut " a ce point ci " by the last architect, six years after
5t. Louis's death. How is it that the great and holy king
s not named?
17. I must not, in this traveller's brief, lose time in
jonjectural answers to the questions which every step here
^ill raise from the ravaged shrine. But this is a very
»olemn one ; and must be kept in our hearts, till we may
)erhaps get clue to it. One thing only we are sure of, —
hat at least the due honour — alike by the sons of Kings
md sons of Craftsmen — is given always to their fathers;
ind that apparently the chief honour of all is given here
o Philip the Wise. From whose house, not of parliament
)ut of peace, came, in the years when this temple was
irst in building, an edict indeed of peace-making : That
t should be criminal for any man to take vengeance for
m insult or injury till forty days after the commission of
:he offence — and then only with the approbation of the
Bishop of the Diocese." ^ Which was perhaps a wiser
jffort to end the Feudal system in its Saxon sense,*
* Feud, Saxon faedh, low Latin Faida (Scottish ''fae," English "foe,"
lerivative), Johnson. Remember also that the root of Feud, in its Norman
ense of land -allotment, is foi, not fee, which Johnson, old Tory as he was,
lid not observe — neither in general does the modern Antifeudalist.
[The Pictorial History of France, vol. i. p. 423.]
136
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
than any of our recent projects for ending it in the
Norman one.
18. A ce point ci." The point, namely, of the labyrinth
inlaid in the cathedral floor; a recognized emblem of many
things to the people, who knew that the ground they stood
on was holy, as the roof over their head. Chiefly, to '
them, it was an emblem of noble human life — strait-gated,
narrow- walled, with infinite darknesses and the inextricabilis
error on either hand — and in the depth of it, the brutal
nature to be conquered.^
19. This meaning, from the proudest heroic, and purest
legislative, days of Greece, the symbol had borne for all
men skilled in her traditions: to the schools of craftsmen
the sign meant further their craft's noblesse, and pure
descent from the divinely-terrestrial skill of Daedalus, the
labyrinth- builder, and the first sculptor of imagery pathetic*
with human life and death.
20. Quite the most beautiful sign of the power of true
Christian-Catholic faith is this continual acknowledgment
by it of the brotherhood — nay, more, the fatherhood, of
the elder nations who had not seen Christ; but had been
filled with the Spirit of God ; and obeyed, according to
their knowledge. His unwritten law. The pure charity
and humility of this temper are seen in all Christian
art, according to its strength and purity of race ; but
best, to the full, seen and interpreted by the three great
* "Tu quoque, magnam
Partem opere in tanto, sineret dolor, Icare, haberes.
Bis conatus erat casus effingere in auro, —
Bis patriae cecidere manus."
There is, advisedly, no pathos allowed in primary sculpture. Its heroe
conquer without exultation, and die without sorrow.^
* [Virgil, ^neid, vi. 27 (in the description of the labyrinth of Crete). Ruskii
in his note on § 19 quotes further from the passage (lines 30-33).]
2 [On the labyrinth, see Edmond Soyez's monograph, Les Labyrinthes d'jSglises
Labyrinthe de la Cathedrale d' Amiens (1896), and compare Fors Clavigera, Letter Z
(Vol. XXVII. p. 401). See also Lanciani's Pagan and Christian Borne, p. 31.]
5 [Compare Aratra Pentelici, § 191 (Vol. XX. p. 339).]
I
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
187
iChristian-Heathen poets, Dante, Douglas of Dunkeld,^ and
George Chapman.
21. The prayer with which the last ends his life's
work^ is, so far as I know, the perfectest and deepest
expression of Natural Religion given us in literature ; and
if you can, pray it here — standing on the spot where
|the builder once wrote the history of the Parthenon of
Christianity : —
"I pray thee, Lord, the Father, and the Guide of our reason, that we
imay remember the nobleness with which Thou hast adorned us ; and that
jrhou would'st be always on our right hand and on our left,*]- in the motion
!of our own Wills : that so we may be purged from the contagion of the
IBody and the Affections of the Brute, and overcome them and rule ; and
jjse, as it becomes men to use, them, for instruments. And then, that
jThou would'st be in Fellowship with us for the careful correction of our
•eason, and for its conjunction by the light of truth with the things that
cruly are.
" And in the third place, I pray to Thee, the Saviour, that thou would'st
utterly cleanse away the closing gloom from the eyes of our souls, that we
may know well who is to be held for God, and who for Mortal. Amen." J
22. And having prayed this prayer, or at least, read it
with honest wishing, (which if you cannot, there is no hope
* See Fors Clavigera, Letter 61.^
f Thus, the command to the children of Israel ''that they go for-
ward"^ is to their own wills. They obeying, the sea retreats, but not
hefore they dare to advance into it. Then, the waters are a wall unto
:hem, on their right hand and their left.
J The original is written in Latin only. ''Supplico tibi, Domine, Pater
et Dux rationis nostrae, ut nostras Nobilitatis recordemur, qua tu nos or-
aasti : et ut tu nobis presto sis, ut iis qui per sese moventur ; ut et a Cor-
poris contagio, Brutorumque affectuum repurgemur, eosque superemus, atque
jregamus; et, sicut decet, pro instrumentis iis utamur. Deinde, ut nobis
ladjuncto sis ; ad accuratam rationis nostrae correctionem, et conjunctionem
cum iis qui vere sunt, per lucem veritatis. Et tertium, Salvatori supplex
joro, ut ab oculis animorum nostrorum caliginem prorsus abstergas ; ut nori-
jmuR bene, qui Deus, aut Mortalis habendus. Amen."
^ [The prayer is to be found on the last page of The Crowne of all Homers
Workes : BatrachomyomacMa, or the Battaile of Frogs and Mice, His Hymns and
Epigrams, translated according to the originall hy George Chapman. A copy of this
rare hook (printed about 1624) is in the Ruskin Museum at Sheffield.]
' [Vol. XXVIII. p. 500 ; and compare, above, p. 119. For other references to
Chapman, see Vol. XV. p. 226 ; Vol. XXV. p. 275 ; and The Storm Cloud, § 55
[Vol. XXXIV.).]
' [Exodus xiv. 15.]
138
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
of your at present taking pleasure in any human work ofi
large faculty, whether poetry, painting, or sculpture,) we
may walk a little farther westwards down the nave, where, I
in the middle of it, but only a few yards from its end, two
flat stones (the custode will show you them), one a little
farther back than the other, are laid over the graves of thej
two great bishops, all whose strength of life was given, withi
the builders, to raise this temple. Their actual graves havej
not been disturbed ; but the tombs raised over them, once i
and again removed, are now set on your right and lefti
hand as you look back to the apse, under the third arch!
between the nave and aisles.
23. Both are of bronze, cast at one flow — and with in-j
superable, in some respects inimitable, skill in the caster's art.
" Chef'd'ceuvres de fonte, — le tout fondu d'un seul jet,
et admirablement." There are only two other such tombs I
left in France, those of the children of St. Louis. All
others of their kind — and they were many in every great,
cathedral of France — were first torn from the graves they '
covered, to destroy the memory of France's dead; and
then melted down into sous and centimes, to buy gun-
powder and absinthe with for her living, — by the Progressive
Mind of Civilization in her first blaze of enthusiasm andj
new light, from 1789 to 1800. v.
The children's tombs, one on each side of the altar of?
St. Denis, are much smaller than these, though wrought
more beautifully. These beside you are the only two
Bronze tovibs of her Men of the great ages, left in
France !
24. And they are the tombs of the pastors of her.
people, who built for her the first perfect temple to herj
* Viollet-le-Duc, vol. viii. p. 256. He adds: " L'une d'elles esti
comme art " (meaning general art of sculpture), " un monument du premier ^
ordre ; " but this is only partially true — also I find a note in M. Gilbert's?;
account of them, p. 126: " Les deux doigts qui manquent, a la main droitej
de I'eveque Gaudefroi paraissent etre un defaut survenu a la fonte." Sec:
further, on these monuments, and those of St. Louis's children, Viollet-le-
Due, vol. ix. pp. 61, 62.
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
139
od. The Bishop Everard's is on your right, and has
( igraved round the border of it this inscription : ^ —
Who fed the people, who laid the foundations of this
Structure, to whose care the City was given,
Here, in ever-breathing balm of fame, rests Everard.
A man compassionate to the afflicted, the widow's protector, the orphan's
Guardian. Whom he could, he recreated with gifts.
To words of men.
If gentle, a lamb ; if violent, a lion ; if proud, biting steel."
* I steal again from the Abbe Roze ^ the two inscriptions, — with his
i .roductory notice of the evilly-inspired interference with them.
"La tombe d'Evrard de Fouilloy, (died 1222), coulee en bronze en
]}in-relief, etait supportee, des le principe, par des monstres engages dans
le ma9onnerie remplissant le dessous du monument, pour indiquer que
< : eveque avait pose les fonderaents de la Cathedrale. Un architecte mal-
i ireusement inspire a ose arracher la ma9onnerie, pour qu'on ne vit plus la
iiin du prelat fondateur, a la base de I'edifice.
"On lit, sur la bordure, I'inscription suivante en beaux caracteres du
: IP siecle :
"'Qui populum pavit, qui fundameta locavit
Huius structure, cuius fuit urbs data cure
Hie redolens nardus, fama requiescit Ewardus,
Vir pius afflictis, vidvis tutela, relictis
Gustos, quos poterat recreabat munere ; vbis,
MitiS agnus erat, tumidis leo, lima supbis.'
"Geoffroy d'Eu (died 1237) est represente comme son predecesseur en
l ^its episcopaux, mais le dessous du bronze supporte par des chimeres est
i de, ce prelat ayant eleve I'edifice jusqu'aux voutes. Voici la legende
, ^ ivee sur la bordure :
"'Ecce premunt humile Gaufridi membra cubile.
I Seu minus aut simile nobis parat omnibus ille;
Quem laurus gemina decoraverat, medicina
Lege qii divina, decuerunt cornua bina ;
Clare vir Augensis, quo sedes Ambianensis
Crevit in imensis ; in coelis auctus. Amen, sis.'
J ut est a etudier dans ces deux monuments : tout y est d'un haut
i eret, quant au dessin, a la sculpture, a I'agencement des ornements et
Cj draperies."
In saying above [§ 2, p. 122] that Geoffroy of Eu returned thanks in
, t; Cathedral for its completion, I meant only that he had brought at
1' st the choir into condition for service : " Jusqu'aux voutes " may or may
I ; mean that the vaulting was closed.
f
* [Visife d la Cathedrale W Amiens, pp. 37, 38 : see above, p. 133.]
140
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
English, at its best, in Elizabethan days, is a nobki
language than ever Latin was; but its virtue is in colou
and tone, not in what may be called metallic or crystallint
condensation.^ And it is impossible to translate the las
line of this inscription in as few English words. Note i
it first that the Bishop's friends and enemies are spoken c
as in word, not act ; because the swelling, or mocking
or flattering, words of men are indeed what the meek c|
the earth must know how to bear and to welcome; — ^theij
deeds, it is for kings and knights to deal with: not bi
that the Bishops often took deeds in hand also ; and i
actual battle they were permitted to strike with the mac<
but not with sword or lance — i.e., not to "shed blood"
For it was supposed that a man might always recover froi
a mace-blow; (which, however, would much depend on tl
bishop's mind who gave it). The battle of Bou vines, qui1
one of the most important in mediaeval history, was wo
against the English, and against odds besides of German
under their Emperor Otho, by two French bishops (Senl
and Bayeux) — who both generalled the French King's lin
and led its charges. Our Earl of Salisbury surrendered t
the Bishop of Bayeux in person.
25. Note farther, that quite one of the deadliest ar
most diabolic powers of evil words, or, rightly so calle
blasphemy, has been developed in modern days in the effe
of sometimes quite innocently meant and enjoyed slang
There are two kinds of slang, in the essence of it: oi
" Thieves' Latin " — the special language of rascals, used f
concealment ; the other, one might perhaps best call Lou1
Latin ! — the lowering or insulting words invented by vi
persons to bring good things, in their own estimates,
their own level, or beneath it. The really worst pow
of this kind of blasphemy^ is in its often making it impc
sible to use plain words without a degrading or ludicro
^ [On this character of the Latin language, compare Fors Clavigera, Letter
(VoL XXVII. p. 27).]
^ [Genesis ix. 6.]
» On this word, see The Sto^-m-Cloud, § 80 (Vol. XXXIV.).]
■j
i
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
141
itached sense: — thus I could not end my translation of
tis epitaph, as the old Latinist could, with the exactly
{ curate image: **to the proud, a file" — because of the
ruse of the word in lower English, retaining, however,
(lite shrewdly, the thirteenth-century idea. But the exact
irce of the symbol here is in its allusion to jewellers'
Drkj filing down facets. A proud man is often also a
] ecious one : and may be made brighter in surface, and
1e purity of his inner self shown, by good filing,
26. Take it all in all, the perfect duty of a Bishop^ is
(pressed in these six Latin lines, — au mieux mieux —
1 ginning with his pastoral office — Feed my sheep ^ — qui
i vit populum. And be assured, good reader, these ages
i:ver could have told you what a Bishop's, or any other
lan's, duty was, unless they had each man in his place
lith done it well — and seen it well done. The Bishop
leoffroy's tomb is on your left, and its inscription is:
"Behold, the limbs of Godfrey press their lowly bed.
Whether He is preparing for us all one less than, or like it.
Whom the twin laurels adorned, in medicine
And in divine law, the dual crests became him.
Bright-shining man of Eu, by whom the throne of Amiens
Rose into immensity, be thou increased in Heaven.
Amen."
And now at last — this reverence done and thanks paid
-we will turn from these tombs, and go out at one of
Tie western doors — and so see gradually rising above us
le immensity of the three porches, and of the thoughts
'igraved in them.
j 27. What disgrace or change has come upon them, I
ill not tell you to-day^ — except only the immeasurable '^
ss of the great old foundation-steps, open, sweeping broad
om side to side for all who came ; un walled, undivided,
iinned all along by the westering day, lighted only by the
1 [For which duty, see Sesame and Lilies, § 22 (Vol. XVIII. p. 72).]
2 {John xxi. 16.]
' [A full historical account will be found in M. Durand's Monographie de V^glise
D. Cathedrale d' Amiens, vol. i. pp. 156-194.]
142 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
moon and the stars at night; falling steep and many down
the hillside — ceasing one by one, at last wide and few
towards the level — and worn by pilgrim feet, for six hun-
dred years. So I once saw them, and twice,^ — such things
can now be nev^er seen more.
Nor even of the west front itself, above, is much of'
the old masonry left: but in the porches, nearly all,—
except the actual outside facing, with its rose moulding, of
which only a few flowers have been spared here and there.*
But the sculpture has been carefully and honourably kept
and restored to its place — pedestals or niches restored here
and there with clay ; or some which you see white and i,
crude, re-carved entirely; nevertheless the impression you |i
may receive from the whole is still what the builder meant; ^*
and I will tell you the order of its theology without further
notices of its decay. j
28. You will find it always well, in looking at any
cathedral, to make your quarters of the compass sure, in
the beginning; and to remember that, as you enter it, you
are looking and advancing eastward ; and that if it has
three entrance porches, that on your left in entering is the
northern, that on your right the southern. I shall endeavour
in all my future writing of architecture, to observe the
simple law of always calling the door of the north transept
the north door ; and that on the same side of the west
front, the northern door, and so of their opposites. This
will save, in the end, much printing and much confusion,
for a Gothic cathedral has, almost always, these five great
entrances ; which may be easily, if at first attentively, i
recognized under the titles of the Central door (or porch), f
the Northern door, the Southern door, the North door,
and the South door. | ||
* The horizontal lowest part of the moulding between the northern
and central porch is old. Compare its roses with the new ones running
round the arches above — and you will know what "Restoration" means.
^ [In his early visits, 1844, 1848.]
XI
" Rtiskia
Tilc XortJierij Porch i)cfore Rt^storatioii
(iH 5 (i ;
i
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
143
But when we use the terms right and left, we ought
jlways to use them as in going out of the cathedral or
j/alking down the nave, — ^the entire north side and aisles
|f the building being its right side, and the south, its left,
-these terms being only used well and authoritatively,
r^hen they have reference either to the image of Christ in
be apse or on the rood, or else to the central statue,
'hether of Christ, the Virgin, or a saint, in the west front,
kt Amiens, this central statue, on the " trumeau " or sup-
orting and dividing pillar of the central porch, is of
!hrist Immanuel, — God with us.^ On His right hand and
lis left, occupying the entire walls of the central porch,
re the apostles and the four greater prophets. The twelve
linor prophets stand side by side on the front, three on
ich of its great piers.^
The northern porch is dedicated to St. Firmin, the first
'hristian missionary to Amiens.^
The southern porch, to the Virgin.
But these are both treated as withdrawn behind the
reat foundation of Christ and the Prophets ; and their
arrow recesses partly conceal their sculpture, until you
fiter them. What you have first to think of, and read, is
le scripture of the great central porch, and the facade
self.
29. You have then in the centre of the front, the image
f Christ Himself, receiving you : "I am the Way, the
•uth and the life."* And the order of the attendant
owers may be best understood by thinking of them as
laced on Christ's right and left hand: this being also the
rder which the builder adopts in his Scripture history on
le facade — so that it is to be read from left to right —
e, from Christ's left to Christ's right, as He sees it.
'hus, therefore, following the order of the great statues :
* [Matthew i. 23.]
* [See the Plan of the Porches (Plate XII.).]
* See above, p. 29.]
* [John xiv. 60.]
144
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
first in the central porch, there are six apostles on Christ's;
right hand, and six on His left. On His left hand, next!
Him, Peter; then in receding order, Andrew, James, John,]
Matthew, Simon ; on His right hand, next Him, Paul ; and'
in receding order, James the Bishop, Philip, Bartholomew,!
Thomas, and Jude. These opposite ranks of the Apostlesj
occupy what may be called the apse or curved bay of the
porch, and form a nearly semicircular group, clearly visible
as we approach. But on the sides of the porch, outside
the lines of apostles, and not seen clearly till we enterj
the porch, are the four greater prophets. On Christ's leftjl
Isaiah and Jeremiah; on His right, Ezekiel and Daniel. I
30. Then in front, along the whole fa9ade — read in
order from Christ's left to His right — come the series
of the twelve minor prophets, three to each of the four
piers of the temple, beginning at the south angle with
Hosea, and ending with Malachi.
As you lock full at the facade m front, the statues
which fill the minor porches are either obscured in their
narrower recesses or withdrawn behind each other so as
to be unseen. And the entire mass of the front is seen
literally, as built on the foundation of the Apostles and
Prophets, Jesus Christ Himself being the chief corner-stone.
Literally that; for the receding Porch is a deep "angulus,'
and its mid-pillar is the Head of the Corner."
Built on the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets
that is to say of the Prophets who foretold Christ, and the
Apostles who declared him. Though Moses was an Apostlelj
of God, he is not here — though Elijah was a Prophet, of
God, he is not here. The voice of the entire building ij
that of the Heaven at the Transfiguration, "This is my
beloved Son, hear ye Him."
31. There is yet another and a greater prophet still
who, as it seems at first, is not here. Shall the peopk
enter the gates of the temple, singing " Hosanna to th(
1 [Ephesians ii. 20. And for the other Bible references in this and the nex
paragraphs, see Matthew xvii. 5, xxi. 7 ; Revelation xxii. 16.]
CO 05
o
<4-l
O
c
P-,
N
CD
(TJ
X
1
I
1
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
145
[ »n of David " ; and see no image of His father, then ? —
(jirist Himself declare, " I am the root and the offspring
[| David " ; and yet the Root have no sign near it of its
ijirth ?
Not so. David and his Son are together. David is
te pedestal of the Christ.
32. We w^ill begin our examination of the Temple front,
tjerefore, with this its goodly pedestal stone.^ The statue
:i David is only two-thirds life-size, occupying the niche
1 front of the pedestal. He holds his sceptre in his right
[nd, the scroll in his left. King and Prophet, type of all
livinely right doing, and right claiming, and right pro-
: liming, kinghood, for ever.
The pedestal of which this statue forms the fronting or
i istern sculpture, is square, and on the two sides of it are
t o flowers in vases, on its north side the lily, and on its
i ith the rose. And the entire monolith is one of the
[[blest pieces of Christian sculpture in the world,
j Above this pedestal comes a minor one, bearing in front
it a tendril of vine which completes the floral symbolism
:| the whole. The plant which I have called a lily is not
tje Fleur de Lys, nor the Madonna's, but an ideal one
iith bells like the crown Imperial (Shakespeare's type of
jilies of all kinds''),^ representing the mode of gi^owth of
tie lily of the valley, which could not be sculptured so
I ge in its literal form without appearing monstrous, and
i exactly expressed in this tablet — as it fulfils, together
' th the rose and vine, its companions, the triple saying
: Christ, " I am the Rose of Sharon, and the Lily of the
'lUey." "I am the true Vine.'"
83. On the side of the upper stone are supporters of a
: fFerent character. Supporters, — not captives nor victims ;
:e Cockatrice and Adder. Representing the most active
^ [Plate XIII. ; on which are united the three photographs numbered 1-3 on
Lskin's list (below, p. 179).]
2 [Winters Tale, Act iv. sc. 3: quoted also in Vol. XIX. p. 373.]
^ [Song of Solomon ii. 1 ; John xv. 1.]
XXXIII. K
146
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
evil principles of the earth, as in their utmost malignity]
still, Pedestals of Christ, and even in their deadly life
accomplishing His final will/
Both creatures are represented accurately in the medisevai
traditional form, the cockatrice half dragon, half cock; the
deaf adder ^ laying one ear against the ground and stopping
the other with her tail.
The first represents the infidelity of Pride. The cocka-
trice— king serpent or highest serpent — saying that he it
God, and will be God.
The second, the infidelity of Death. The adder (niedei
or nether snake ^) saying that he is mud, and will be mud.
34. Lastly, and above all, set under the feet of the^
statue of Christ Himself, are the lion and dragon; thJ
images of Carnal sin, or Human sin, as distinguished froii|
the Spiritual and Intellectual sin of Pride, by which th(|
angels also fell.* \
To desire kingship rather than servantship — the Cockai
trice's sin; or deaf Death rather than hearkening Life — ^thij
Adder's sin, — these are both possible to all the intelligence!
of the universe. But the distinctively Human sins, ange
and lust, seeds in our race of their perpetual sorrow — ChrisI
in His own humanity, conquered; and conquers in Hi;,
disciples. Therefore His foot is on the heads of these; am
the prophecy, Inculcabis super Leonem et Aspidem,"^ i
recognized always as fulfilled in Him, and in all His tru
servants, according to the height of their authority, an
the truth of their power. i
35. In this mystic sense, Alexander III. used the word''
^ [Here the MS. adds a note : —
"This was what Wordsworth meant, if he had heen careful in h
rhyming to say what he meant, in the passage quoted hy Cyron."
The reference is to Don Juan, viii. 5, where Byron quotes Wordsv, orth's Thank
giving Ode (1816). See Ruskm's discussion of the passage in Fiction. Fair and Foi
§ 57 (Vol. XXXIV.).]
' [Psalms Iviii. 4 : compare The Three Colours of Pre-Raphaelitism, § 3
(Vol. XXXIV.).]
3 [Compare Deucalion, Vol. XXVI. p. 803 ; but Ruskin's etymology is
accepted by the best authorities.]
* [Henry VIIL, Act iii. sc. 2, line 441 ; and see Isaiah xiv. 12 seq.l
^ [Psalms xci. 13.]
I
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
147
I restoring peace to Italy, and giving forgiveness to her
sadliest enemy, under the porch of St. Mark's.^ But the
leaning of every act, as of every art, of the Christian
res, lost now for three hundred years, cannot but be in
ir own times read reversed, if at all, through the counter-
)irit which we now have reached; glorifying Pride and
varice as the virtues by which all things move and have
leir being — walking after our own lusts ^ as our sole guides
salvation, and foaming out our own shame for the sole
irthly product of our hands and lips.
36. Of the statue of Christ, itself, I wiU not speak here
any length, as no sculpture would satisfy, or ought to
tisfy, the hope of any loving soul that has learned to
list in Him ; but at the time it was beyond what till
en had been reached in sculptured tenderness; and was
liown far and near as the "Beau Dieu d'Amiens." t Yet
iderstood, observe, just as clearly to be no more than
symbol of the Heavenly Presence, as the poor coiling
3rms below were no more than symbols of the demoniac
les. No idol, in our sense of the word— only a letter, or
of the Living Spirit, — which, however, was indeed
nceived by every worshipper as here meeting him at the
inple gate: the Word of Life, the King of Glory,^ and
e Lord of Hosts.
"Dominus Virtutum," "Lord of Virtues," J is the best
igle rendering of the idea conveyed to a well-taught
* See my abstract of the history of Barbarossa and Alexander, in
iction, Fair and Foul/* Nineteenth Century, November 1880, pp. 752 seq.^
f See account, and careful drawing of it, in VioUet-le-Duc— article
hrist," Diet, of Architectiire, iii. 245.
% See the circle of the Powers of the Heavens in the Byzantilie ren-
ding. I. Wisdom; II. Thrones; III. Dominations; IV. Angels; V. Arch-
ajels; VI. Virtues; VII. Potentates; VIII. -.Fnnces ; IX. Seraphim. In
tl Gregorian order, (Dante, Par., xxviii., Car}'s note,) the Angels and
^ihangels are separated, giving altogether nine orders, but not ranks.
^te that in the Byzantine circle the cherubim are first, and that it is
tl strength of the Virtues which calls on the dead to rise {St. Mark's
§§ 95, 157 4).
^ [Jude 16.] 2 [Psalms xxiv.]
' [See now §§ 81-90 (Vol. XXXIV.).] « [Vol. XXIV. pp. 284, 332.]
148 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
disciple in the thirteenth century by the words of th
twenty-fourth Psalm.
37. Under the feet of His apostles, therefore, in th^
quatrefoil medallions of the foundation, are represented tht
virtues which each Apostle taught, or in his life manifested
— it may have been, sore tried, and failing in the ver
strength of the character which he afterwards perfectedi
Thus St. Peter, denying in fear, is afterwards the ApostlJ
of courage ; and St. John, who, with his brother, would hav
burnt the inhospitable village,^ is afterwards the Apostle c
love. Understanding this, you see that in the sides of th'
porch, the apostles with their special virtues stand thus i
opposite ranks.
St. Paul,
St. James the Bishop,
St. Philip,
St. Bartholomew,
St. Thomas,
St. Jude,
Faith.
Hope.
Charity.
Chastity.
Wisdom.
Courage,
Patience,
Gentillesse,
Love,
Obedience,
St. Peter.
St. Andrew.
St. James.
St. John.
St. Matthew.
Humility. Perseverance, St. Simon.
Now you see how these virtues answer to each other
their opposite ranks. Remember the left-hand side is alwa
the first, and see how the left-hand virtues lead to t.
right-hand —
Courage
Patience
Gentillesse
Love
Obedience
Perseverance
to Faith,
to Hope,
to Charity,
to Chastity,
to Wisdom,
to Humility.
38. Note farther that the Apostles are all tranquil, neaY
all with books, some with crosses, but all with the sais
message, — Peace be to this house. And if the Son f
Peace be there," ^ etc. '"
* The modern slang name for a priest, among the mob of France is
a "Pax Vobiscum," or shortly, a Vobiscum.
^ [Luke ix. 54: for Peter's ''denying in fear/' see Matthew xxvi. ; for is
courage, Acts i. 15, ii. 14, iv. 13, etc.] j
2 [Luke X. 6.]
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
149
But the Prophets — all seeking, or wistful, or tormented,
wondering, or praying, except only Daniel. The most
mented is Isaiah; spiritually sawn asunder. No scene
his martyrdom below, but his seeing the Lord in His
aple, and yet feeling he had unclean Ups.^ Jeremiah also
ries his cross— but more serenely.
39. And now I give, in clear succession, the order of
tj statues of the whole front, with the subjects of the
atrefoils beneath each of them, marking the upper quatre-
l A, the lower b. The six prophets who stand at the
^les of the porches, Amos, Obadiah, Micah, Nahum,
phaniah, and Haggai, have each of them four quatrefoils,
rked, A and c the upper ones, b and d the lower.^
Beginning, then, on the left-hand side of the central
rch, and reading outwards, you have^ —
1. St. Peter. 4. St. John.
A. Courage. a. Love.
B. Cowardice. b. Discord.
2. St. Andrew. 5. St. Matthew.
A. Patience. a. Obedience.
b. Anger. b. Rebellion.
3. St. James. 6. St. Simon.
A. Gentillesse. a. Perseverance.
B. Churlishness. b. Atheism.
)w, right-hand side of porch, reading outwards:
7. St. Paul. 8. St. James, Bishop.
A. Faith. A. Hope.
B. Idolatry. b. Despair.
^ [Isaiah vi. 5 : compare Ruskin's commentary on the passage in Fors Clavigera,
ter 45 (Vol. XXVIII. pp. 145-146).]
[See the Plan (Plate XII.), where the place of the additional quatrefoils in
case of these "angle" prophets is now marked with an asterisk ''19*," etc.]
^ [M. Durand (vol. i. p. 330) gives a different interpretation of the disciples. For
5 he gives St. Simon or St. Jude ; for No. 6, St. Bartholomew ; for No. 9,
Thomas; No. 10, St. Matthew; No. 11, St. Philip; and No. 12, St. Simon or
Jude.]
«
150 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
9. St. Philip. 11. St. Thomas.
A. Charity. a. Wisdom.
B. Avarice. b. Folly.
10. St. Bartholomew. 12. St. Jude.
A. Chastity. a. Humility.
B. Lust. B. Pride.
Now, left-hand side again — the two outermost statues:
13. Isaiah.
A. "I saw the Lord sitting upon a throne." vi. 1.
B. "Lo, this hath touched thy lips." vi. 7.
14. Jeremiah.
A. The Burial of the Girdle, xiii. 4, 5.
B. The Breaking of the Yoke, xxviii. 10.
Right-hand side:
15. Ezekiel.
A. Wheel within wheel, i. l6.
B. "Son of man, set thy face toward Jerusalem." xxi. 2.
16. Daniel.
A. " He hath shut the lions' mouths." vi. 22.
B. ** In the same hour came forth fingers of a ma
hand." v. 5.
40. Now, beginning on the left-hand side (southern sid
of the entire facade, and reading it straight across, r
turning into the porches at all except for the pair
quatrefoils :
17. HOSEA.
A. " So I bought her to me for fifteen pieces of silver." iii .
B. "So will I also be for thee." iii. 3.
18. Joel.
A. The Sun and Moon lightless. ii. 10.
B. The Fig-tree and Vine leafless, i. 7.
19. Amos.
To the f A. "The Lord will cry from Zion." i. 2.
front \ B. "The habitations of the shepherds shall mourn." i. 2
Inside { c. The Lord with the mason's line. vii. 8.
porch \ D. The place where it rained not. iv. 7.
IV. INTERPRETATIONS 151
20. Obadiah.
Inside (a. "1 hid them in a cave." 1 Kings xviii. 13.
porch \ B. "He fell on his face.*' xviii. 7.
To the j c. The captain of fifty.
front \ D. The messenger. ^
21. Jonah.
A. Escaped from the sea.
B. Under the gourd.
22. MiCAH.
To the ( A. The Tower of the Flock, iv. 8.
front \ B. Each shall rest, and " none shall make them afraid." iv. 4.
Inside ( c. ''Swords into ploughshares." iv. 3.
porch \ D. "Spears into pruning-hooks." iv. 3.
J3. Nahum.
Inside ( a. " None shall look back." ii. 8.
porch { B. "The burden of Nineveh." i. 1.
To the j c. Thy princes and thy great ones. iii. 17.
front \ D. Untimely figs. iii. 12.
24. Habakkuk.
A. " I will watch to see what He will say." ii. 1.
B. The ministry to Daniel. ^
>J5, Zephaniah.
To the ( A. The Lord strikes Ethiopia, ii. 12.
front I B. The beasts in Nineveh, ii. 15.
Inside j c. The Lord visits Jerusalem, i. 12.
porch I D. The Hedgehog and Bittern.* ii. 14.
26. Haggai.
Inside j a. The houses of the princes, ornees de lambris,'^ i. 4.
porch ( B. "The heaven is stayed from dew." i. 10.
To the j c. The Lord's temple desolate, i. 4.
front \ D. "Thus saith the Lord of Hosts." i. 7.
* See the Septuagint version.*
th
[Ruskin gives no Bible references here, because the interpretation of the
jets is doubtful : see below, p. 158.]
■"See below, p. 159.]
"Ceiled houses" in the English Version.]
[The English version gives " the bittern shall lodge in the altar lintels " ;
Septuagint and Vulgate give ''the hedgehog."]
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
153
2, B. Anger, a woman stabbing a man with a sword. Anger is essen-
tially a feminine vice ^ — a man, worth calUng so, may be driven
to fury or insanity by indignation (compare the Black Prince
at Limoges 2), but not by anger. Fiendish enough, often so —
"Incensed with indignation, Satan stood, unterrified — but in
that last word is the difference ; there is as much fear in
Anger, as there is in Hatred.
3, A. Gentillesse, bearing shield with a lamb.
3, B. Churlishness, again a woman, kicking over her cupbearer. The
final forms of ultimate French churlishness being in the
feminine gestures of the Cancan. See the favourite prints in
shops of Paris.
4, A. Love ; the Divine, not human love : ''I in them, and Thou in
me."* Her shield bears a tree with many branches grafted
into its cut-off stem : " In those days shall Messiah be cut off,
but not for Himself."^
4, B. Discord, a wife and husband quarrelling. She has dropped her
distaff (Amiens wool manufacture, see farther on — 9, a).
5, A. Obedience, bears shield with camel. Actually the most dis-
obedient and ill-tempered of all serviceable beasts, — yet pass-
ing his life in the most painful service. I do not know how
far his character was understood by the northern sculptor;
but I believe he is taken as a type of burden-bearing, without
joy or sympathy, such as the horse has, and without power of
offence, such as the ox has. His bite is bad enough, (see
Mr. Palgrave's account of him,^) but presumably little known
of at Amiens, even by Crusaders, who would always ride their
own war-horses, or nothing.
5, B. Rebellion, a man snapping his fingers at his Bishop. (As Henry
the Eighth at the Pope, — and the modern French and English
cockney at all priests whatever.)
when another mysteriously appeared and harnessed itself to the yoke. " The people,
for whom the sculptor worked, could not think without emotion (says M. Male)
of the brave beasts who worked like good Christians at the house of God." Wq
perhaps treat our dumb creatures better to-day," says Mr. Henry James, ^'^than was
done five hundred years ago ; but I doubt whether a modern architect, in settling
his accounts, would have *^ remembered,' as they say, the oxen" C^^Rheims and
Laon, a Little Tour," in Portraits of Places, 1884).]
^ [So represented on the Ducal Palace, as a woman tearing her dress open at
jher breast : see Vol. X. p. 403.1
^ [See vol. ii. ch. xxi. (p. 6t, ed. 1804) of Johnes's FroissartJ]
^ Paradise Lost, ii. 707-]
* [John xvii. 28.]
^ [See Daniel ix. 26.]
^ \W. G. Palgrave, Narrative of a Years Journey through Central and Eastern
Arabia, 1865, vol. i. pp. 39, 40.]
154
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
6 A. Perseverance, the grandest spiritual form of the virtue commonly
' called ''Fortitude." Usually, overcoming or tearing a lion;
here caressing one, and holding her crown.^ "Hold fast that
which thou hast, that no man take thy crown." 2
6 B. Atheism, leaving his shoes at the church door. The infidel fool i
* is always represented in twelfth and thirteenth century MS.
as barefoot — the Christian having "his feet shod with the
preparation of the Gospel of Peace." Compare "How beau-
tiful are thy feet with shoes, oh Prince's Daughter !"3
7 a. Faith, holding cup with cross above it, her accepted symbol
throughout ancient Europe.^ It is also an enduring one, for,
all differences of Church put aside, the words, "Except ye
eat the flesh of the Son of Man and drink His blood, ye
have no life in you,"^ remain in their mystery, to be under-
stood only by those who have learned the sacredness of food,
in all times and places, and the laws of life and spirit, depen-
dent on its acceptance, refusal, and distribution.^
7, B. Idolatry, kneeling to a monster. The contrary of Faith — not want
of Faith. Idolatry is faith in the wrong thing, and quite dis-
tinct from Faith in No thing (6, b), the " Dixit Insipiens."
Very wise men may be idolaters, but they cannot be atheists.
8, a. Hope, with Gonfalon Standard and distant crown ; ^ as opposed to
the constant crown of Fortitude (6, a).
The Gonfalon (Gund, war; fahn, standard, according to
Poitevin's dictionary^) is the pointed ensign of forward battle;
essentially sacred ; hence the constant name " Gonfaloniere "
of the battle standard-bearers of the Italian republics.
Hope has it, because she fights forward always to her aim,
or at least has the joy of seeing it draw nearer. Faith and
Fortitude wait, as St. John in prison, but unoffended. Hope
is, however, put under St. James, because of the 7th and
8th verses of his last chapter, ending " Stablish your hearts,
for the coming of the Lord draweth nigh." It is he who
examines Dante on the nature of Hope. Par., c. xxv., and^
compare Cary's notes.
* [Not clear upon the Plate (XV.). The figure is caressing the jaw of a lion
with her right hand, while in her left she holds a shield charged with a crown.]
^ [Revelation iii. 2.]
^ ^Ephesiaus vi. 15 ; Song of Solomon vii. 1.]
* [Compare the description of " Faith " on the Ducal Palace, Vol. X. p. 394.]
^ [John vi. 53.] |
• [With the ideas suggested by this passage, compare Laws of Fesoky vii. § 12
(Vol. XV. p. 422), and Fors Clavigera, Letters 12, 38, 74, and 88 (Vol. XXVH.
p. 218, Vol. XXVIII. pp. 85-6, and Vol. XXIX. pp. 37, 383). See also the
Introduction, above, p. Ixi.]
' [Psalms xiv. 1 : often quoted by Ruskin (see General Index).]
® [Compare Stones of Venice, vol. ii. (VoL X. p. 399).]
• [M. P. Poitevin, Nouveau Dictionnaire Universel de la Langue Fraufaise, 1857,
vol. i. p. 1038.]
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
155
8, B. Despair, stabbing himself. Suicide not thought heroic or senti-
mental in the thirteenth century; and no Gothic Morgue built
beside Somme.
9, A. Charity, bearing shield with woolly ram, and giving a mantle to
a naked beggar. The old wool manufacture of Amiens having
this notion of its purpose — namely, to clothe the poor first,
the rich afterwards.^ No nonsense talked in those days about
the evil consequences of indiscriminate charity.^
9, B. Avarice, with coffer and money. The modern, alike English and
Amienois, notion of the Divine consummation of the wool
manufacture.
10, A. Chastity, shield with the Phcenix.*
10, B. Lust, a too violent kiss.
11, A. Wisdom : shield with, I think, an eatable root : ^ meaning temper-
ance, as the beginning of wisdom.
11, B. Folly, the ordinary type used in all early Psalters, of a glutton,
armed with a club.* Both this vice and virtue are the earthly
wisdom and folly, completing the spiritual wisdom and folly
opposite under St. Matthew. Temperance, the complement of
Obedience, and Covetousness, with violence, that of Atheism,
12, A. Humility, shield with dove.
12, B. Pride, falling from his horse.
42. All these quatrefoils are rather symbolic than repre-
^ntative; and, since their purpose was answered enough if
* For the sake of comparing the pollution, and reversal of its once
orious religion, in the modern French mind, it is worth the reader*s
hile to ask at M. G oyer's (Place St. Denis) for the Journal de St.
icholas for 1880, and look at the " Phenix," as drawn on p. 6lO. The
ory is meant to be moral, and the Phoenix there represents Avarice, but
le entire destruction of all sacred and poetical tradition in a child's mind
y such a picture is an immorality which would neutralize a year's preach-
ig. To make it worth M. Goyer's while to show you the number, buy
le one with ^' les conclusions de Jeanie " in it, p. 337 : the church scene
vith dialogue) in the text is lovely.
[Compare what Ruskiu says, of the practical Christianity of the Dorth, in The
leasures of England^ § 95 (below, p. 486), where he instances this figure.]
2 [Compare Queen of the Air, § 132 (Vol. XIX. p. 407).]
^ [The piece has been restored, but "it was without doubt a serpent (as at
hartres)" : see Durand, vol. i. p. 340 and ti.]
* [Compare Giotto's fresco : Vol. XXIV. p. 122.]
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
their sign was understood, they have been entrusted to a
much inferior workman than the one who carved the now
sequent series under the Prophets. Most of these subjects
represent an historical fact, or a scene spoken of by the
prophet as a real vision; and they have in general been
executed by the ablest hands at the architect's command.
With the interpretation of these, I have given again
the name of the prophet whose life or prophecy they
illustrate.
13. Isaiah^ . . a. ''I saw the Lord sitting upon a throne" (vi. 1).
The vision of the throne "high and lifted up"
between seraphim.
„ „ . . . B. "Lo, this hath touched thy hps" (vi. 7).
The Angel stands before the prophet, and holds,
or rather held, the coal with tongs, which have been
finely undercut, but are now broken away, only a
fragment remaining in his hand.
14. Jeremiah . a. The burial of the girdle (xiii. 4, 5).
The prophet is digging by the shore of Euphrates,
represented by vertically winding furrows down the
middle of the tablet. ^ Note, the translation should
be " hole in the ground," not " rock."
„ „ . B. The breaking of the yoke (xxviii. 10).
From the prophet Jeremiah's neck ; it is here
represented as a doubled and redoubled chain.
15. EzEKiEL . A. Wheel within wheel (i. 16).
The prophet sitting; before him two wheels of
equal size, one involved in the ring of the other.
„ „ . B. ''Son of man, set thy face toward Jerusalem" (xxi. 2).
The prophet before the gate of Jerusalem.
16. Daniel . a. ''He hath shut the lions' mouths" (vi. 22).
Daniel holding a book, the lions treated as heraldic
supporters. The subject is given with more anima-
tion farther on in the series: 24, b [p. 159].
^ [For Ruskin's note on the representation of Isaiah generally, see above,
p. 149.]
* [On the representation of water in early art, see Stones of Venice, vol. i.
(Vol. IX. pp. 460 seq.), and Giotto, Vol. XXIV. p. 84.]
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
157
Daniel . b. " In the same hour came forth fingers of a man's hand
(v. 5).
Belshazzar's feast represented by the king alone,
seated at a small oblong table. Beside him the
youth Daniel, looking only fifteen or sixteen, grace-
ful and gentle,^ interprets. At the side of the quatre-
foil, out of a small wreath of cloud, comes a small
bent hand, writing, as if with a pen upside down
on a piece of Gothic wall.*
For modern bombast as opposed to old simplicity,
compare the Belshazzar's feast of John Martin ! ^
43. The next subject begins the series of the minor
ophets.
, HosEA . . A. "So I bought her to me for fifteen pieces of silver and
an homer of barley " (iii. 2).
The prophet pouring the grain and the silver
into the lap of the woman, "beloved of her friend."
The carved coins are each wrought with the cross,
and, I believe, legend of the French contemporary
coin.
„ . . . B. "So will I also be for thee" (iii. 3).
He puts a ring on her finger.
. Joel ... a. The sun and moon lightless (ii. 10).
The sun and moon as two small flat pellets, up
in the external moulding.
„ . . . B. The barked fig-tree and waste vine (i. 7).
Note the continual insistence on the blight of
vegetation as a Divine punishment (19, d).
. Amos (To the front), a. "The Lord will cry from Zion" (i. 2).
Christ appears with crossletted nimbus.
„ . . . B. "The habitations of the shepherds shall mourn" (i. 2).
Amos with the shepherd's hooked or knotted
staff, and wicker-worked bottle, before his tent.
(Architecture in right-hand foil restored.)
* I fear this hand has been broken since I described it ; ^ at all events,
is indistinguishably shapeless in the photograph (No, 9 of the series).
■I
The head of Daniel is now (1906) much worn away.]
A description of this theatrical picture (1821) may be read in Redgrave's
mtury of Painters, p. 361. For other references to Martin, see General Index.]
* [It is partly broken, but two of the fingers are still plain (1906).]
158 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
19. Amos {Inside Porch), c. The Lord with the mason's line (vii. 8).
Christ, again here, and henceforward always, with
crosslet nimbus, has a large trowel in His hand
which He lays on the top of a half-built wall. Tliere
seems a line twisted round the handle.
„ „ . . . D. The place where it rained not (iv. 7).
Amos is gathering the leaves of the fruitless
vine,^ to feed the sheep, who find no grass. One
of the finest of the reliefs.
20. Obadiah {Inside Porch), a. ''I hid them in a cave" (1 Kings xviii. 13).
Three prophets at the mouth of a well, to whom
Obadiah brings loaves.
„ . . . B. " He fell on his face " (xviii. 7).
He kneels before Elijah, who wears his rough
mantle.2
,j „ {To the front), c. The captain of fifty. ^
Elijah (?) speaking to an armed man under a tree.
„ „ . . . D. The messenger.
A messenger on his knees before a king. I
cannot interpret these two scenes (20 c and 20 d).
The uppermost may mean the dialogue of Elijah
with the captains, (2 Kings i. 9,) and the lower one,
the return of the messengers (2 Kings i. 5).
21. Jonah ... a. Escaped from the sea,
„ . . . B. Under the gourd. A small grasshopper-like beast gnaw-
ing the gourd stem. I should like to know what
insects do attack the Amiens gourds. This may be
an entomological study, for aught we know.
22. MicAH {To the front), a. The Tower of the Flock (iv. 8).
The tower is wrapped in clouds, God appearing
above it.
„ „ . . . B. Each shall rest, and "none shall make them afraid"
(iv. 4).
A man and his wife "under his vine and fig
tree."
* [Durand (vol. i. p. 358) objects that the tree is not the vine, but "the bramble
of our woods with its berries commonly called mures" (blackberries). He, there-
fore, refers to Amos vii. 14 : " 1 was an herdman."]
2 [See 2 Kings i. 8.]
f [2 Kings i. 9. Durand (vol. i. p. 855) prefers to interpret the sculpture as
Elijah promising Obadiah to present himself before Ahab (1 Kings xviii. 15), and
similarly he interprets 20 d as the interview between Elijah and Ahab.]
I
I
I
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
159
22. MiCAH {Inside Porch), c, "Swords into ploughshares" (iv. 3).
Nevertheless, two hundred years after these medal-
lions were cut, the sword manufacture had become
a staple in Amiens ! Not to her advantage.
„ . . . D. "Spears into pruning-hooks " (iv. 3).
23. Nahum (Inside Porch), a. "None shall look back" (ii. 8).
„ . . B. "The burden of Nineveh" (i. l).*
„ (To the front), c. Thy princes and thy great ones (iii. 17).
23 A, B, and c are all incapable of sure interpretation.^ The
prophet in a is pointing down to a little hill, said
by the Pere Roze to be covered with grasshoppers.^
I can only copy what he says of them.
. . D. Untimely figs (iii. 12).
Four people beneath a fig-tree catch its falling
fruit in their mouths.
14. Habakkuk. a. I will watch to see what He will say unto me" (ii. 1).
The prophet is writing on his tablet to Christ's
dictation.
„ „ B. The ministry to Daniel.
The traditional visit to Daniel. An angel carries
Habakkuk by the hair of his head ; the prophet has
a loaf of bread in each hand. They break through
the roof of the cave. Daniel is stroking one young
lion on the back ; the head of another is thrust
carelessly under his arm. Another is gnawing bones
in the bottom of the cave.
* The statue of the prophet, above, is the grandest of the entire
eries ; and note especially the diadema " of his own luxuriant hair plaited
ke a maiden's, indicating the Achillean force of this most terrible of the
rophets. (Compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 65, page 157.^) For the rest,
tiis long flowing hair was always one of the insignia of the Frankish kings,
jad their way of dressing both hair and beard may be seen more nearly
nd definitely in the angle-sculptures of the long font in the north transept,
tie most interesting piece of work in the whole cathedral, in an antiquarian
;nse, and of much artistic value also.^ (See ante^ chap. ii. § S6.^)
^ [Durand's interpretation (vol. i. p. 359) is as follows : — a, Nineveh in its
)lendour, the prophet curses the city, b, Nineveh overthrown, c, the people of
ineveh in flight.]
^ [Visite d la Cathedrale d' Amiens , par I'Abbe Roze, p. 18.]
3 [Of the first edition : see now § 15, Vol. XXVIII. p. 601.]
* [See, for a representation of the font, Fig. 240 (vol. ii. p. 476) in Durand,
id for a description of it, ibid., p. 530).]
5 [Above, p. 74.]
160 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
25. Zephaniah {To the front), a. The Lord strikes Ethiopia (ii. 12).
Christ striking a city with a sword. Note that
all violent actions are in these bas-reliefs feebly or
ludicrously expressed; quiet ones always right.
B. The beasts in Nineveh (ii. 15).
Very fine. All kinds of crawling things among
the tottering walls, and peeping out of their rents
and crannies. A monkey sitting squat, developing
into a demon, reverses the Darwinian theory.
{Inside Porch), c. The Lord visits Jerusalem (i. 12).
Christ passing through the streets of Jerusalem,
with a lantern in each hand.
„ D. The Hedgehog and Bittern* (ii. 14).
With a singing bird in a cage in the window.
26. Haggai {Inside Porch), a. The houses of the princes, ornees de lamhrls
(i. 4).
A perfectly built house of square stones gloomily
strong, the grating (of a prison ?) in front of founda-
tion.
„ „ . . B. "The heaven is stayed from dew" (i. 10).
The heavens as a projecting mass, with stars,
sun, and moon on surface. Underneath, two withered
trees.
„ „ {To the front), c. The Lord's temple desolate (i. 4).
The falling of the temple, ''not one stone left
on another," grandly loose. Square stones again.
Examine the text (i. 6).
„ „ . . D, "Thus saith the Lord of Hosts" (i. 7).
Christ pointing up to His ruined temple.
27. Zechariah . A. The lifting up of Iniquity (v. 6 to 9).
Wickedness in the Ephah.
„ . B. "The angel that spake to me" (iv. l).
The prophet almost reclining, a glorious winged
angel hovering out of cloud.
28. Malachi. . A. "Ye have wounded the Lord" (ii. 17).
The priests are thrusting Christ through with
a barbed lance, whose point comes out at His
back.
* See ante, p. 151, note.
1
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
161
Malachi, . B. "This commandment is to yoii" (ii. 1).
In these panels, the undermost is often introduc-
tory to the one above, an illustration of it. It is
perhaps chapter i., verse 6, that is meant to be
spoken here by the sitting figure of Christ, to the
indignant priests.
44. With this bas-relief terminates the series of sculp-
ire in illustration of Apostolic and Prophetic teaching,
hich constitutes what I mean by the "Bible" of Amiens,
ut the two lateral porches contain supplementary subjects
^cessary for completion of the pastoral and traditional teach-
g addressed to her people in that day.
The Northern Porch, dedicated to her first missionary
Firmin, has on its central pier his statue; above, on
e flat field of the back of the arch, the story of the find-
g of his body ; on the sides of the porch, companion saints
id angels in the following order: —
CENTRAL STATUE
St. Firmin
Southern {left) side
41. St. Firmin the Confessor.
42. St. Domice.
43. St. Honore.
44. St. Salve.
45. St. Quentin.
46. St. Gentian.
Northern (right) side
47. St. Geoffroy.
48. An angel.
49. St. Fuscien, martyr.
50. St. Victoric, martyr,
51. An angel,
52. St. Ulpha.
45. Of these saints, excepting St. Firmin and St.
[onore, of whom I have already spoken,^ St. Geoffroy is
lore real for us than the rest ; he was born in the year
f the battle of Hastings, at Molincourt in the Soissonais,
id was Bishop of Amiens from 1104 to 1150. A man
P entirely simple, pure, and right life : one of the severest
: ascetics, but without gloom — always gentle and merciful,
lany miracles are recorded of him, but all indicating a
* See ante, Chap, i., §§ 7, 8 [p. 30], for the history of St. Firmin, and
r St. Honore, § 8 of this chapter [p. 129], with the reference there given.
XXXIII. L
162
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
tenour of life which was chiefly miraculous by its justice!
and peace. Consecrated at Rheims, and attended by a train -
of other bishops and nobles to his diocese, he dismounts i
from his horse at St. Acheul, the place of St. Firmin's
first tomb, and walks barefoot to his cathedral, along the 1
causeway now so defaced: at another time he walks bare-^
foot from Amiens to Picquigny to ask from the Vidame
of Amiens the freedom of the Chatelain Adam. He main-ii
tained the privileges of the citizens, with the help of Louis !
le Gros, against the Count of Amiens, defeated him, andi
razed his castle ; nevertheless, the people not enough obey-l
ing him in the order of their life, he blames his own
weakness, rather than theirs, and retires to the Grande
Chartreuse, holding himself unfit to be their bishop. The
Carthusian superior questioning him on his reasons for
retirement, and asking if he had ever sold the offices of
the Church, the Bishop answered, '* My father, my hands
are pure of simony, but I have a thousand times allowed
myself to be seduced by praise."
46. St. Firmin the Confessor was the son of the Roman
senator who received St. Firmin himself. He preserved
the tomb of the martyr in his father's garden, and at last
built a church over it, dedicated to Our Lady of Martyrs!
which was the first episcopal seat of Amiens, at St. Acheul|
spoken of above.^ St. Ulpha was an Amienoise girl, whc
lived in a chalk cave above the marshes of the Somme;—
if ever Mr. Murray provides you with a comic guide tc;
Amiens, no doubt the enlightened composer of it will couni
much on your enjoyment of the story of her being greatl)
disturbed at her devotions by the frogs, and praying then
silent. You are now, of course, wholly superior to sucl
follies, and are sure that God cannot, or will not, so mu4|
as shut a frog s mouth for you. Remember, therefore, tha
as He also now leaves open the mouth of the liar, bias
phemer, and betrayer, you must shut your own ears againsj
their voices as you can.
^ [See atove, p. 81.]
IV. INTERPRETATIONS 163
i
Of her name, St. Wolf — or Guelph— see again Miss
onge's Christian names. ^ Our tower of Wolf's stone,
llverstone, and Kirk of Ulpha, are, I believe, unconscious
< Picard relatives.
47. The other saints in this porch are all in like manner
] ovincial, and, as it were, personal friends of the Amienois ; ^
rd under them, the quatrefoils represent the pleasant order
( the guarded and hallowed year — the zodiacal signs above,
iid labours of the months below ;^ little differing from
1e constant representations of them — except in the May:
< e next page. The Libra also is a little unusual in the
jinale figure holding the scales; the lion especially good-
Itnpered — and the ''reaping" one of the most beautiful
j ;ures in the whole series of sculptures ; several of the
(hers peculiarly refined and far-wrought. In JMr. Kalten-
I cher's photographs, as I have arranged them, the bas-
]liefs may be studied nearly as well as in the porch itself.
' leir order is as follows, beginning with December, in the
]ft-hand inner corner of the porch: —
I 41. December. — Killing and scalding swine. Above, Capricorn with
quickly diminishing tail; I cannot make out the accessories.
42. January. — Twin-headed/ obsequiously served. Aquarius feebler than
most of the series.
43. February. — Very fine; warming his feet and putting coals on fire.
Fish above, elaborate but uninteresting.
44. March. — At work in vine-furrows.^ Aries careful, but rather stupid.
^ [History of Christian Names j pp. 335-336.]
2 At Rheims a portal is similarly devoted to the saints of the province ; at
] urges, of the five portals, two are devoted to local saints." (See also what
] skin says of the glass at Chartres, Vol. XVI. p. 328.) "Each of our cathedrals
]isents the religious history of a province" (Note in the French translation of
'. e Bible of Amiens).']
[An interesting account of the representations of the months on various
hnch cathedrals will be found in Male's UArt Religieux, pp. 85 seq. In the
J skin Museum at Sheffield there are drawiners of the series on Senlis Cathedral
(ol. XXX. p. 217).]
* [The pagan Janus is "thus perpetuated at Amiens, at Notre-Dame of Paris,
J Chartres, and in many psalters. One of his faces looks at the departing, the
<ier at the coming year" (see Male, p. 95).]
^ ["There are no longer vineyards at Amiens, but they existed there in the
^ ddle Ages " (Note in the French translation).]
164 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
45. April. — Feeding his hawk — very pretty. Taurus above with charm-
ing leaves to eat.
46. May. — Very singularly,^ a middle-aged man sitting under the trees I
to hear the birds sing ; and Gemini above, a bridegroom
and bride. This quatrefoil joins the interior angle ones of
Zephaniah.
52. June, — Opposite, joining the interior angle ones of Haggai. Mowing.
Note the lovely flowers sculptured all through the grass.
Cancer above, with his shell superbly modelled.
51. July. — Reaping. Extremely beautiful. The smiling lion completes
the evidence that all the seasons and signs are regarded as
alike blessing and providentially kind.
50. August. — Threshing. Virgo above, holding a flower, her drapery
very modern and confused for thirteenth-century work.
49. September. — I am not sure of his action, whether pruning, or in
some way gathering fruit from the full-leaved tree. Libra
above ; charming.
48. October. — Treading grapes. Scorpio, a very traditional and gentle
form — forked in the tail indeed, but stingless.
47. November. — Sowing, with Sagittarius, half concealed when this
photograph was taken by the beautiful arrangements always
now going on for some job or other in French cathedrals:—
they never can let them alone for ten minutes.^
48. And now, last of all, if you care to see it, we
will go into the Madonna's porch — only, if you come at
all, good Protestant feminine reader — come civilly ; and be
pleased to recollect, if you have, in known history, material
for recollection, this (or if you cannot recollect — be you
very solemnly assured of this) : that neither Madonna- wor^|
ship, nor Lady-worship of any sort, whether of dead ladies
or living ones, ever did any human creature any harm,
— but that Money worship. Wig worship, Cocked- Hat-and
Feather worship, Plate worship. Pot worship and Pipe wor-j
ship, have done, and are doing, a great deal, — and that anj
^ [So Durand (vol. i. p. 413): '^deux jeunes gens, garden et fille, se regardan
amoureusement/' the sculptor thus departing from the classical idea of twins ii
a strict sense.]
* [For other references to the restoration of French cathedrals, see Vol. XI5
p. 462, and Vol. XXVII. p. 94 (author's note ad fin.).]
I
I
1
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
165
these, and all, are quite million-fold more offensive to
e God of Heaven and Earth and the Stars, than all the
surdest and lovingest mistakes made by any generations
His simple children, about what the Virgin-mother could,
would, or might do, or feel for them.
49. And next, please observe this broad historical fact
out the three sorts of Madonnas.
There is first the Madonna Dolorosa ; the Byzantine type,
d Cimabue's. It is the noblest of all; and the earliest,
distinct popular influence.'^
Secondly. The Madone Reine, who is essentially the
ank and Norman one ; crowned, calm, and full of power
d gentleness. She is the one represented in this porch.
Thirdly. The Madone Nourrice, who is the Raphael-
jue^ and generally late and decadence one. She is seen
re in a good French type in the south transept porch,
before noticed.
An admirable comparison will be found instituted by
VioUet-le-Duc (the article "Vierge," in his dictionary,
altogether deserving of the most attentive study) between
s statue of the Queen-Madonna of the southern porch
d the Nurse-Madonna of the transept, I may perhaps
able to get a photograph made of his two drawings,
e by side : ^ but, if I can, the reader will please observe
it he has a little flattered the Queen, and a little vul-
rized the Nurse, which is not fair. The statue in this
jrch is in thirteenth-century style, extremely good: but
re is no reason for making any fuss about it — the earlier
l^zantine types being far grander.
* vSee the description of the Madonna of Murano, in second volume
Stones of Venice.'^
^ [On the Raphaelesque type of Madonna, see Modern Painters, vol. iii. (Vol. V.
rs).]
■_^[rhe drawings are here reproduced from Figs. 2 and 3, vol. ix. pp. 369,
' [Vol. X. pp. 65-68. For Cimabue's Madonna, see the Frontispiece to this
lime.]
166 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
50. The Madonna's story, in its main incidents, is tok
in the series of statues round the porch, and in the quatre
foils below — several of which refer, however, to a legem
The Nurse-Madonna The Queen-Madonna
about the Magi to which I have not had access, and I a:!
not sure of their interpretation.^
The large statues are on the left hand, reading outwan
as usual : —
29. The Angel Gabriel.
30. Virgin Annunciate.
31. Virgin Visitant.
32. St. Elizabeth.
33. Virgin in Presentation.
34. St. Simeon.
1 [See below, p. 169 n.]
I
1
IV. INTERPRETATIONS 167
1 the right hand, reading outward,
35, 36, 37. The three Kings.
38. Herod.
39. Solomon.
40. The Queen of Sheba.
51. I am not sure of rightly interpreting the introduc-
tm of these two last statues:^ but I believe the idea of
k3 designer was that virtually the Queen Mary visited
]erod when she sent, or had sent for her, the Magi to
tl him of her presence at Bethlehem: and the contrast
I tween Solomon's reception of the Queen of Sheba, and
llerod's driving out the Madonna into Egypt, is dwelt on
llroughout this side of the porch, with their several conse-
( ences to the two Kings and to the world.
The quatrefoils underneath the great statues run as
i lows :
r Under Gabriel—
A. Daniel seeing the stone cut out without hands.
B. Moses and the burning bush.2
; Under Virgin Annunciate —
A. Gideon and the dew on the fleece.
B. Moses with written law, retiring; Aaron, dominant, points to
his budding rod.^
1 [''The idea was to signify, in conformity with ecclesiastical doctrine, that
i lomon prefigured Jesus Christ, and the Queen of Sheba the Church which hastens
• .m the extremities of the world to hear the Word of God. The visit of the Queen
. Sheba was also held in the Middle Ages to prefigure the Adoration of the Magi.
%e Queen coming from the East symbolises the Magi; Solomon upon his throne,
e Eternal Wisdom seated on the knees of Mary (Ludolphe le Chartreux, Vita
vrisU, xi.). This is why, on the facade of Strasbourg, one sees Solomon on his
rone guarded by twelve lions, and, above, the Virgin holding the Child on her
iCes" (Male, pp. 189-190).]
I 2 [Daniel ii. 34 ; Exodus iii. 3, 4.]
3 [Judges vi. 37, 38; Numbers xvii. 8. These four subjects, so remote appa-
ntly from the history of the Virgin, are also found on the western porch of Laon
d on a window at Saint-Quentin, both of which are devoted, like this porch of
niens, to the Virgin. The point of connexion is to be found in the writings of
onorius d'Autun {Speculum Ecclesice), who traces in various episodes of the Old
istament types of the Virgin. " Le buisson que la flamme ne peut consumer, c est
Vierge portant en elle le Saint Esprit, sans bruler de feu de la concupiscence,
i toison ou descend la rosee est la Vierge qui devient fe'conde ; 1' aire qui reste
che est sa virginite qui ne subit aucune atteinte. La pierre arrachee de la
ontagne sans le secours des bras, c'est Jesus-Christ ne d'une Vierge que nul
J toucha" (Male, pp. 180, 181).]
168 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
31. Under Virgin Visitant —
A. The message to Zacharias : " Fear not, for thy prayer is heard."
B. The dream of Joseph : " Fear not to take unto thee Mary thv
wife." (?)i ^
32. Under St. Elizabeth—
A. The silence of Zacharias : " They perceived that he had seen
a vision in the temple."
B. "There is none of thy kindred that is called by this name."
" He wrote saying, His name is John." ^
33. Under Virgin in Presentation —
A. Flight into Egypt.
B. Christ with the Doctors.
34. Under St. Simeon —
A. Fall of the idols in Egypt.^
B. The return to Nazareth.
These two last quatrefoils join the beautiful c and d of Amos.
Then on the opposite side, under the Queen of Sheba, and joining
the A and b of Obadiah —
40. A. Solomon entertains the Queen of Sheba. The Grace cup.
B. Solomon teaches the Queen of Sheba, "God is above."
39. Under Solomon —
A. Solomon on his throne of judgment.
B. Solomon praying before his temple-gate.
38. Under Herod—
A. Massacre of Innocents.
B. Herod orders the ship of the Kings to be burned.
37. Under the third King—
A. Herod inquires of the Kings.
B. Burning of the ship.
36. Under the second King —
A. Adoration in Bethlehem ? — not certain.
B. The voyage of the Kings.
35. Under the first King —
A. The Star in the East.
B. "Being warned in a dream that they should not return to
Herod." 4
1 [Luke i. 13; Matthew i. 20. The query is Ruskin's. Durand (vol. i. p. 392) says:
Evidently the nativity of Saint John the Baptist, but expressed with tact and reserve.
Here the mother is alone ; the child only appears in the following bas-relief" (32 b).]
" Xuke i. 61, 63.]
In accordance with the legend founded on Isaiah xix. 1.]
'Matthew ii. 12.]
1 I
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
169
I have no doubt of finding out in time the real sequence
f these subjects : ^ but it is of little import, — this group of
uatrefoils being of less interest than the rest, and that of
he. Massacre of the Innocents curiously illustrative of the
icapability of the sculptor to give strong action or passion.
But into questions respecting the art of these bas-reliefs
do not here attempt to enter. They were never intended
a serve as more than signs, or guides to thought. And
■ the reader follows this guidance quietly, he may create
Dr himself better pictures in his heart ; and at all events
lay recognize these following general truths, as their united
lessage.
52. First, that throughout the Sermon on this Amiens
lount, Christ never appears, or is for a moment thought
f, as the Crucified, nor as the Dead : but as the Incarnate
Vord — as the present Friend — as the Prince of Peace on
larth,^ — and as the Everlasting King in Heaven. What
lis life is, what His commands are, and what His judg-
lent will be, are the things here taught: not what He
ace did, nor what He once suffered, but what He is now
oing — and what He requires us to do. That is the pure,
)yful, beautiful lesson of Christianity; and the fall from
lat faith, and all the corruptions of its abortive practice,
lay be summed briefly as the habitual contemplation of
hrist's death instead of His Life, and the substitution
f His past suffering for our present duty.^
53. Then, secondly, though Christ bears not His cross,
le mourning prophets, — the persecuted apostles — and the
lartyred disciples do bear theirs. For just as it is well
)r you to remember what your undying Creator is doing
)r you — it is well for you to remember what your dying
illow- creatures have done: the Creator you may at your
^ [The subjects supplement the Bible story from the Legende Doree, according- to
nich Herod, having heard that the Three Kings had sailed in a ship of Tharsis,
ive order for all the ships to be burnt. The subject of 86 a, however, has not
en explained. Durand calls it " Micah prophesying of Bethlehem" (Micah v. 2).]
^ [Isaiah ix. 5.]
' [Compare Lectures on Art, § 57 (Vol. XX. p. 64).]
170 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
pleasure deny or defy — the Martyr you can only forget;
deny, you cannot. Every stone of this building is cemented
with his blood, and there is no furrow of its pillars that
was not ploughed by his pain.
54?. Keeping, then, these things in your heart, look back
now to the central statue of Christ, and hear His message
with understanding. He holds the Book of the Eternal
Law in His left hand; with His right He blesses, — but
blesses on condition. " This do, and thou shalt Kve ; *
nay, in stricter and more piercing sense. This be, and thou
shalt live: to show Mercy is nothing — thy soul must be
full of mercy; to be pure in act is nothing — thou shalt be
pure in heart also.^
And with this further word of the unabolished law—
" This if thou do not, this if thou art not, thou shalt die."
55. Die (whatever Death means) — totally and irrevocably, j
There is no word in thirteenth-century Theology of the
pardon (in our modern sense) of sins; and there is none
of the Purgatory of them. Above that image of Christ
with us, our Friend, is set the image of Christ over us, 1
our Judge. For this present life — here is His helpful
Presence. After this life — there is His coming to take
account of our deeds, and of our desires in them ; and the
parting asunder of the Obedient from the Disobedient, of
the Loving from the Unkind, with no hope given to the
last of recall or reconciliation. I do not know what com-
menting or softening doctrines were written in frightened
minuscule by the Fathers, or hinted in hesitating whispers ij
by the prelates of the early Church. But I know that |
the language of every graven stone and everjr glowing
window, — of things daily seen and universally understood
by the people, was absolutely and alone, this teaching of
Moses from Sinai in the beginning, and of St. John from
Patmos in the end, of the Revelation of God to Israel.
This it was, simply — sternly — and continually, for thef
great three hundred years of Christianity in her strength
• [Luke X. 28 ; Matthew v. 8.]
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
171
(eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries), and over the
whole breadth and depth of her dominion, from lona to
! Gyrene, — and from Calpe to Jerusalem.^ At what time
the doctrine of Purgatory was openly accepted by Catholic
Doctors, I neither know nor care to know. It was first
formalized by Dante, but never accepted for an instant
I by the sacred artist teachers of his time — or by those of
any great school or time whatsoever.^
* The most authentic foundations of the Purgatorial scheme in art-
teaching are in the renderings, subsequent to the thirteenth century, of
I the verse ''by which also He went and preached unto the spirits in
prison/' 2 forming gradually into the idea of the deliverance of the waiting
saints from the power of the grave.
In literature and tradition, the idea is originally, I believe, Platonic ;
certainly not Homeric. Egyptian possibly — but I have read nothing yet
of the recent discoveries in Egypt. Not, however, quite liking to leave
the matter in the complete emptiness of my own resources, I have ap-
pealed to my general investigator, Mr. Anderson (James R.), who writes
as follows: —
"There is no possible question about the doctrine and universal incul-
cation of it, ages before Dante. Curiously enough, though, the statement
of it in the Summa Theologise as we have it is a later insertion ; but I
find by references that St. Thomas teaches it elsewhere, Albertus Magnus
develops it at length. If you refer to the ' Golden Legend ' under All
Souls' Day, you will see how the idea is assumed as a commonplace in a
work meant for popular use in the thirteenth century. St. Gregory (the
Pope) argues for it (Dial. iv. 38) on two scriptural quotations: (1), the sin
that is forgiven neither in hoc saeculo nor in that which is to come, and (2),
I the fire which shall try every man's work. I think Platonic philosophy
and the Greek mysteries must have had a good deal to do with introduc-
ing the idea originally; but with them — as to Virgil — it was part of the
Eastern vision of a circling stream of life from which only a few drops
were at intervals tossed to a definitely permanent Elysium or a definitely
permanent Hell. It suits that scheme better than it does the Christian
lone, which attaches ultimately in all cases infinite importance to the results
jof life in hoc sseculo.
! ''Do you know any representation of Heaven or Hell unconnected
with the Last Judgment? I don't remember any, and as Purgatory is by
that time past, this would account for the absence of pictures of it.
" Besides, Purgatory precedes the Resurrection — there is continual
question among divines what manner of purgatorial fire it may be that
affects spirits separate from the body — perhaps Heaven and Hell, as
^ [That is, from north to south (lona to Cyrene) and from west (Calpe, i.e,
Gibraltar) to east.]
2 [1 Peter iii. 19.]
172
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
56. Neither do I know nor care to know — at what
time the notion of Justification by Faith, in the modern
sense, first got itself distinctively fixed in the minds of the
heretical sects and schools of the North. Practically its
strength was founded by its first authors on an asceticism
which differed from monastic rule in being only able to
destroy, never to build ; and in endeavouring to force what
severity it thought proper for itself on everybody else also;
and so striving to make one artless, letterless, and merci-
less monastery of all the world. Its virulent effort broke
down amidst furies of reactionary dissoluteness and disbehef,
and remains now the basest of popular solders and plasters
for every condition of broken law and bruised conscience
which interest can provoke, or hypocrisy disguise.
57. With the subsequent quarrels between the two
great sects of the corrupted church, about prayers for the
Dead, Indulgences to the Living, Papal supremacies, or
Popular liberties, no man, woman, or child need trouble
themselves in studying the history of Christianity: they
are nothing but the squabbles of men, and laughter of
fiends among its ruins. The Life, and Gospel, and Power
of it, are all written in the mighty works of its true be-
lievers : in Normandy and Sicily, on river islets of France
and in the river glens of England, on the rocks of Orvieto, |
and by the sands of Arno. But of all, the simplest, com-
pletest, and most authoritative in its lessons to the active
mind of North Europe, is this on the foundation stones of
Amiens. j
opposed to Purgatory, were felt to be picturable because not only spirits,
but the risen bodies too are conceived in tliem.
" Bede's account of the Ayrshire seer's vision gives Purgatory in words
very like Dante's description of the second stormy circle in Hell; and the
angel which ultimately saves the Scotchman from the fiends comes through
hell, 'quasi fulgor stellae micantis inter tenebras' — 'qual sul presso del
mattino Per gli grossi vapor Marte rosseggia.' ^ Bede's name was great in
the Middle Ages. Dante meets him in Heaven, and I like to hope, may
have been helped by the vision of my fellow-countryman more than six J
hundred years before."
* [PurgatoriOf ii. 13, 14.]
IV. INTERPRETATIONS
173
! 58. Believe it or not, reader, as you will : understand
only how thoroughly it was once believed ; and that all
beautiful things were made, and all brave deeds done, in
the strength of it — until what we may call "this present
time," in which it is gravely asked whether Religion has
any effect on morals,^ by persons who have essentially
no idea whatever of the meaning of either Religion or
Morality.
Concerning which dispute, this much perhaps you may
have the patience finally to read, as the Fleche of Amiens
fades in the distance, and your carriage rushes towards
the Isle of France, which now exhibits the most admired
patterns of European Art, intelligence, and behaviour.
59. All human creatures, in all ages and places of the
world, who have had warm affections, common sense and
self-command, have been, and are, Naturally Moral. Human
nature in its fulness is necessarily Moral, — without Love,
it is inhuman, — without sense,^ inhuman, — without discip-
line, inhuman.
In the exact proportion in which men are bred capable
of these things, and are educated to love, to think, and to
endure, they become noble, — live happily — die calmly : are
remembered with perpetual honour by their race, and for
the perpetual good of it. All wise men know and have
known these things, since the form of man was separated
from the dust. The knowledge and enforcement of them
have nothing to do with religion: a good and wise man
differs from a bad and idiotic one, simply as a good dog
from a cur, and as any manner of dog from a wolf or a
weasel. And if you are to believe in, or preach without
i half believing in, a spiritual world or law — only in the hope
that whatever you do, or anybody else does, that is foolish
I don't mean aesthesis, — but vovs, if you must talk in Greek slang. ^
^ [The reference is to a Symposium " in the first volume of the Nineteenth
Century on the question of " The Influence of the Decline of Religion on Morality."]
" [For Ruskin's use and distinction of these terms, see Vol. XX. p. 207
Vol. XXII. p. 130; and Vol. XXV. p. 123.]
174
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
or beastly, may be in them and by them mended and
patched and pardoned and worked up again as good as
new — the less you believe in — and most solemnly, the less
you talk about — a spiritual world, the better.
60. But if, loving well the creatures that are like your-
self, you feel that you would love still more dearly,
creatures better than yourself — were they revealed to you;
— if striving with all your might to mend what is evil,
near you and around,^ you would fain look for a day when
some Judge of all the Earth shall wholly do right, and
the little hills rejoice on every side;^ if, parting with the
companions that have given you all the best joy you had
on Earth, you desire ever to meet their eyes again and
clasp their hands, — where eyes shall no more be dim,^ nor
hands fail; — if, preparing yourselves to lie down beneath
the grass in silence and loneliness, seeing no more beauty,
and feeling no more gladness — you would care for the
promise to you of a time when you should see God's light
again, and know the things you have longed to know, and
walk in the peace of everlasting Love — then, the Hope of
these things to you is religion, the Substance of them in
your life is Faith. And in the power of them, it is
promised us, that the kingdoms of this world shall yet
become the kingdoms of our Lord and of His Christ.*
^ [Compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 76 (Vol. XXIX. p. 88), and Raskin's note
there.]
2 [Genesis xviii. 25 ; Psalms Ixv. 12.]
^ Isaiah xxxii. 3.]
^ [Revelation xi. 15.]
APPENDICES
I. Chronological List of the Principal Events referred to in
" The Bible of Amiens "
II. References Explanatory of the Photographs illustrating
Chapter IV.
III. General Plan of "Our Fathers have Told Us"
APPENDIX I
CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS
REFERRED TO IN THE "BIBLE OF AMIENS''
I.
D.
0. Rise of the Franks .....
1. St. Firmin conies to Amiens
2. St. Martin and the Beggar at Amiens
5. St. Jerome born .....
3. First Church at Amiens, over St. Firmin's grave
i. Franks defeated by Julian near Strasburg
5. St. Jerome's Bible .....
). St. Jerome dies. . .
. St. Genevieve born. Venice founded
). Franks under Clodion take Amiens .
I. Merovee king at Amiens ....
[. Battle of Chalons. Attila defeated by Aetius
^ Merovee dies. Childeric king at Amiens (457-
481)
). Clovis born ......
5. Roman Empire in Italy ended by Odoacer
L. Clovis crowned at Amiens
, St. Benedict born .....
Battle of Soissons. Clovis defeats Syagrius
Syagrius dies at the court of Alaric
Battle of Verona. Theodoric defeats Odoacer
Clovis marries Clotilde ....
Battle of Tolbiac. Clovis defeats the Alemanni |
Clovis crowned at Rheims by St. Remy .
3. Clovis baptized by St. Remy .
3. Battle of Poitiers. Clovis defeats the Visigoths f
under Alaric. Death of Alaric . . . (
XXXIII. 177
Chap.
Sect.
in this
Volume.
ii.
17
61
i.
6
29
i.
23
40
iii.
34
106
8
30
iv.
14
134
ii.
35
74
ii.
47
80
iii.
36
108
ii.
2 n. 54
iii.
40
111
ii.
2, 3
54
i.
10, 34
32, 48
i.
10
32
i.
10
32
12
33
12
33
12
33
12, 34
33, 48
ii.
2, 49
54, 81
ii.
2, 3
54
ii.
13, 34
34, 48
49
82
ii.
49
82
ii.
54
85
ii.
50
82
13, 21
34, 39
ii.
52
83
i.
13
34
i.
20
39
13
34
ii.
53
84
APPENDIX II
REFERENCES EXPLANATORY OF THE PHOTOGRAPHS \
ILLUSTRATING CHAPTER IV
The quatrefoils on the foundation of the west front of Amiens Cathedral!
described in the course of the fourth chapter, had never been engravecj
or photographed in any form accessible to the public until last year [1880]
when I commissioned M. Kaltenbacher (6, Passage du Commerce), wh(
had photographed them for M. Viollet le Due, to obtain negatives of th(
entire series, with the central pedestal of the Christ.
The proofs are entirely satisfactory to me, and extremely honourable ti
M. Kaltenbacher's skill: and it is impossible to obtain any more instruc:
tive and interesting, in exposition of the manner of central thirteenthij
century sculpture. i
I directed their setting so that the entire succession of the quatrefoil
might be included in eighteen plates ; the front and two sides of thtj
pedestal raise their number to twenty-one : the whole, unmounted, solci
by my agent Mr. Ward (the negatives being my own property) for fouj
guineas; or separately, each five shillings.^ 1
Besides these of my own, I have chosen four general views of th
cathedral from M. Kaltenbacher's formerly-taken negatives, which, togethe
with the first-named series, (twenty-five altogether,) will form a completij
body of illustrations for the fourth chapter of "The Bible of Amiens
costing in all five guineas, forwarded free by post from Mr. Ward's {%
Church Terrace, Richmond, Surrey).^ In addition to these, Mr. Ward wi
supply the photograph of the four scenes from the life of St. Firmir
mentioned in Chapter i. § 7 ; price five shillings."^ i
For those who do not care to purchase the whole series, I have markef
with an asterisk the plates which are especially desirable.
The two following lists ^ will enable readers who possess the plates ^
refer without difficulty both from the photographs to the text, and fror
* This is the first of another series of photographs illustrative of the cathedra
which has not been continued. — Ed. (1897).
1 [Copies of the photographs are now (1907) to be had of George Allen aiij
Sons.]
' [To which in this edition references have been added to the Plates on whic
the several photographs are reproduced.]
178
APPENDIX II
179
he text to the photographs, which will be found to fall into the following
groups :— -
'hotographs.
1-3. The Central Pedestal.
David.
4-7. The Central Porch.
Virtues and Vices.
8-9. The Central Porch.
The Major Prophets, with Micah and Nahum.
10-13. The Facade.
The Minor Prophets.
14-17. The Northern Porch.
The Months and Zodiacal Signs, with Zephaniah and Haggai.
18-21. The Southern Porch.
Scriptural History, with Obadiah and Amos.
22-25. Miscellaneous.
PART I
List of Photographs with reference to the Quatrefoils, etc."^
1-3. Central Pedestal. See 32-33.
■^1. Front David. Lion and Dragon. Vine.
*2. North Side .... Lily and Cockatrice.
^3. South Side .... Rose and Adder.
Plates.
XIII.
4-7. Central Porch.
Virtues and Vices (§§ 39 & 41).
4. 1 A. Courage.
1 B, Cowardice.
5. 4 A. Love.
4 B. Discord.
6. 9 A. Charity.
9 B. Avarice.
7. 12 A. Humility.
12 B. Pride.
2 A.
2 B.
Patience.
Anger.
o A. Obedience.
5 B. Rebellion.
8 A. Hope.
8 B. Despair.
11 A. Wisdom.
11 B. Folly.
8 A. Gentillesse.
3 B. Churlishness.
6 A. Perseverance.
6 B. Atheism.
7 A. Faith.
7 B, Idolatry.
10 A. Chastity.
10 B. Lust.
XIV.
XV.
XVI.
XVII.
The sections referred to in this Appendix are those of Chapter IV. — Ed. (1897).
180
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
Photographs.
8-9. Central Porch.
The Major Prophets (§§ 39, 42), with Micah and Nahum (§§ 40, 43).
Isaiah.
13 A.
13 B.
-Tl?T> 1? ATT A TT
14 A.
14 B.
ATtP ATT
22 c.
22 D.
Plates.
XVIII.
9.
Nahum.
Daniel.
EZEKIEL.
23 a.
23 B.
16 A.
16 B.
15 A.
15 B.
The
Facade.
The Minor Prophets (§§ 40,
43).
*10.
Amos.
Joel.
HOSEA,
19 A.
19 B.
18 A.
18 B.
17 A.
17 B.
V V
XX.
^11.
Micah.
Jonah.
Obadiah,
22 A.
22 B.
21 A.
21 B.
20 c.
20 D.
XXI.
■^12.
Zephaniah.
Habakkuk.
Nahum.
25 A.
25 B.
24 A.
24 B.
23 c.
23 D.
XXII.
13.
Malachi.
Zechariah.
Haggai.
28 A.
28 B.
27 A.
27 B.
26 c.
26 D.
XXHL
The
Northern
Porch.
The Months and Zodiacal Signs (§ 47), with Zephaniah and
Haggai (§§ 40, 43).
41.
14. Capricorn.
December.
42.
Aquarius.
January.
45.
15. Taurus.
April.
26 A.
16. Haggal
26 B.
60.
17. Virgo.
August.
49.
Libra.
September.
43.
Pisces.
February.
46.
Gemini.
May.
52.
Cancer.
June.
48.
Scorpio.
October.
44.
Arii:s.
March.
25 c.
Zephaniah.
25 D.
61.
Leo.
July.
47.
Sagittarius.
November.
XXIV,
XXV.
XXVI.
XXVII.
APPENDIX II
181
hotographs.
18-21. The Southern Porch.
Scriptural History (§ 51), with Obadiah and Amos
(§§ 40, 42, 43).
*18. 29 A. Daniel and the stone.
29 B. Moses and the Burning
Bush.
31 A. The message to Zacha-
rias.
31 B. Dream of Joseph.
30 A. Gideon and the fleece.
30 B. Moses and Aaron.
32 A. The Silence of Zacha-
rias,
32 b. ^^His name is John."
19. 33 A. The Flight 34 a. The Fall of the
into Egypt. Idols.
33 B. Christ and 34 b. Return to Naza-
the Doctors. reth.
20. 20 A. Obadiah.
20 b. Obadiah.
40 A. Solomon and the
Queen of Sheba.
The Grace Cup.
40 B. Solomon teach-
ing the Queen
of Sheba. "God
is above."
19 c. Amos.
19 D. Amos.
39 A. Solomon en-
throned.
39 B. Solomon in
prayer.
21. 38 A. Holy Innocents.
38 B. Herod orders the Kings'
ship to be burnt.
36 A. Adoration in Bethle-
hem Q).
36 B. The voyage of the
Kings.
37 A. Herod and the Kings.
37 B. The burning of the
ship.
35 A. The Star in the East.
35 B. The Kings warned in
a dream.
22-25. Miscellaneous.
■^22. The Western Porches
*23. The Porch of St. Honobe
24. The South Transept and Fleche
25. General View of the Cathedral from the other Bank
of the Somme . . . • . . . . .
Plates.
XXVIII.
XXIX.
XXX.
XXXI.
X.
...^
VIII.
III.
1 [This photograph has been given already in Vol. XVI. Plate XVI. (p. 356),
I'here the porch is more fully described.]
182
THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
PART II
List of Quatrefoils with reference to the Photographs
c Name of Statue
o .
ci O
The Apostles.
1. St. Peter .
2. St. Andrew
3. St. James .
4. St. John
5. St. Matthew
6. St. Simon .
7. St. Paul .
8. St. James the \
Bishop )
9. St. Philip .
Subject of Quatrefoil.
Virtues and Vices.
(a. Courage
( B. Cowardice
(a. Patience .
Anger
1:
(a. Lo
|b. Di
A. Gentillesse
Churlishness
Love
Discord
j A. Obedience
/ B. Rebellion
I A. Perseverance
( B. Atheism .
(a. Faith
( B. Idolatry
(a. Hope
I B. Despair
(a. Charity
( B. Avarice
10. St. Bartholomew I^- Chastity
( B. Lust
11. St. Thomas .
12. St. Jude
(a. Wisdom
( B.
Folly
(a. Humility
•^B. Pride
The Major Prophets.
13. Isaiah . .
Section
where
described d ^ Plate
(chap. iv. ) "o
5 I No. of
§§ 39, 41]
§§ 89, 41
§§ 39, 41
§§ 39, 41
§§ 39, 41 ,
if
>)
§§ 39, 41
§§39, 41 J
§41
it
a
§§ 39, 41
14. Jeremiah
15. Ezekiel
16. Daniel
j A. The Lord enthroned
* ) B. Lo ! this hath touched thy lips
( A. The burial of the girdle
• ] B. ■
( A. Wheel within wheel
."Jb.
( A. He hath shut the lions' mouths
. ( B. Fingers of a man's hand
The breaking of the yoke
Wheel within wheel
Set thy face towards Jerusalem
§ 39
§ 42
§39
.M2
§§ 39, 42
XIV.
XV.
V 6 XVI.
7 XVII.
I 8 XVIII.
. 9 XIX.
The Minor Prophets.
Name of Statue.
HOSEA
Joel
APPENDIX II
Subject of Quatrefoil.
A. So I bought her to me .
B. So will I also be for thee
A. The sun and moon lightless
B. The fig-tree and vine leafless
Amos
Obadiah
Jonah
MiCAH
Nahum
A. The Lord will cry from Zion
:b. The habitations of the shep-
Fa9ade (
\ herds
Porch \ ^' '^^^ Lord with the mason's line
\ D, The place where it rained not
f Porch I L^^^i^^^""^^^ ^^^^^^
J ( B. He tell on his face
|Fa9ade | ^' captain of fifty
I
D. The messenger
A. Escaped from the sea
B. Under the gourd
{T?o^a/iii 5 ^* 'The tower of the Flock
J^a9aae|^^ Each shall rest
Porch \ ^' ^^^^^^ ^^^^ ploughshares
( D. Spears into pruning-hooks
{pi S A. None shall look back
\ B. The Burden of Nineveh
Fa9ade | ^' T-^^- ^^'^J^^^3 g^®^* ones
Habakkuk .
. Zephaniah-I
fFa9ade |
Porch
Untimely figs
A. I will watch
B. The ministry to Daniel .
A. The Lord strikes Ethiopia
B. The beasts in Nineveh .
c. The Lord visits Jerusalem
D. The Hedgehog and Bittern
). Haggai
r Porch bouses of the princes
J / B. The Heaven stayed from (
desolate
the Lord
J. Zechariah .
J. Malachi
■I
A. The lifting up of Iniquity
B. The angel that spake to me
A. Ye have wounded the Lord
B. This commandment is to you
!§ 40, 43
§ 40
§ 43
33
33
33
33
19
}20
§43
§§ 40, 43 (
§ 40
§43
}9
§§ 40, 43
§§ 40, 43
§40
§43
}15
}16
33
33
§§ 40, 43
188
Section ^ &,
where ° t No. of
described o' ^ Plate,
(chap, iv, ) "o
40, 43
40, 43
10 XX.
XXIX.
XXX.
XXI.
XVIIL
XIX.
V12 XXII.
XXV.
XXVI.
Il3 XXIIL
184 THE BIBLE OF AMIENS
Southern Porch — to the Virgin.
Name of Statue.
29. Gabriel
30. Virgin An-
nunciate
Subject of Quatrefoil.
A. Daniel and the stone cut with
out hands
B. Moses and the burning bush
A. Gideon and the fleece
B. Moses and the law.
and his rod .
Aaron
( A. The message to Zacharias
31. Virgin Visitant . | ^ ^j^^ dream of Joseph .
32. St. Elizabeth
33. Virgin in Presen-
tation
34. St. Simeon .
35. The First King
(a. The
^B. ^^H
silence of Zacharias .
is name is John "
A. Flight into Egypt .
B. Christ with the Doctors .
f A. Fall of Idols in Egypt .
( B. The return to Nazareth .
A. The Star in the East
B. "Warned in a dream
36. The Second King | ^' Adoration in Bethlehem (?)
I B. liie voyage of the Kings
37. The Third King
38. Herod .
39. Solomon
f A. Herod inquires of the Kings
I B. The burning of the ship
A. Massacre of the Innocents
B. Herod orders the ship to be
burnt
J A. Solomon enthroned .
B. Solomon in prayer .
40. Queen of Sheba j^* J,)? Grace cup
^ ( b. God IS above
Northern Porch — to St. Firmin (p. 234, § 44).
41. St. Firmin Con-
fessor
42. St. Domice .
43. St. Honor]^ .
44. St. Sai.vb
A. Capricorn
B. December
5 A. Aquarius
* ( B. January
i A. Pisces
' ( B. February
A. Aries
B. March
Section ^ a
where ° S
described 6 ^ Plate,
(chap. iv. ) o
No. of
§51
§47
18 XXVIII.
J9 XXIX.
>21 XXXI.
►20 XXX.
VU XXIV.
APPENDIX II
a Name of Statue.
Subject of Quatrefoi].
). St. Quentin
5. St. Gentian
. St. Geoffroy
!. An Angel .
St. Fuscien,
Martyr
St. Victoric,
Martyr
An Angel .
St. Ulpha
(a. Taurus
April
f A. Gemini
l B. May .
( A. Sagittarius
[ B. November
( A. Scorpio
! -1
October
A. Libra
B. September
A. Virgo
B. August
5 A. Leo
• i B. -
A. Uancer
B. June
§47
185
Section ^
where ^ ^ No. of
described ©' o Plate.
15 XXV.
>i7 xxvn.
16 XXVI.
APPENDIX III
GENERAL PLAN OF "OUR FATHERS HAVE TOLD US^ij
The first part of Our Fathers have Told Us, now submitted to the public,
is enough to show the proposed character and tendencies of the work, tc
which, contrary to my usual custom, I now invite subscription, because
the degree in which I can increase its usefulness by engraved illustratioi
must greatly depend on the known number of its supporters.
1 do not recognize, in the present state of my health, ^' any reason tc
fear more loss of general power, whether in conception or industry, thar
is the proper and appointed check of an old man's enthusiasm : of which
however, enough remains in me to warrant my readers against the aban
donment of a purpose entertained already for tv/enty years. |
The work, if 1 live to complete it, will consist of ten parts, cacti
taking up some local division of Christian history, and gathering, toward{|
their close, into united illustration of the power of the Church in thf
Thirteenth Century.
The present volume completes the first part, descriptive of the earb
Frank power, and of its final skill, in the Cathedral of Amiens.
The second part, Ponte della Pietra," will, I hope, do more fo
Theodoric and Verona than I have been able to do for Clovis and the firs
capital of France.
The third, "Ara Coeli," will trace the foundations of the Papal power.
The fourth, " Ponte-a-Mare," and fifth, " Ponte Vecchio," will only wit)
much difficulty gather into brief form what I have by me of scattered
materials respecting Pisa and Florence.
The sixth, "Valle Crucis," will be occupied with the monastic archijj
tecture of England and Wales.^ '
The seventh, ''The Springs of Eure/' will be wholly given to th
cathedral of Chartres.
^ [For the earlier forms of this "Advice," see the Bibliographical Note,
above, p. 7.] j
2 [For notes written for this part, see below, pp. 191 seqJ] j
3 [That is, in Ruskin's diaries ; as nothing sufficiently definite to be availabli
has now been found among his MSS. It will be remembered, however, that if
this edition Ruskin's lectures on the " Schools of Florence," which he had re
served, have been published, as also some matter additional to Mornings in Florence
see Vol. XXIII. pp. 185 seq., 486-457.]
* [See the chapters ''Candida Casa" and "Mending the Sieve"; belov^
pp. 205-254.]
186
APPENDIX III
187
The eighth, " Domremy," to that of Rouen and ^the schools of archi-
cture which it represents. ^
The ninth, The Bay of Uri/' to the Pastoral forms of Catholicism,
aching to our own times.
I And the tenth, "The Bells of Cluse," to the pastoral Protestantism of
ivoy, Geneva, and the Scottish border.
Each part will consist of four sections only ; and one of them, the
urth, will usually be descriptive of some monumental city or cathedral,
e resultant and remnant of the religious power examined in the pre-
iratory chapters.
One illustration at least will be given with each chapter, and drawings
ade for others, which will be placed at once in the Sheffield museum for
iblic reference,^ and engraved as I find support, or opportunity for bind-
g with the completed work.
As in the instance of Chapter IV. of this first part, a smaller edition
the descriptive chapters will commonly be printed in reduced form for
ivellers and non-subscribers ; but otherwise, I intend this work to be fur-
shed to subscribers only.
1 [For a reference to this intended Part, see Prceterita, i. § 182.]
2 [See the Index to Catalogue of the Ruskin Museum at Sheffield for
I iwings and studies rr „ Verona, Chartres, and Rouen, as also for additional
i jstrations of detailr .miens Cathedral (Vol. XXX. pp. 289-293).]
II
CHAPTERS FOR LATER PARTS
^^OUR FATHERS"
NOTES FOR "ARA CGELI" {the intended Part III.)
Passages in the Life of St. Gregory
"VALLE CRUCIS" {the intended Part VI)'.—
1. Candida Casa
2. Mending the Sieve (1882)
[Bibliographical Note. — For particulars with regard to Ara CcpJi (hitherto
unprinted), see below, p. 191.
The other chapters were intended for the Sixth Part of Our Fathers
have Told Us (see above, p. 186).
The first chapter, entitled " Candida Casa," was set up in type by
Ruskin some years before it was published in the volume edited for him
by Mr. W. G. Collingwood under the title Verona and other Lectures
(1893). For bibliographical particulars of that book, in which " Candida
Casa" occupied pp. 77-108, see Vol. XIX. p. 427.
An Appendix to ^ Candida Casa,' on Saxon Money," occupied pp. 109-
111. This has been printed with Ruskin's other remarks on Coins in
Vol. XXX. p. 278.
The second chapter, also printed in Verona and other Lectures, and
there entitled Mending the Sieve," was originally written for a lecture
delivered at the London Institution on Monday, December 4, 1882. The
lecture was then entitled ^'Cistercian Architecture."
A full abstract of the lecture (made by Mr. Wedderburn with Ruskin's
sanction, and with the help of the MS. lent him for that purpose), con-
taining several textual quotations and the phni of the Abbey of St. Gall,
appeared in the Art Journal, February 1883, pp. 46-49. Shorter reports
appeared in the Times and Pall Mall Gazette^ December 5, 1882.
Passages in the Art Journal's report of the lecture as delivered, which
were not reprinted, are now given in footnotes (see pp. 227, 235, 242,
245, 246).
The lecture, in a revised form, had been set up in type by Ruskin
as a chapter for Valle Crucis ; but was not published until it appeared
in Verona and other Lectures (1893), where it occupied, with the Appendix
(here, pp. 250-254), pp. 115-152.]
NOTES FOR ^^ARA CGELI"
{THE INTENDED THIRD PART OF "OUR FATHERS
HAVE TOLD US")
[The Third Part of Our Fathers have Told Us, entitled by Ruskin Ara
eli, was to " trace the foundations of the Papal power." ^ He thus
titled it from the Church of Santa Maria in Ara Coeli in R6me, and
rious trains of thought converged in his title. His subject, "the transi-
m of the Roman pontificate into the Christian Papacy/' ^ had been briefly
anced at in The Bible of Amiens.^ The church of Ara Cceli is itself
witness of this transition. It is, says Lanciani, "particularly associated
th the Sibyls, because tradition refers the origin of its name to an altar
Ara Primogeniti Dei — raised to the Son of God by the Emperor Augustus,
lio had been warned of his advent by the sibylline books. For this
ason the figures of Augustus and of the Tiburtine Sibyl are painted on
ther side of the arch above the high altar. They have actually been
ven the place of honour in this church ; and formerly, when at Christmas
ne the Presepio was exhibited in the second chapel on the left, they
cupied the front row, the Sibyl pointing out to Augustus the Virgin
id the Bambino who appeared in the sky in a halo of light."* Ruskin,
10 spent the winter of 1840-1841 in Rome,^ may well have seen this
ggestive piece of show ; which, in his later thoughts, would have recurred
his mind in connexion with his doctrine of continuous Inspiration, as
.pounded in The Bible of Amiens^ — inspiration in the "Sacred classic litera-
Te, running parallel with that of the Hebrews, and coalescing in the
mbolic legends of mediaeval Christendom."
With these deeper thoughts, personal recollections and feelings came
to Ruskin's mind at the words "Ara Coeli." It was at Rome in 1840
lat he had first seen, then in the bloom of her youth and beauty, the
nglish girl who in after years became one of his dearest friends and
a tutelary power" to him "of the brightest and happiest." He describes
Prceterita how he haunted the churches throughout the winter because
* [See Bible of Amiens, Appendix III. ; above, p. 186.]
* [Roadside Songs, Vol. XXXII. p. 119 n.]
^ [Ch. iii. § 35 n. : see above, p. 107.]
* Pagan and Christian Ro'me, by Rodolfo Lanciani, 1892, p. 24.]
^ [See Vol. I. p. xxxviii.]
« [Ch. iii. §§ 52, 53 : see above, pp. 118, 119.]
191
192
NOTES FOR **ARA COELI
at musical services there was always a chance of catching sight of Uhi
Tollemache ''above the bowed heads of the Italian crowd." i The stepj
of the Ara Co^li became thus a sacred spot in his memory.
But this was esoteric. The further significance of Ara Cceli in hi;
projected history of Christendom was that the church is as old as th(
sixth century, when it was dedicated by St. Gregory as Sancta Maria ir
Capitoho, and the second chapter of Ruskin's Ara Cceli was to have con
tained the Life of the great Pope. In the Roadside Songs of Tuscany
Part iii. (published in 1884), Ruskin had expressed his hope of issuing
in that year this chapter, ''together with the second chapter of Vail
Crucis, containing the Life of St. Benedict." The reader will remembe
the dates ; St. Benedict, 480-540 ; St. Gregory, 540-604. The two chapters;
read together, would thus have covered one of the periods in the histor
of Christianity as defined by Milman^ — the period in which Christianity i
not only the religion of the Roman or Italian, but in part of the bar
barian world; in which monastic Christianity, having received a strong
impulse from St. Benedict, is in the ascendant; and of which Gregory I
alike as Pope and writer, is the model.
Ruskin's chapter on St. Gregory, however, was not published, thougl
there are some references to his life and character in Roadside Songs;
but among Ruskin's papers is much material collected for the intends
study. Most of this is in the form only of notes, references, and memo'
randa; but there are several sheets in a completed form, and these ar,
here printed. i
His general subject was to have been, as already stated, "the transitioj
of the Roman pontificate into the Christian papacy." He intended there!
fore to begin with some notes on the character of Priesthood (§§ 1-j
below) — notes which should be compared with the essay on "The Priest:
Office" in Roadside Songs. He then passes to sketch the life and positio
of Gregory the Great 6-11).]
1. First, then, there is the natural priesthood of goo
men who walk with God,^ and learn the secrets of H
Law, and of Nature, in humility, and are able to teach an
comfort, and help and feed, the common flock of mei
This is the priesthood of the Most High God, — withoi
father, without mother, without descent. Born of Go
only, a blessing to the Kings of the earth, — bringing fort
Bread and wine for its labourers — praying for all, — in ever
act and service intended to express love towards Go(
1 [PrcBterita, ii. § 39, iii. § 28.]
^ [Milman's third period (from the death of Pope Leo the Great, 461, to t
death of Gregory) : History of Latin Christianity, Book i. cli. i. (vol. i. p. 2
small edition).]
3 [See Vol. XXXII. pp. 121-124.]
* [Genesis v. 24 (Enoch) ; vi. 9 (Noah).]
NOTES FOR "ARA C(ELI" 193
iding and ministering for all, and of whom it is written,
Holiness becometh Thine House, Oh Lord for ever."^
16 direct relation of the Jewish priesthood to this Pontifi-
te of the World is expressed, before the giving of the
naitic Law, by the marriage of Joseph to the daughter of
8 chief priest of Egypt, and of Moses to the daughter
the chief priest of Midian.^
2. Secondly, there is the Hieratic priesthood; (among
3 Jews hereditary) implying no superiority of intellect, or
I'tiness of moral character; but merely the separation in
e|ternal purity and common honesty, of a certain race or
nety of men for the care of the Temples, and the per-
mance of material ceremonies of religious service. No
wer of teaching, nor any authority over the body of the
Aon except in the direction of its religious acts, and dis-
nment of the persons who may be allowed to take part
them, belongs to this priesthood, the idea and practical
3ncy of which is no less universal than that of the greater
i inspired one, having also, in powers of augury from
rifice or flight of birds, a minor and so to speak prophetic
iction. Enoch, Noah, Melchizedek, Job, or Daniel need
"auguries" — but the lower priesthood has constantly
o cular function, though in many cases the oracle is not
ierstood by themselves. The most beautiful and easily
lembered example of its power and of the reverence
en to it by the great nations of antiquity is in the pause
ore the battle of Plataea;^ the great poetical type of it
the Chryses of Horner;^ and observe, all the sorrow of
! Iliad begins in the cruelty and insult done to him by
i?j:amemnon. Apollo sends or stays his arrows at the
yer of Chryses. But the God's own revenge for his
est is in the deathstroke to Patroclus.^ It is especially
be noted that these Hieratic priesthoods are always
^ [Psalms xciii. 5.]
2 [Genesis xli. 45 ; Exodus ii. 16, 21.]
3 [See Vol. IV. p. 329 n.]
* Compare Roadside Songs, Vol. XXXII. p. 119 n.]
« [Iliad, xvi. 788, 789.]
XXXIII. N
194
NOTES FOR **ARA CCELI"
married. And the chief poetical and sacred interest of t\
legends respecting them is not around themselves, but arourj
their children — the daughters of Chryses, Potipherar, ar
Jethro; — the son of Zacharias.^
3. Thirdly, the Pontifical priesthood, uniting the servic,
able Hieratic functions with those of the Earthly Teache
Lawgiver, and Governour, in all things pertaining to tl
Nation's Health, Holiness, and Honour. Not necessari
prophetic or oracular, but dictating constant law, and mai,
taining spiritual discipline, — spiritual especially in that tB
relative guilt of crime is counted by its motive and mea
ing, and the power of pardon or of death remains with t:
judge who looks on the heart.^
" Whose soever sins ye remit, etc.,"^ — of this tremendo;
priesthood having power of Judgment by Fire, — ("the finii^f
pot is for silver, and the furnace for gold, but the Lol
trieth the hearts " ^) the Israelitic types are Elijah and Samu ,
— but in the West the purifying and chastening powers n
associated with the long recognized, actively beneficent al
protective functions of the Roman Pontifex Maximus; al
in the minds of all educated men the two functions of 1e
priesthood, in divine and human service, are symbolized i
their enduring names. Hieratic, from the word origina)^
meaning Strength^ — of the priesthood set apart for e
Service of Heaven, — and the Sun in Heaven, priests >f
the Augur Apollo, and the Christian Sun of Righteo;-
ness ; and Pontifical — Builders of the Bridge from Earth o
Heaven, builders with stones of the brook and wood )f
the forest. Guides of the Way, and Hospitallers of ,ie
Wayfarer. 1
4. The younger reader will do well to learn by heart |ie
^ [Chriseis {Iliad, i.) ; Asenath^ wife of Joseph and mother of Manasseh id
Ephraim (Genesis xlv. 50-52); Zipporah, wife of Moses (Exodus ii. 21); Luke |
^ [1 Samuel xvi. 7 : compare The Lord's Prayer and the Church, Lettei vi.
<Vol. XXXIV.).] J
3 [John XX. 23.] I
♦ [Proverbs xvii. 3: see The Storm-Cloud, § 82 (Vol. XXXIV.).]
^ [According to Curtius, the primitive notion of i^pbz is mighty, as with U (J -iu
vis).] ,
NOTES FOR "ARA C(ELI" 195
itin interpretation of their name, attaching two primary
eas to it : —
''A ponte faciendo, nam ab iis sublicius est pactus primum et resti-
Lis ssepe, cum ideo sacra et uls et cis Tiberim fiant." *
Subhcius — on piles/ the Pontifex making safe what was
ngerous, secure what was uncertain; architect not merely
wall or rock, — -but of foundation, amidst wave, — builder
pier and arch alike.
"Making sacred both sides of Tiber," no more forbidding
ers to flow that they may pass into their own narrow
oly Land; but by bridge or ford now making all Races
own to each other, and all Lands Holy.t
5. "It is impossible to conceive what had been the
afusion, the lawlessness, the chaotic state of the Middle
yes, without the medieeval Papacy; and of the mediseval
pacy the real Father is Gregory the Great" — in whose
rson "Monasticism ascended the Papal Throne."^
I must pause for a moment to give the true sense of
1 3 word Monasticism, which the reader will find explained
length in The Bible of Amiens,^ Monasticism is no
3re essentially Christian than priesthood is ; it means in
e fact of it, refusal to take part in the world's follies and
s, the exercise of strict temperance, and the devotion of
* Adam's Roman Antiquities, p. 265 ; his following abstract of the Ponti-
1 duties and powers cannot be bettered.
I f I need not point out that the Roman arch is the root of all
jristian building; the Roman Eagle, the symbol of all Christian strength
ife shall mount up with wings as Eagles — As an Eagle stirreth up her
I't* — etc. Compare Dante of the Kings of Justice in the eye of the
Tie 5 — in the natural world, the white and yellow Daisies, — especially
Hawkweed (Hieracium).
1 [See below, p. 467 w.]
^ [Milman, History of Latin Christianity^ Book iii. eh. vii. (vol, ii, pp. 101—
H [See above, pp. 101-105.]
i* [Isaiah xl. 31 ; Deuteronomy xxxii. 11.]
^ [See Paradiso, xx. 37-72.]
NOTES FOR "AHA COELI"
the energies of life to useful labour, to charity, and ti
religious imagination. All these three elements are essenti?
to it — monks who do not labour or do not love are merel
sects of madmen, remaining voluntarily in their hospital
and men who labour and love without the exercise of th]
religious imagination remain merely virtuous peasants. A|
good priests are necessarily monks ; there may be an
number of monks who are never priests ; but the priesi
hood, signifying the fulfilment of a definitely sacred offid
for men by the command of God, is no essential part d
the monastic institution.
6. The power of all Christian monasticism is repn
sented perfectly by St. Benedict, that of Christian priesi
hood by St. Gregory, the priest's office being forced upo
him by the choice alike of the Pope and the Roma| ;
nation.
He was born about 540, of senatorial family; his fath( ,
bore the imperial name of Gordian, his mother that ( i
Silvia. Pope Felix II., who had built the church of S j
Cosmo and Damiano close to the temple of Romulus, j
his ancestor in the fourth degree; two sainted virgin! |
Thyrsilla and Silvia, were his aunts. To his noble descerj ,
was added considerable wealth, and all that wealth, tl
moment he became master of it by the death of h
father, was at once devoted to religious uses. He was the
Praetor, thirty-four years old, and having long resisted t\
impulse to contemplative life, lest it should interfere wit ^
his practical usefulness there, he says, " When hitherto i !j
had willed to serve this present world at least in outd ii
seeming, with my might, there began many things to rifl ^
against me out of that care, so that now, it held me n(
in seeming only, but in niind."^ ,
7. The sentence, quoted by Milman only in its obscui J
Latin, needs to be explained as well as translated. l{ -
^ [Milman, History of Latin Christianity, Book iii. ch. vii. (vol. ii. p. 103 n
quoted in Latin from Gregory's Preface to Job.]
NOTES FOR «ARA CCELI" 197
-ve the world in seeming =^ was Sta. Zita's service; it
IS possible to her to pray always, yet wash or bake just
2 same.^ But not possible for a Roman Prastor to do his
)rk, and yet pray without ceasing.^ Praetor's work must
left to lay hands.
He gave his personal goods at once to the poor,t with
1 estates in Sicily, founded six monasteries on that island;
seventh (founded or previously existing?) in Rome, he
3se for his own retreat, monastery dedicated to St.
idrew, Peter's brother.
There he began with the lowest monastic duties. | '*His
ole time was passed in prayer, reading, writing, and die-
ion."^ If he began with the lowest monastic duties,
>st of his time must have been passed more actively,
far as I can gather and conceive the facts out of the
jjifused nonsense of Milman's 432nd page,* the young
link laboured, dreamed, and starved himself nearly to
liith, evincing with that all but mortal effort the hearts
1 imaginations of the brothers round him and of all
the city who heard of him — so that the monastery
St. Andrew became a perpetual scene of preternatural
ader. The English orthodox Divine thinks it becomes
* "In seeming/' not hypocritically, but as it appeared to others — the
id only seeing her active service to it, not in the least knowing she
with her heart in another world.
I* Milman, more eloquently — or at least more loquaciously — Having
;hed on the poor all his costly robes — his silk, his gold, his jewels, his
liture," the historian does not tell us what tlie poor did with his
liture, or how his jewels became them. The word '^lavished," never
ij'l by good writers except of reckless expenditure, expresses the Dean
•ipt. Paul's instinctive sense of the impropriety and folly of the whole
)i!2eeding.
{ Milman: "Not even assuming the abbacy of his convent," imply-
that he had founded this also. But I am yet to learn that in those
is a young lord who founded a convent could assume the abbacy of it
at once.
See "The Ballad of Santa Zita" in Roadside Songs, Vol. XXXII. pp. 18 seq.]
Thessalonians v. 17.]
Milman, History of Latin Christianity, vol. ii. p. 103 (small edition).]
Ruskin's reference is to the octavo edition ; the passages quoted on this
are at vol. ii. pp. 102-104 of the small edition.]
NOTES FOR **ARA COELI"
him to be — in such small cockney manner as he is capah
of — satirical on the state of things that followed: —
"Fugitive monks were seized upon by devils, who confessed their pow
to Gregory; others were favoured with visits of angels summoning th( .
to peace; and one brother, whose whole life, excepting the intervals "
food and sleep, was spent in psalmody, was not merely crowned by '
visible hands with white flowers, but fourteen years after, a fragrance,
of the concentrated sweetness of all flowers, breathed from his tomb. Su
was the poetry of those days." ^
8. The last sentence — equally, and violently, foolish aii. >
false — I must put well out of the reader's way. Whatev
these phenomena were, they were not poetry.^ They mig;
have been insanity, or the reports of them may be foil, |
but they were neither troubadour romances nor Newdigfi
prize poems. Those who told them, believed what they hi
seen, — those who heard them, what they had heard ; arl j
whether sane or insane, some part of the related phenome i
is absolutely true, and may be ascertained to be so '
any one who can bear the trial. And this I know sim||^ ^
because I have been forced myself to bear it not oni
nor twice, and have experienced the two forms of stat ,
quickening of the senses both of sight and hearing, and \i
conditions of spectral vision and audit, which belong >
certain states of brain excitement.
[Here follows in the MS. a passage on Gregory's severe discipline s
abbot, which was used in Roadside Songs (Vol. XXXII. p. 122).]
9. While yet abbot of St. Andrea, Gregory saw 13
angelic Northumbrian slaves exposed for sale. " To be t& ^
first missionary to this beautiful people became the h(l
ambition of Gregory."^ (Why ambition, Mr. Dean? can'U
♦ Farther on, the Dean rightly says of St. Gregory's interpretation 'f %
the book of Job : ^' Of that book as a poem, the most sublime of H
antiquity, he had no conception ; to him it is all pure, unimaginative, -
embellished history" [p. 108].
^ [Milman, History of Latin Christianity, vol. ii. p. 104.]
2 [Compare Pleasures of England j § 47 ; below, p. 449.]
^ [Milr^.an, History of Latin Christianity^ vol. ii. p. 106.]
NOTES FOR "ARA CCELI
199
lan want to help nice people without having any ambition
j)Out it, or notions of himself being first ?) Not ambition,
; r. Dean (and please observe also, good reader, once for
ji, there is no holy form of that feeling), neither in
] oritalembert's prettier phrase, le reve le plus cher de son
iae,"^ but a benevolent resolution rightly founded, and
vsely executed. There are endless repetitions of what
(regory said — unfortunately, no authoritative account of
^lat he instantly did — on seeing the Northumbrians; but
i e tradition is, I doubt not, true, that he redeemed them
- took them to his monastery and entertained them in
le Stranger's house there, where he was in the habit of
1 in self serving the table of the poor.
10. And now I must weave together in some detail
le clues of this history of the conversion of England — it
lay well befit the record of the last Christian Songs of
The Monastery of St. Andrew stood on the site of the
iicient wood and spring of Egeria. Roman Lawt and
* "Redeemed" — i.e., bought and set free; this being entirely legitimate
13 of what Mr. Dean calls the "common property of the Brotherhood/' ^
-and the manner in which their Money did not Perish with them.
•f Montalembert's Catholicism most marvellously blinds him to this half
I history. He thinks with Tacitus* the battles of Boadicea the "initium
] ertatis totius Britanniae" from the "hideuse domination" of Roman
1/: "its unwholesome roots never wound around, stifled, or poisoned the
\;orous shoots of civil, political, and domestic freedom. The same thing
iiy be said of all other similar influences. Neither in the institutions
ir in the monuments of Britain has Imperial Rome left any trace of her
lleous domination."^ And while he gives the feeblest Roman Catholic
lidition as divine gospel, calls in this very passage I am above translat-
the tradition of Numa and Egeria a "roman gracieux." ^
* {Les Moines d' Occident, Book xii. ch. ii. (vol. iii. p. o76).]
2 [The chapter was intended (see above, p. 192) to be read in connexion with
Id Roadside So7igs of Tuscany.']
' [Milman, History of Latin Christianity, p. 105 ; for the Bible reference, see
•ts viii. 20.]
* [See Annals, xii. 34, but Montalembert's quotation is not textual. Ruskin
: iorrectly makes Montalembert apply the words to Boadicea ; they are put by
' citus into the mouth of Caractacus.]
^ [Les Moines d'Occident, Book x. ch. i. (vol. iii. pp. 10, 11).]
" [Ibid., Book xii. ch. i. (vol. iii. p. 351). The grotto in which, according to-
e legend and Juvenal's description (iii. 12), Numa held his secret meetings with
200
NOTES FOR "ARA CGELl"
Christian Kinghood alike begin with the inspiration o
Numa ; ^ and the providential law of the giver of that spirit
keeps the sign of their unity in her native rock and native]
spring. At this day, to the left of the great staircase whicK
conducts to the existing monastery three small building;
detach themselves from the ground of green. On the dooi'
of one we read the words
** Triclinium Pauperum,"
and there is preserved the table where came every day tc
sit the twelve poor whom Gregory supported and servecj
himself. The building opposite is dedicated to the memon
of his mother Silvia, who had followed his example ii
devoting herself to the religious life, and whose portrait h<
had caused to be painted in the porch of his monastery.
Between these, doubtless, is the site, perhaps in doubtfu
vestige, even the remains, of the Oratory first consecratec
by St. Gregory when he left his fathers house. Am
in the church itself is the altar before which he praye(
for England, and consecrated at which, six years after th<
redemption of her captives, he sent to her the Prior of hi
monastery, Augustine.
* Here is a beginning of Christian portraiture I had never though
of, in any of my former notices of that peculiarly English branch c
Art.2
the nymph Egeria, is at the foot of the Caelian Hill, not far from S. Gregori(
The springs still make their way, and beautiful ilexes flourish on the very spc
of the old Sacred Grove : see Lanciani's Pagan and Christian Rome, pp. 293-29
and woodcut. The monastery of St. Andrew was founded by Gregory in hi
paternal house which stood on the slope of the Caelian, facing the palace Cji
the Caesars, on a street named the Clivus Scauri, which corresponds very nearll
to the modern Via dei SS. Giovanni e Paolo. The place, which was governed h
the rule of St. Benedict, became known as the ' Monastery of S. Andrew in th
street of Scaurus.' The typical plan of a Roman palace was not altered; th
atrium, accessible to the clients and guests of the monks, is described as haviu
in the centre 'a wonderful and most salubrious spring,' no doubt the 'spring (
Mercury ' of classical times. It still exists, in a remote and hardly accessibl
corner of tlie garden " (ibid., p. 229). In this garden, to the left of the atriun
are three chapels, erected by Gregory, that on the right dedicated to S. Silvia.]
^ [See above, p. 101.]
2 [See Lectures on Art, § 15 (Vol. XX. p. 31).]
NOTES FOR -ARA C(ELI"
201
11. Six years after, — the delay not of his own will.
Instantly after seeing what manner of men the North-
jimbrians were, the Abbot resolved to be himself their
inissionary; — obtained the Pope's leave (Pelagius II.) and
jet forth. The Roman people rose in grief at the loss of
|iim, obtained revocation of the Pope's edict, — sent mes-
iengers after him, who overtook him at three days' journey
rom Rome and brought him back.
j **And where now," goes on passionately Montalembert,
I' is there the Englishman worthy of the name, who, looking
jrom the Palatine to the Coliseum, can contemplate with-
mt emotion and without remorse the corner of Earth from
khich came to him the faith and the name of Christian,
he Bible of which he is so proud, and the Church of which
le has retained the phantom ? No country has received the
ift of salvation more directly from the Popes and the
-lonks, and none, alas ! has so soon and so cruelly betrayed
hem."^
So cruelly ! Well may the noble Catholic say so. From
he day when, at the word of Augustine, Bertha, and
i^thelbert, ten thousand Saxons were baptized in Medway,
o the murder of Sir Thomas More, the history of the
lind of England is written in her architecture ; that of her
eart has yet to be written. But of all the deliberate and
ispassionate crimes recorded among the contests of nations,
-of all the violations of honour, gratitude, justice, and
aercy, ever committed unanimously by the base — that
1 [Ruskin translates from the French, Les Moines d'Occident, Book xii. ch. i.
■'ol. iii. p. 353). The words of Lanciani {loc. cit., p. 231) may be added : Let
s pause on the top of the staircase (leading up to S. Gregorio), with our faces
owards the Palatine ; there is no more impressive sight in the whole of Rome,
rom the hill beyond us the generals who led the Roman armies to the conquest
f the world took their departure ; from this modest monastery went a handful
f humble missionaries who were to preach the gospel and to bring civilization
ito countries far beyond the boundary line of the Roman Empire. O" their
jiccess in the British Islands we have monumental evidence everywhere in Rome,
lere in the vestibule of this very church is engraved the name of Sir Edward
larne, one of the Commissioners sent by Henry VIII. to obtain the opinion of
loreign universities respecting his divorce from Catherine of Arragon ; and, not far
rom it, that of Robert Peckham, who died in 1567, an exile for his faith, and
ift his substance to the poor."]
202
NOTES FOR "ARA CGELI"
murder, so far as I have knowledge, is the cruellest. And
with the betrayal of Joan of Arc to us by the French, it
is being avenged on both nations to this day. For the
French and English are one, in this history, root and branch
Augustine's mission had been vain but for the already
Christian queen. Bertha, the great granddaughter of St
Clothilde. Then, Saxon Alfred, Plantagenet Black Prince
and Parisian St. Louis mean the History of France anc
England, for that time. Charlemagne means the History
of Europe.
But the close of the Pope's letter to the Queen, writter
on receiving the news of her kindness to his missionaries
ought to be remembered by every French and Englisl
gii4 : " I pray God that the finishing of your work ma}
give as much joy to the angels in Heaven as I owe yoi
already on earth." ^ In this gladness, he chose out anothe
group of missionaries, and sent them to England with al
such treasures as could make the service of the Churcl
stately, but above all with books for the founding of th(
library of Canterbury.^
[Here the MS. breaks off.]
[A NOTE ON MONTALEMBERT
[Ruskin, as will have been seen, used Montalembert a good deal in this chapter
Elsewhere among his papers is a sheet (headed "Araceli — Fair text") containing th'
following appreciation of the author of Les Moines d'Occident. Other reference
to him will be found in The Pleasures of England, §§ 33, 34 (below, pp. 439, 440)
and in a letter of April 2, 1886, on "The Life of St. Patrick," now included ii
Arrows of the Chace (Vol. XXXIV.).]
Montalembert is the most graceful, glowing, and, in affectionate sym
pathy, the most to be trusted of Catholic historians, in his records of Catho]i(
affairs. He loses all rank and usefulness as a general historian, in his in
conceivable hatred of Pagan Rome. He becomes blind and deaf to a poin
incredible in a man of education, the moment he thinks of imperial Rome
The sentence into which he is thus betrayed (vol. iii. p. 11) respecting
British civilization, "Tout ce qui n'cst pas Celtique y est Teutonique," is th{
^ [Les Moines d' Occident, Book xii. ch. ii. (vol. iii. p. 879).]
* [For this reference, see Roadside Songs, Vol. XXXII. pp. 121-122.]
NOTES FOR "ARA CCELI" 203
I
bsurdest, wildest, and blindest I ever found yet in the writings of any
onourable historian. The key to the passionate religious convictions which
ictated it is given in the preceding and following sentences : " Pas plus
ans les institutions que dans les monuments de la Bretagne, Rome
mperiale n'a laisse aucune trace de sa hideuse domination. La langue (!)
t les moeurs lui ont echappe comme les lois. Tout ce qui n'est pas
!eltique y est Teutonique. II etait reserve a Rome catholique, a la Rome
es papes, d'imprimer une ineffaceable empreinte sur cette ile celebre, et
'y revendiquer, pour Timmortelle majeste de I'Evangile, Tinfluence sociale
ui partout ailleurs lui a ete disputee ou derobee par Fheritage fatal de
\ Rome des Cesars." Observe, however, such a furiously false statement
s this can only be fallen into by an honest historian — i.e., one who is not
n his guard because he believes himself teaching invincible truth. A
ishonest one, who is writing either for his own glory or for a cause which
e is retained by worldly interests to defend, does not fall into faults like
liis, but labours his guarded phrases into modified and cunning misrepre-
3ntations — the guiltiest and basest forms of deliberate blasphemy.
VALLE CRUCIS:
STUDIES IN MONASTIC HISTORY AND
ARCHITECTURE
{CHAPTERS FOR THE INTENDED SIXTH PART OF
''OUR FATHERS HAVE TOLD US")
I
CANDIDA CASA
. In the most finished of the poems which Wordsworth
iedicated to the affections, — Lucy Gray,^ — the most descrip-
ive also of the local English character of which his works
re the monument at once, and epitaph, — I would pray any
»f my elder readers cognizant of the grace of literature,
0 consider a little the power of the line in the introduc-
ory stanzas, — "The Minster-Qlook has just struck two," —
>artly to enhance, partly to localize, the aspect of moun-
ain solitude which the rest of the poem is intended to
lescribe; and to associate with it in the readers thought,
mother manner of solitude, no less pathetic, belonging to
nore ancient time.
2. For, suppose that the verse had allowed, and the
)oet used, the word ''Cathedral" instead of Minster?
' Cathedral " is the more musical word of the two, and
lefines no less clearly the relation of the wild moor to the
nhabited plain with its market-city. But the reader of
'ultivated taste would feel in a moment, not only that the
ine itself had lost its total value by the substitution, but
^ [For other references to the poem, see Vol, XXXII. p. 136 n.]
205
206
VALLE CRUCIS
that the purity and force of the entire poem were seriously
impaired.
It would be difficult to exaggerate the force of evidence
given, in this slight trial, of the affection and respect with !
which all remaining traces and memories of the monastic i
life of our country are regarded by the scholarly and i
healthy Enghsh mind : by all educated men, that is to say/ i
whose habits of life and tones of temper have not been i
perverted by avarice, ambition, or sensuality.
3. On the other hand, that most deadly form of alli i
ambition, the religious one, which is the root of schismJ ji
manifests itself most furiously, as most ignorantly, in those' 1
states of temper which are chiefly antagonistic to the
monastic life : while the avarice, which is at once the demon, i
and torture of the modern laic mind, beginning, as of old.
with the pillage of whatever the piety, wisdom, and sorrow
of its ancestors had bequeathed to houses of charity, eon-| %
eludes in a fierceness of steady enmity to the monkish char-| jl
acter and principle — past or present — the like of which has
not, so far as I am acquainted with history, been ever till
now recorded in all the darkest annals of human malice.
4. I have devoted these chapters to showing some pari
of the ground on which English respect for the formei
monks of England, ineradicable by our anger, and inefface-
able by our folly, was originally and for ever founded : but I
must first divide the space of English history which this
section of my book^ includes, into the periods which my
younger readers will find the most clearly limited foi
successive examination.
In doing this, I must introduce reference not to times
only, but to countries, and to distinctions of race, which
require to be held in mind together with the general
chronology; and which force us to break up that chron-
ology into pieces that sometimes overlap one another, and
sometimes leave interstices between one another. Thus, it
^ [Valle CruciSf the sixth part of Our Fathers have Told Us, of which only this
chapter and the next were completed.]
I. CANDIDA CASA
207
quite easy to constitute a broad first period of "British"
c " British Isle " Christianity, from the death of Boadicea,
.D. 61, to the arrival of the Saxons, in 449. But this
^ritish Christianity is itself separated into the three minor
ynasties ; — " English " — that is to say, of the English
)wlands ; British, of the mountain districts of Cornwall,
Tales, and Cumberland ; and lernic^ extending from the
□rth of Ireland across into Scotland and down into
orthumberland. These are three entirely separate well-
eads of the Christian Faith, represented both essentially
nd historically in the persons of St. Alban, King Arthur,
(id St. Columba; and the Saxon invasion terminates the
ow of none, though it presents a new condition of em-
ankment, and new fields for irrigation, to all. I'o outward
ppearance, however, the Lowland religion vanishes under
le Saxon sword : and that of the British mountain border
asses into the spiritual energy of tradition only: while
:iat of Ireland and Scotland rises into the most splendidly
ractical missionary power ; and, so far from being checked
y Saxon barbarism, is at its own culminating height in
lie seventh century!
5. Understanding, by this first example, the impossibility
f bringing our subject within merely chronological limits,
he reader will find it nevertheless convenient to arrange the
tudies belonging to the religion of his own country under
hese following successive heads, and spaces of time : —
(1.) The British period : that of the progress of religious feeling in
England, from the death of Boadicea to the landing of Hengist.
A.D. 61—449.
(2.) The lernic * period : that of the missionary force of Ireland and
Scotland,^ from the birth of St. Patrick to the death of St.
Cuthbert. 372—687.
(3.) The Heptarchy, and gathering of England. 449 — 829.
* I am forced to use the word lernic rather than " Irish," because this
atter word w^ould now imply separation from Scotland, whereas the methods
* [lerne was Strabo's name for Ireland, which he conceived to be to the north
3f Britain (Book i. ch i., etc.).]
' [Compare Pleasures of England, § 28 (below, p. 435).]
1
208
VALLE CRUCIS
(4.) The youth of England and her education by Alfred, Canute, an
the Confessor. 849—1066.
(5.) The training of England, under her French kings, from the battl^
of Hastings to the deposition of the son of the Black PrincJ
1066—1399.
(6.) The Fates of the House of Lancaster. 1399—1461.
Of these dates the young student should commit t<
memory only the cardinals, 61, 449, 1066, 1461, whicl,
bound the three great periods of British, Saxon, am
Norman Christianity ; and he may mass these three period
still more broadly in his mind as extending from the firs
to the fifth century inclusive, from the fifth to the tent)
inclusive, and from the tenth to the fifteenth inclusive
the fifteenth century closing in England, as elsewhere, th
history of Christendorn, — that is to say, of the dominior
of Christ in all matters temporal and spiritual over th
nation's acts and heart.
6. And we shall find this division still more vital aiK
serviceable, as we examine the history of those arts whicl
are the exponents of religion. For during the first of them
the progressive art of England is merely the adoption o
that of Rome, with what refracted influence could througl
her be received from Greece : but between the fifth am
tenth centuries, the school of Saxon art develops itsel
with a freedom of manner and a fulness of meaning whicl
might have led — no one can say how far, unless it hm
been repressed by the Normans.^ Their invasion congeal
the Saxon fluency, condenses their spiritualism, and th.
transitions of style in our religious architecture are thence
forward either in sympathy with the French schools, or, S(
far as independent, become so only by narrowness of aim
as in the development of effect by mere depth of moulding
and grace of archivolt-curve, in Early English Gothic.
of decoration which I call lernic, (because their spring is in Ireland,) ar
developed by St. Columba in Scotland, and carried by St. Columbanus int<
Burgundy, whence crossing the Alps, they receive their final and lovelies
forms at Monte Cassino, in the thirteenth century.
^ [Compare Pleasures of England, § 69 (below, p. 464).]
1. CANDIDA CASA
209
Massing therefore in our minds, so far as we are con-
-ned with the progress of technical design, the entire
ice of time through which, here in our own island,
rjmual skill developed itself under Christian impulses, —
o five centuries of British, five centuries of Saxon, and
e centuries of Norman, art — periods not at all gradated
o each other, nor even much mingling with or mortised
o each other, but each of them outlined with heraldic
icision, — we note within them, in the order above given,
3 vital conditions of advance.
7. (1) The British Period:^ the beginning, that is to
% of the influence of Christianity in the island of Britain.
which there are of course two stages — first, the fall of
uid faith before the classic gods of the Romans — the
xods " of Lear and Cymbeline ; and secondly, the diffu-
n amidst Roman law and civil luxury, of the fresh and
ent faith in Christ.
These two states of the national mind have been,
ange to say, of all that England has passed through,
ist fruitful and enduring among us at this day. The
ition of literature and art to the religion of the Saxon
> passed altogether from our own, — the red cross of
»rman devotion is on the English knight's breast only
order of merit, and has been effaced utterly from the
nidonal coin, while the proud legend of the Protestant
nj>narchy, "FID. DEF." — shortened already to its initials,^
i.'liikely soon also to disappear. But the natural virtue of
Cjrdelia and Imogen remains still the standard of honour
tl British maid and wife,^ and the Christianity of Arthur
i} still the inspiration of our noblest British song.*
[The rest of tliis chapter is devoted to this period; the Saxon (2) and the
N*man (8) periods were to have heen dealt with in subsequent portions of Owr
1 1 hers have Told Vs.]
^ [Compare Ruskin's remarks on the coins of Elizabeth in the catalogue of the
S fiield Museum (Vol. XXX. p. 277). See also, below, p. 367- It may be noted that
0 the coinage of Edward VII. "Fid. Def." has been further shortened to "F.D."]
!^ [See, again^ below, p. 441 ; and on the ideals of Cordelia and Imogen^,
l\serpma, Vol. XXV. pp. 416, 418.]
* [For another reference to the "Morte d' Arthur," see below, p. 271 ; and
mentions of the legends of Arthur, pp. 441, 462.]
XXXIII, o
210
VALLE CRUCIS
8. One of the most singular proofs of the energy c
this early British religion, is the force and the precisio!
of its heresy. It is absolutely necessary, amidst the endlej,
petty confusions of doctrinal dispute, that the careful reade
of Church history should know the vital from the verkj
questions, and the practical heresies from the speculative.^
Disputes concerning the nature of God are in their natuii
endless ; but those concerning the duty of man may bl
settled by reason and experience.
The essentially British heresy, the Pelagian — that me
can save themselves by the exertion of their own will, ani
do not need the calling or grace of God — is also the essei!
tially practical one — an extremely healthy heresy, to m
thinking, and one half of it quite true; for indeed the wi
of a man to do his best is like the staunchness of mas
and trim of sail in a good ship, without which the rudd<!
is of no avail; — but the other half of the wisest men
creed in this matter, that "it is God that worketh in u
both to will and to do, of His good pleasure,"^ is til
essentially Christian half ; — and as such, fought for by tl|
French orthodox bishops, against the strong, saucy, ai]|
plausible British heresy, in a most impatient and diligei
manner.
9. And as the vigour of our heresy, so also was tl
vigour of our work. This first phase of British histoi
is, of course, exactly co-existent with the duration of tl
Roman Empire ; and in the importance of its civil progre
there has been nothing since to compare with it. Undl
the protection of the Romans, ninety-two considerab
* All heresies which have widely and enduringly divided the Chur
may be wisely and usefully massed under three heads : —
On the nature of Man, Pelagian, v/ith antagonist St. Augustine.
On the nature of Goa, Arian, with antagonist St. Athanase.^ \
On the nature of Duty, Lutheran, with antagonists St. Peter and i:
James. " \
^ [Philippiaris ii. VS.]
[On the Pelagian and Arian heresies, see further, below, p. 428 ; and J
other references to the former, see Fors Ciavigera, Letter 96 (Vol. XXIX. p. 51
and below, p. 226.]
I. CANDIDA CASA
211
•wns had arisen in the several parts of England, and
nong these
hirty-three cities were distinguished by their superior privileges and im-
rtance. Each of these cities, as in all the other provinces of the empire,
"jned a legal corporation for the purpose of regulating their domestic policy,
■ d the powers of municipal government were distributed among annual
: igistrates, a select senate, and the assembly of the people, according to the
I ginal model of the Roman constitution. The habits of public counsel and
I airaand were inherent in these petty republics, and the episcopal synods
Tre the only councils that could pretend (as distinguished from them) to
\\i weight and authority of a national assembly. In such councils, when
i 3 princes and magistrates sat promiscuously with the bishops, the im-
|irtant affairs of the State as well as of the Church might be freely debated,
'd there is reason to believe that in moments of extreme danger a Pen-
gon or Dictator was elected by the general consent of the Britons."*
j 10. To my own mind, this form of " British constitution "
I sms extremely preferable to some of our more recent ideals
much more, to their realizations; but it is a most material
iiestion to determine how far it was an artificial and im-
essed form only ; and how far a natural and crystalline one.
I have above given the date of the death of Boadicea
r the beginning of the British Christian period, because
e temper, which under that Queen had displayed itself
i the torture of the most beautiful and high-born ladies
1 Rome, is by her death brought finally under the tem-
I )ral and spiritual power of Rome : temporal instantly, by
gricola — spiritual gradually, by missionary and captain alike,
i)wn to Constantius. Moulded by these Roman influences
what she was at the fall of the empire, she remained and
mains in some measure the same, even through Saxon
jid Norman days, to our own — so far as this Roman law
in her heart, and Roman pride in her nature.
11. Taking then the death of "Lioness Boadicea,"
D. 61, for the beginning of Christendom in England, I
tail take the words of the reputed earliest English his-
>rian, Gildas, for the first of our English history.
Prefatorily, be this much said of Gildas himself, — that
* Gibbon [ch. xxxi.], vol. v. pp. 349-352, with omission of irrelevant
itter.
212
VALLE CRUCIS
nothing is known of him, and all that is said, contradicteci
instantly; but that his book exists, undeniable, substantial!
and pleasantly readable, — altogether good, right, and modesi
in temper, ingenious and graceful in thought, quoting no
thing but the Bible, and to be received as one among th(
sacredest of writings founded on the Bible.
Of which book the author himself says, that " in zeal fo
the house of God and for His holy law, constrained aliki
by the reasonings of my own thoughts and the entreatiej
of my brethren, I now discharge the debt so long exactec
of me, humble indeed in style, but faithful, as I think
and friendly to all Christ's youthful soldiers."
The title of the first translation is as follows : —
"The Epistle of Gildas, the most ancient British author, who flourished i
the year of our Lord 546, and who by his great erudition, sanctity, an
wisdom, acquired the name of Sapiens, the wise."
12. Of which let us take, for outset of instruction, thi
following description of the Island of Britain, poised iij
the divine balance which supports the whole world": —
" It is famous for eight-and-twenty cities, and is embelhshed by certai
castles, with walls, towers, well-barred gates, and houses with threatenin
battlements built on high, and provided with all requisite instruments (
defence. Its plains are spacious, its hills are pleasantly situated, adapte
for superior tillage, and its mountains are admirably calculated for the alte
nate pasturage of cattle, where flowers of various colours, trodden by th
feet of man, give it the appearance of a lovely picture. It is deckec
like a man's chosen bride, with divers jewels, with lucid fountains, an
abundant brooks wandering over the snow-white sands ; with transparei
rivers, flowing in gentle murmurs, and offering a sweet pledge of slumbfj
to those who recline upon their banks, whilst it is irrigated by abundar
lakes, which pour forth cool torrents of refreshing water.
This island, stiffs-necked and stubborn-minded from the time of i
being first inhabited, ungratefully rebels, sometimes against God, sometim(
against her own citizens, and frequently, also, against foreign kings an
their subjects."
* London, 12mo, l638. I use throughout Mr. Giles's translation, Bohi
1841, which, with the series of which it forms a part, should be in evei
student's library. ^
^ [Bohns Antiquarian Library. The particular volume quoted here by lluski
is entitled Sioc Old English Chronicles . . . edited by J. A. Giles, D.C.L. Ruski
quotes from pp. vii., 299-300.]
I. CANDIDA CASA
213
Under this impression of our national character, (not
];ely, it seems to me, to have been less distinct had Gildas
l ed in these days,) the historian gradually saddens to
jirerer thoughts of the land itself, and advising us, a few
satences further on, that, after Boadicea's defeat, it was no
liger thought to be Britain, but a Roman island, and all
i money, whether of copper, gold, or silver, was stamped
Uh Caesar's image, tells of its dawn of Christian faith in
iese terms: —
" Meanwhile these islands, stiff with cold and frost, and in a distant
il^ion of the world, remote from the visible sun, received the beams of
I ht, that is, the holy precepts of Christ, — who is the true Sun, and who
5 )ws to the whole world His splendour, not only from the temporal firma-
I nt, but from the height of heaven, which surpasses every thing temporal,
- it the latter part, as we know, of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, by whom
] s religion was propagated without impediment, and death threatened to
i jse who interfered with its professors." ^
Meaning by Tiberius, doubtless, the first Claudius, by
^iiom a Koman colony was founded at Camelodunum in
.D. 43, just before Boadicea's revolt; between which time
j d A.D. 61 I note only, among the many persons reported
1 tradition to have brought Christianity to England, two,
( whose existence, and the place and manner of it, there
i no doubt.
The first, the beautiful British lady, Claudia, the wife
( Pudens, and St. Paul's friend (2 Tim. iv. 21), celebrated
] ' Martial for her beauty and wit ; the second, Pomponia
< rascina, the wife of the first governor of the Roman pro-
nce formed by Claudius in South Britain. I give Henry's
anslation of Tacitus' account of her, with his following
l^mment : —
"'Pomponia Graecina, an illustrious lady, married to Plautius, who w^as
noured with an ovation or lesser triumph for his victories in Britain,
IS accused of having embraced a strange and foreign superstition ; and
* Henry, i. 126; whose suggestion respecting Pomponia is in the pre-
ding page.2
^ [Gildas (as quoted above), § 7, p. 302.]
^ [Robert Henry's Histoi'y of Great Britain, 1771. The passages in Martial are
13, and xi. 53.]
214
VALLE CRUCIS
her trial for that crime was committed to her husband. He, accordin
to ancient law and custom, convened her whole family and relations, an^
having, in their presence, tried her for her life and fame, pronounced he
innocent of anything immoral. Pomponia lived many years after this tria
but always led a gloomy, melancholy kind of life.' ^
" It is highly probable that the strange superstition of which Pomponil
was accused, was Christianity; for the Roman writers of these times knev
very little of that religion, and always speak of it in such slight cor
temptuous terms. The great innocence of her manners, and the kind {
life which she had led after her trial, render this still more probabh
Now, if this illustrious lady was really a Christian,^ and accompanied he
husband during his residence in Britain, from a.d. 43 to a.d. 47, sh
might be one of the first who brought the knowledge of Christ into thil
island, and might engage some of the first preachers of the Gospel b
come into it in this very early period."
Without pressing this conjecture too far, still less th
tradition that St. Paul himself before his death visited hot]
Britain and Spain — of which there is considerable evidence
and no disproof^ — this at least is sure, that the continual!]
increasing intercourse between Rome and Britain must hav
brought with it manifold seeds of Christianity, and **as th
conquest of South Britain was completed by the Roman
before the end of the first century, we have reason t<
think that the name and rehgion of Christ were known, ii
some degree, in almost every corner of that country, abou
the beginning of the second."^
From that time forward, we have two separate current
of formative energy in the British people — a certain numbe
of little known Christian persons, increasing unawares, an(
dimly influencing those near them ; while the mass of th<
nation was learning what it could of the Gods, the laws
and, as aforesaid, the proud mind, of Rome.
13. How far in the future the noble pride of Rome dit
remain for her bequest to Britain, can best be judged b}
Shakespeare's perfect rendering of the character of Corio
lanus, and his easy and infallible sympathy with even
^ [Annals, xiii. 82.]
^ [An hypothesis which is rendered almost certain by the discovery of th*
mime Poniponius Grsecinus in the cemetery of Callixtus : see Lanciani's Pagan am
Christian Rome, 1892, p. 9.]
' [See on the subject Henry's History of Great Britain, vol. i. pp. 129-181.]
* [Henry (as quoted above), vol. i. p. 135.]
I
I. CANDIDA CASA
215
ntive of heroism, and majesty of race, by which Rome
I d lived, and in the forfeiture of which she fell. The
Iree tragedies of Coriolanus, Ceesar, and Antony, are all
] sed on the excess, or defeat, of pride : Coriolanus showing
l>w it changes into selfishness, — Csesar, how it passes into
iipiety, (all the insolence of succeeding emperors gathered
ito the words by which he pronounces his own death, —
"I do know but one.
That unassailable holds on his rank,
Unshamed of motion ; and that I am he," —
ad Antony, the disgrace of it by lower passion. But with
1 e gentleness by which this pride was tempered in the
^acious emperors who redeemed the state in the third
• ntury, and made Rome capable of becoming the centre
<j Christianity, Shakespeare himself had little sympathy;
ad the reader of mere history has no chance of compre-
jinding it, under the mass of horror which alone attracts
le vulgar historian.
14. Of these gracious emperors, the first, Claudius the
acian,"^ best exhibits the new virtue of Justice in pity
stead of anger, whose ensign of the Cross was so soon to
se above the Eagles. On his accession,
m aged woman threw herself at his feet, and complained that a general
the late emperor had obtained an arbitrary grant of her patrimony,
lis general was Claudius himself, who had not entirely escaped the con-
gion of the times. The emperor blushed at the reproach, but deserved
e confidence which she had reposed in his equity. The confession of
s fault was accompanied with immediate and ample restitution."
nd at the very same instant, we find in the prayer of
le people for the punishment of Gallienus after death,
terram matrem deosque inferos precaretur sedes impias uti
rallieno darent,"^ the beginning of the deeper sense of
iexpiable guilt which culminates in the days of Dante.
* Reigned from March 268 to March 270 : Gibbon [ch. xi.], ii. 8 et seq.
^ [Julius C(Bsar, Act iii. sc. 1.]
^ [Quoted by Milman in a note on Gibbon, ch. xi. vol. ii. p. 7.]
216
VALLE CRUCIS
But the reflection of this first act of Claudius, in th(
justice of Trajan to the widow, was accepted both b]]
Dante ^ and the Senate of Venice, as the type of endurinf
Roman virtue ; though in the sermon-sculpture of the Duca
Palace,^ all is taught by the memory of the good; anc
there is no word of the death of the wicked.
15. Claudius died in his native district of Sirmium,
(where also the father of Aurelian was a peasant leaseholde]
of a small farm) : Gothic Claudius, he is called, according
to historians,* for his Gothic victories, — but, remember, he i
also of Gothic race, and to us in England of most enduring
interest, because his grand-nephew, Constantius, invading u;
from Boulogne, ends the last effort of Britain for her islam
independence, and founds, at York, the undivided empin
of Constantine over the Western and Eastern world.
16. He founds it in his gentleness. While yet the vice
gerent of Diocletian, **his mild and humane temper wai
averse from the oppression of any part of his subjects
The principal offices of his palace were filled by Christians
he loved their persons, esteemed their fidelity, and enter
tained not any dislike to their religious principles."* T
was not, indeed, in his power openly to reject the edict;
of Diocletian, or to disobey the commands of Maximian
His authority contributed, however, to alleviate the suffer
ings which he pitied and abhorred: —
" He consented with reluctance to the ruin of the churches ; but Ik
ventured to protect the Christians themselves from the fury of the populace
and from the rigour of the laws. The provinces of Gaul were indebtec
for the singular tranquillity which they enjoyed to the gentle interposi
tion of their sovereign. The elevation of Constantius to the supreme anc
independent dignity of Augustus, gave a free scope to the exercise of hi^
virtues, and the shortness of his reign did not prevent him from establish
ing a system of toleration, of which he left the precept and the exampk
* Gibbon [ch. xvi.], ii. 481 et seq.
1 [See Purgatorio^ x. 73 seq., and Faradiso, xx. 44-47, 106-117.] i
2 [On one of the capitals : see Stones of Venice, vol. ii. (Vol. X. p. 889).]
^ [On the importance of the great citv of Sirmium, on the Save, as one of the
outer bulwarks of Italy, see Hodgkin's Theodoric, pp. 211-213. The ruins of the
city may still be seen about eighty miles west of Belgrade.]
* [See Gibbon, ch. x'. ; vol. ii. p. 11.]
L CANDIDA CASA
217
his son Constantine. His fortunate son, from the first moment of his
cession, declaring himself the protector of the Church, at length deserved
e appellation of the first emperor who publicly professed and established
e Christian religion." ^
17. Now, (a.d. 306) — the moment we hear of the crown-
g of Constantine, we all of us rush over instantly to
aly, and the Hellespont, and think not a whit more of
d Britain and the way she was constructing herself, under
le new dispensation. From 806 to the Saxon invasion, 449,
lere are, however, one hundred and forty-three years, con-
ming the religious progress of which, I must leave the
ader to gather what he can find from other sources ;
having only room here to take note of an extremely
; omentous practical event which takes place in them, — ^the
unding, namely, of the British Navy.
18. Which, it is well that the British boy-reader should
! made clearly, however reluctantly, aware, that we owe
itirely to the French, Dutch, and Germans; and, but for
em, for aught we know, might have been to this day
3setting ourselves in wicker coracles ; — a sorrowful remnant
' which ancestral habit is visible in our two great British
< stinctive naval performances — the loss of the Royal Geor^ge,
A the Captain,^ No other nation is recorded in history
. having sunk a ship of the line while it was being
tinted in the harbour, or sent one to sea which would
irn bottom upwards in the first squall that struck it.^
* The subjoined letter from Mr. Robert Leslie may be depended upon
the reader in its corroboration of the statements in the text which
!ght otherwise be laid to the account of my love of paradox : ^ —
"6 MoiRA Place, Southampton,
"Shrove Tuesday ^ 1885.
"Dear Mr. Ruskin, — I am afraid you much overvalue anything I can
11 you about boats at any time, while I think no one knows much about
em when the Celts went to sea in skin boats, as the Esquimaux do
>w. I believe the Irish fishermen had boats of this sort until quite
cently, and went far away long-line fishing in them.
"There may have been coracles and coracles, for we know that the
^ [Gibbon, ch. xvi. ; vol. ii. pp. 481-482.]
* [For other references to the loss of the Captain, see below, p. 508.]
* [See Vol. XXII. p. 349, and the note there.]
218
VALLE CRUCIS
19. The beginners of all our rule of the waves in every
thing, then, wonderful to say, are the French. In the]
middle of the third century — 256 — Gaul had to be deliverec'
from the Rhine-swimming and Maes-jumping Franks,^ bj
Madras surf boats are nothing but great coracles. And again, there i?
the strange fact, that so late as the time of Columbus, the North Americai
Indian had not advanced beyond the birch-bark canoe or his dug-out ii
naval architecture. The English fishermen have always been noted beach
men, and have always used the clench, or overlapping plank, rivetet
together for their boats. (I have said something about this on page .3
in the scrap-book.^) The Norway people also seem to have built in thi
way mostly. 1 have myself seen a fisherman (professional) in a coracl
upon the Dee in Wales.
''On the other hand, I think that in the South and South-east of Eng
land, shipbuilding was carried on by settlers from France or Denmark fror
very early times indeed.
"Round here, at such little places as Bursledon, Beaulieu, Lymingtor
etc , there were great ships built for the navy : this I know from a lis
of them ffiven in Charnock's Naval Architecture.'^ '
I believe you cannot lay too much stress upon the fact that all nav£
progress came to us first from France.
" I don't quite like the name of the poor old Royal George, couple
with that ridiculous arrangement of iron and air cells, the Captain. Yo
will find in my book* a scrap bearing upon this subject, written i
1883, which may interest you. Still you are right in the main (as yo
always are), about the Royal George, for our old English liners were a
that time very kettle-bottomed, and did not compare well with the Frcnc
models of the same period."
^ [See Bible of Amiens, ch. ii. ^5 (30 (above, p. 70).]
^ [This must have been a book of AIS. extracts, drawings, newspaper cutting
etc., from which material Mr. Leslie, encouraged by Ruskin, afterwards compile
the book mentioned below. The "compared sails" spoken of in Ruskin's lettc
are given in the early chapters of the book.]
3 [See vol. iii. pp. 258 seq. of John Charnock's History of Marine Architecture, 1802
* [Old Sea Wings, Ways and Words in the days of Oak and Hemp — a boo
published in 1890. ^^The Boyal George," says Mr. Leslie, launched at Woolwic
in 1756, as we all know, was capsized and sunk at her anchorage, Spithead, whi]
heeled over to repair an old worn-out sea-water tap in her bottom. In speakin
of the fate of this fine old ship, it is always said that it was due to a sudde
squall. But from a circumstantial narrative of the disaster by a survivor, publishe
in 1834 in the Penny Magazine, it seems that her loss was really owing to th
obstinacy, or worse, of a lieutenant of the watch," etc. (pp. 156, 157)- In tl^
Preface Mr. Leslie gives the following letter from Ruskin : —
^'December 1884.
''My dear Leslie, — I never saw anything half so delightful or usefi
as these compared sails so easily explained. Do set yourself at this wit
all your mind and time on this plan. It will be the most refreshing thin
to me to take it up with you I could possibly have.
"Ever your grateful
"J. Ruskin."]
I. CANDIDA CASA
219
lat Posthumus, whom Shakespeare, contrary to his wont,
IS made an incredible Briton of in Cymbeline ;^ the real
osthumus being the saviour o£ Gaul, not England, from
le spluttering and spray of the Franks, which for twelve
;ars, unchecked, had kept the whole of Gaul in hot water,
-splashed over even into Spain — and, at last, "when that
:hausted country no longer supplied a variety of plunder,"
variety of entertainment, to the Prankish mind, they
iiized on some vessels in the ports of Spain and transported
iemselves over into Mauritania! (G. i. 437).^^ What
icame of this first Frank expedition to Algeria one does
)t hear ; f but it is evermore to be remembered as the
ginning of the grand naval thieving expeditions in which
ir Gothic sailors were bred, consummating themselves in
r Francis Drake, and his Sunday morning arrival. (Fors,
etter 14.')
20. This first French naval excursion was, you see, ex-
iisitely and typically piratical; for they stole even the
ips they sailed in! But the next nautical adventure is
erman-Gothic, and prepared with every appliance of native
iilders' art.
Already, even in the tempestuous northern belt, and
ijider the feet of its fiercest soldiery, had grown up, like
e wood-sorrel beneath its pines, the gradually softened
d informed classes of the husbandman and craftsman.
* The reader will have no occasion to refer to Gibbon — unless he like,
or suspect me of unfair quotation, — in which case he will find that my
merals refer to volume and page of Milman's edition (Murray, 1838).
hat I think it necessary should be read, I shall quote in full, so that I
ill not give references to any other edition than that I use.
f From Gibbon, at least, who leaves them stranded in Morocco, and
3ses on to the Suevi, whom he makes an extremely early sprout of
xons — then Semnones. The inextricable notes of his tenth chapter are,
appose, now superseded, or I would have cut some way through them.
For another reference to Shakespeare's Posthumus, see Vol. XXV. p. 418.]
Chapter x.]
"Master Francis Drake, setting out in his little Paschal Lamb to seek his
tune on the Spanish seas, and coming home, on that happy Sunday morning,
the unspeakable delight of the Cornish congregation ; " the reference being to
Jassage quoted in Letter 13 : see Vol. XXVII. pp. 238, 244.]
220
VALLE CRUCIS
The class concerned with tillage is of comparatively littk
importance among Huns, Teutons, or Goths : but thd
craftsmen, never spoken of by historians any more than th(
peasantry, must very early have been of great and gaining
influence, — and thus, in a.d. 269, w^e are told by Gibbonj
in his politely alternative and safely dubious form of state
ment, that *'The various nations who fought under th(
Gothic standard constructed on the banks of the Dnieste;
a fleet of two thousand, or even of six thousand, vessek, irj
order to transport a pretended army of three hundred am
twenty thousand barbarians" (ii. 9, 10)/
The student is expected, within the limits thus suggested
to determine for himself how many vessels there probabb
were, and to what force the pretended army is to be re
duced, (surely the odd twenty thousand of imaginary troop
might have been thrown out, or another eighty thousam
thrown in, for the sake of round numbers ?) Beyond a fev
vague hints in chap. xxv. Gibbon does not tell us what ;
Gothic ship was like, or how many of the crew could fight
and under what sort of compulsion the rest rowed.^ Le
us get, however, at what stable, however few, realities o
the old earth and sea we may glean out of the alter
natives and dubieties thus proposed to us.
21. In the first place, for leaders, and types in characte
of " various nations who fought under the Gothic standard,
we need not hesitate to take the tribe afterwards calle(
" Saxons " ; for there is no rational doubt that the prim
plotters in the business were the Cimbri of Tacitus, — ^th
unconquerable German power, — potius triumphata quan
^ [Chapter xi.] ^
["As to the circumstances under which the rowers rowed, ahout which M;
Ruskin asks, we gather that they were free men, as in the triremes of the Peloponnesia
war ; not slaves, as in moderc galleys. Somewhat later, indeed, but in ships simih
in size to the Nydam boat, for every rower there was also one man to protect hin
and one more to do the fighting. Among a race of athletes, rowing was not looke
upon as servile. Of "gentle shipmates" and "girls they left behind them," v
have plenty of legends in the Sagas. Their arts, by now, are much better know
than they were a generation back ; and what is known fully justifies Mr. Ruskin
belief that they muse have had fine craftsmen and decorators among them, eve
at the early period of which he writes." (Note by W. G. CoUingwood in Veron
and other Lectures.)]
1
!
I. CANDIDA CASA
221
^ cta," ^ which held the root of the Danish Peninsula, and
1ok its enduring name afterwards from a single tribe in
1e midst of it. So much of claim in these, and pride
j their first recorded seafaring, we have, as in our veins
( Saxon blood.
22. Next, look back to p. 91 of The Bible of Amiens
jr account of the two moat rivers of Europe — Vistula and
Dniester. These Saxons, you will then perceive, not yet
] lowing what they are about, will circumnavigate Europe
] oper as one island. The exploring Saxons float themselves
1) Vistula, — inquire what water-carriage may be, among
i e farther hills ; and hear good report of Dniester flowing
( actly counter to Vistula, and as nearly as may be of the
;me length. In weight of waters, however, and knowable
( pth of constant channel, the Vistula is much the nobler
5!;eam; the Dniester is for most of its course shifty and
! allow, ending in mere lagoon ; so that the tall and bony
Imdreds of thousands have to float themselves down it
i, assuredly, some flat-bottomed type of barge, in which,
] :vertheless, they fearlessly betake themselves to the Black
l;a, coast it down to the Bosphorus, — run through that,
j.d the Dardanelles, — and then divide themselves for dis-
( very, southward and westward, of what may be curious
( profitable. Part of them, the boldest, down the ^gean
i Cyprus, where one does not hear what happens to them ;
i e greater part more cautious, by coast of Thrace to
. thos, where they take to land again, and straggle about,
loublesome to the good people of Thrace till they fall in
iith the Emperor Claudius, who beats them home over the
< irpathians.
23. But think what all this, on the least conceivable
!ale, involves necessarily of craftsmanship, seamanship,
• ptainship, clerkship of a kind, and commissariat. These
lit-bottomed floats could not have been mere logs lashed
i gether ! I believe our own Thames barges are not afraid
<" a breeze at the Nore, but the Black Sea and J^gean
^ [Tacitus, Germania, 37 : Germani . . . triiinipliati magis quam victi sunt,]
222
VALLE CRUCIS
are wilder-waved than the brackish tides by Sheppey anc
Rochester; and there must have been good squaring anc
fitting of timber in that coasting fleet. The ship- or ever
stout boat-builder is one of the highest of craftsmen. Meta
working and forging must have been on no inconsiderable
scale also; sail-making, and cordage, and all associated spin
nings and weavings. Of decoration, and inspiring sounds—
what art ? no one tells us, — some, certainly, pict ^ or em
broidered, blown on pipes or dubbed upon drums. 0
Song, or kindly mutual cheer and Yo Heave-oh, whai
topics — what measures ? Camp followers or camp com
panions, or gentle shipmates, any? if not, in what tempe
of expectation, what comfort of household circumstance
the girls they left behind them ? It is all less and les
conceivable the more we try to conceive — the purple anc
black sails of Odysseus, — of Jason, — of Theseus, infinite!}
clearer on the horizon than these. But all this did in som<
solid manner actually happen, with many consequences fo
us ; though what record there is of it in any credibL
tradition preserved in writing might, I suppose, be put ii
small compass by an exact scholar; — is there any exac
one at leisure to do it for us, ready for supplementar;
and revisional notes if ever we get to the end of ou
text ? 2
24. This much, or little, then, — date no matter, facts oi
indeterminable scale, but true as lightning, and ominous o
all storm to come, — is the first you hear of the Northmen
1 [This use of pict (for the old English picted) in the sense of painted seem
peculiar to this one passage of Ruskin. For the word pictus as connected wit
piece, see Vol. XXV. p. 153.]
2 ["In speaking of the origin of the navy the Author inquires for informatio:
about barbarian shipping in the third century a.d. A better answer than any literar
records will be found in archaeological discoveries, and especially in the Nydar
boat, which is exactly one of the Saxon ships in question. As it is fully describe'
and illustrated in Du Chaillu's Viking Age (vol. i. pp. 219-284), a work at preseii
generally accessible, there is no need to enter into detail here. The reader migh
also look at engravings of ships in the chapter on sculptured stones, vol. ii. pp. 116
134 ; and the bronze models of boats, vol. i. p. 105,— as specimens of earlier vessel
The later shipping is fully illustrated in vol. ii. pp. 136-234. It is not agrees
how much use was made of sails in the third century ; but in the Viking Age, vol.
p. 107, there are indications of sails in engravings on knives of the bronze period-
much earlier." (Note by W. G. CoUingwood in Verona and other Lectures.)]
I. CANDIDA CASA
223
1 1 the Greek seas. Eight years afterwards, follow again
e Franks.
I When the Emperor Probus delivered Gaul from the
ranks, Burgundians, and black-painted Lygii, in 277, he
ts a price on the heads of the Lygii, and makes the
urgundians buy peace with the surrender of spoil. But
ough he drives the Franks " back into their morasses "
r. ii. 74^) in Holland, he feels them so strong, and finds
iem so trustworthy, that he establishes a colony of them
1 the Black Sea, to hold for Borne against the Goths
ijllani, G. ii. 82). The Franks do what they undertook to
ij); but finding it not lively work enough to keep the
llani in check, get hold of some (Gibbon does not say
lose, but I suppose E<oman) war ships stationed in a
axine harbour, and set off on an independent cruise.
I 25. I now — with the always necessary queries — must trust
yself to Gibbonian eloquence. "They resolved, through
iknown seas, to explore their way from the mouth of
le Phasis to that of the Bhine. They easily escaped"
rom whose pursuit?) "through the Bosphorus and Helles-
)nt, and, cruising along the Mediterranean, indulged their
i)petite for revenge" (but who had offended them then?)
iind plunder" (but maintaining always of course the honour-
ijile name of Freemen), " by frequent descents on the un-
! specting shores of Asia, Greece, and Africa. The opulent
ty of Syracuse, in whose port the navies of Athens and
arthage had formerly been sunk, was sacked by a hand-
II of barbarians who massacred the greatest part of the
ambling inhabitants."^ This is a sublime antithesis; but if,
I stead of the highly imaginative epithet "trembling," the
Istorian had only told us how many of these unwarlike
habitants there were, or what he means by a "handful"
■ Franks, he would have deserved more thanks, if less
* The three memorable dates are, 256, Franks in Morocco; 269,
□rthmen at Cyprus; 277, Franks from Phasis to Rhine.
^ [Chapter xii.]
2 [Ch. xii. ; vol. ii. p. 82.]
224 VALLE CRUCIS ,
admiration. *'From the island of Sicily, the Franks pro-
ceeded to the columns of Hercules, trusted themselves
to the ocean, coasted round Spain and Gaul, and steer-
ing their triumphant course through the British Channel"
(Britannia at present nowhere, you observe), "at length
finished their surprising voyage by landing in safety on the
Batavian or Frisian shores/'^
26. In plain English, I suppose the facts were that the
Black Sea colony grew tired of fighting for Probus, and,
fearing that they could not make their way by land, seized
some Roman ships and robbed their living round by sea,—
a splendid piece of early seamanship,^ and more necessary
piracy and massacre than our own descents or ascents
against CafFres and Afghans,^ for their poor properties tc
help out our wretchedness in London. But at all events
this is the beginning both of the French and British Navies
For, once knowing their way, the Rhenish Franks begar
to make a regular business of naval excursions through th(
straits of Dover and along the coast of France for whatevej
they could pick up. To check these piracies, the emperoi
(Probus ? t) established a Roman fieet in the straits, having
its harbour at Boulogne, and commanded by an admira
from the Low Countries — Carausius, — who, being a man o
strong sense and courage, gradually becomes the felt anc
acknowledged Master as well as admiral of the Romai
* Of this expedition, Mr. Sharon Turner observes, with the tranqui
wisdom pecuUar to the modern British historian, that "its novelty am
improbability secured its success" (i., p. 142).^
t Gibbon does not give the name, but the revolt of Carausius bein;
in 287, it is not too much to allow at the least five years for th
previous consolidation of his force, and the accumulation of wealth whici
caused Maximian to give orders for his death, and so compel him t
rebellion, or at least, assertion of independent power, afterwards ratifie*
by Diocletian. Now Probus was assassinated in 282, so that we ca
scarcely be wrong in attributing to him the appointment of Carausiuj
and the consequent establishing of Boulogne as the chief Gallic navs
1 [Ch. xii. ; vol. ii. pp. 82-83.] i
2 [For other references in the same sense to Native wars in South Africa, se
Vol. XI. p. 201, Vol. XVII. p. 219 n., Vol. XXV. p. 180, and Vol. XXVII. p. 12 ; t
Afghan wars, Vol. XXV. p. 452, Vol. XXIX. p. 889, and Fiction, Fair and Foul, § 58
^ [Sharon Turner, History of England, vol. i. (Anglo-Saxons).]
I
I. CANDIDA CASA 225
et — enriches his sailors with the confiscated spoils of the
-ate Franks ; then, feeling himself strong enough, lands
Dover, wins over the Roman Legions in England, and
aclaims himself the Roman Emperor of England.^
27. This beginning of our worldly prosperity, at sea,
en, is owing to the Franks ; not to Rome at all. But
; r Christianity and our civic prosperity from 306 to 409
i altogether owing to Rome, and under the authority of
! )me; only reflecting back to her our own fresh spirit-
wer.
Think of it ! Constantine was crowned at York in
:6. His mother, an innkeeper's daughter by the shore of
I sUespont : ^ his father, a Dacian mountaineer : he himself
irn in the very midst of Northern Macedon — the race of
3 Danube and the Scamander mixed, — the "come over
j:o Macedonia and help us " ^ brought now over into Britain
jieed; and, from this piece of British plain, carried back
I Byzantium.
28. Then, note that during these 143 years of foUow-
^ State Christianity in Britain, the whole work of St.
irome is done at Rome and Bethlehem. He was a youth
i Julian's death in 363, and died at Bethlehem, 30th Sep-
nber, 420. Antony in Egypt is 305-370; Ulphilas in
[joesia, 360. So that you have these years of Britain's
Christian pride, — briefly, the fourth century and one-
tird of the fifth, — founding monastic life all through the
list, and fixing, for West and East alike, the Canon of
I
:jtion in the north, — Bononia Oceanensis, " Bologna of the Sea/' as dis-
tjguished from the Bologna of Italy, is its proper name.
I I see, however, that the Emperor Claudius is spoken of as having
=|ied for Britain from it. It was first fortified by Pedius, Julius Caesar's
undnephew and legate in Gaul; who is said to have been born at
llogna, and to have planned some resemblance in the upper walled
tvn to his own native one. Caligula built its first lighthouse, which was
iil standing in the seventeenth century (^Histoire des Villes de France^).
^ [See for § 26, Gibbon, ch. xiii. ; vol. ii. pp. 120-123.]
' [Gibbon, ch. xiv. ; vol. ii. p. 186.]
3 [Acts xvi. 9.]
* [A. Guilbert, Histoire des Villes de France, 1845, vol. ii. p. 98.]
XXXIII. p
226
VALLE CRUCIS
the Bible. And all this, before a Saxon syllable is hear<
in British air.
[Here Raskin's completed MS. ends. The following pages are Mr. Colling
wood's reconstruction (in Verona and other Lectures) of the remaindt
of the chapter : — ]
The missing pages — leading up the story to the point at which th
Author meant to break off, in order to recommence, in his next ehapte
with the history of the Anglo-Saxon Church — can be partly reconstructe
from the Author's rough notes, from which it seems that, after showin
at some length how much we in this island owe to foreign influence — on
navy, for example, to the Franks, and our Church to Rome, in the firs
instance, — he was going to recur to the Pelagian heresy,^ as not only
proof of island vigour and characteristic independence, but also as th
occasion for the sending by Pope Celestine of Palladius, as first bisho
of the Scots of Ireland and the Hebrides. This at once localises th
story in the north-west, and forms a link between Scottish Christianity an
Rome, in spite of the disclaimer of those who would like to believe in a
original British Church, anti-Roman from the beginning.
The next topic was to have been the mission of St. Germain <
Auxerre and St. Loup of Troyes, another link between our country an
Roman Gaul — "St. Loup, a scholar of the great college of Lerins, who fc
the fifty years of his pontificate at Troyes was recognized through France s
the most polished of scholars, and earnestly kind of prelates, 'the Fathe
of Fathers, the Bishop of Bishops, the prince of the prelates of Gaul, th
rule of manners, the pillar of Truth, the friend of God.' " ^ Their legem
and the story of the Alleluia victory, which the Author has noted fc
description, can be read in Bede (book i. chapters 17-20). The Authc
meant to return, in conclusion, to the end of the fourth century, and t
St. Ninian, "a most reverend bishop and holy man of the British nation,
«ays Bede (book iii. chap. 4), " who had been regularly instructed '<
Rome in the faith and mysteries of the truth ; whose episcopal see, name
after St. Martin, the bishop" — whom he had visited and corresponded wit
— "and famous for a stately church, wherein he and many other saints re;
in the body, is still in existence among the English nation. The place b(
longs to the province of the Bernicians, and is generally called The Whi
House, because there he built a church of stone, which is not usual amon
the Britons."
With which assemblage of pregnant associations — linking together Niniai
our north-country patron of churches and holy-wells, with far-away Rome
and the Roman pilgrim with Wandering Willie's country-side by Solwa
shore; and wild Galloway in the dark ages with wonderful St. Martin c
Tours ; and the familiar ruins of Whithorn with the first glimmer, in Gau
and Britain, and the islands seen through the sea-fog, of all the Lamf
of Architecture : — with this bouquet, so to speak, of poetical ideas, thi
gathered together, the story was to pause at Candida Casa.
^ [See above, § 8 ; p. 210.]
^ [Sidonius Apollinaris, quoted by Montalembert, Monks of the West, vol.
p. 471 ; for the mission of St. Loup to Great Britain (a.d. 429), see ibid., vol. iii. p. li
The sentence in inverted commas is here added from Ruskin's notes.]
II
ENDING THE SIEVE; OR, CISTERCIAN ARCHITECTURE
{Read, as a lecture, at the London Institution, December 4, 1882)^
Among the circumstances of my early life which I count
)st helpful, and for which I look back with more than
al gratitude to my father's care, was his fixed habit of
pping with me, on his business journeys, patiently at
Y country inn that was near a castle, or an abbey, until
bad seen all the pictures in the castle, and explored, as
always found me willing enough to do, all the nooks of
J cloister.^ In these more romantic expeditions, aided and
pired by Scott, and never weary of re-reading the stories
The Monastery, The Abbot, and The Antiquary, I took
^ [In the abstract of this lecture in The Art Journal, the following introductory
arks are reported : —
^' In answer to a very warm welcome, he addressed a few words to his
audience_, assuring them of his pleasure in being back amongst them,
and expressing his sorrow that his health did not permit him to appear
there more frequently. He had, he said, to apologise to them, first for
not saying more on that matter, and secondly, for the change, already
announced, in the title of his lecture. As to the first, he had meant to
deliver an extempore speech to them, and had spent half the morning
writing it ; but he found it wouldn't be learnt by heart, and so — well, it
must be forgiven him. Then as to the change of title : the lecture was
to have been on ' Crystallography,' and now it was to be on ' Cistercian
Architecture.' He had changed the title, and would have apologised
more, only a certain newspaper had had a consolatory paragraph on the
subject, in which it had said that all his titles were equally good for all
his lectures ; nobody could tell from any of them what was coming, and
so one did as well as another. There was some truth, too, in it after
all, for the ' Crystallography ' lecture would have said a good deal about
'Cistercian Architecture,' and as for the present lecture, he had found
great difficulty, and really had to exercise no little self-denial, to keep
it off ' Crystallography.' Not that there was much in it about ' Cistercian
Architecture^ either. Those who knew his writings would know that to
him the 'stones of Citeaux' would be interesting only as they expressed
the minds and souls of their builders, and so it ought not to surprise some
of his hearers to find a lecture by him on ' Cistercian Architecture ' dealing
mainly with the Cistercians themselves."]
* [Compare PrcBterita, i. §§ 5, 6.]
227
228
VALLE CRUCIS
an interest more deep than that of an ordinary child; and
received impressions which guided and solemnized the wholci
subsequent tenor of my life. I
2. One error there was, and one only, in the feeling
with which these scenes were interpreted to me. For though
I was bred in the strictest principles of Calvinism, my*
father and mother were both too well-informed to look
without reverence on the vestiges of early Catholic religion
in Britain: nor did they ever speak of it in dishonourable
terms, or cast doubt on the sincerity of the faith which
had founded our fairest cathedrals, and consecrated our
bravest kings. But, in common with most English people
of their day, they were suspicious of the Monastic as dis-
tinguished from the Clerical power ; and it was an inevitable
consequence, that, as we descended from the hillsides of
Yorkshire, or the Lothians, into the sweet meadows beside
their pebbly streams, and saw the cattle resting in the
shadows of Jedburgh or Bolton, it should have been pointed
out to me, not without a smile, how careful the monks had
been to secure the richest lands of the district for their
possession, and the sweetest recesses of the vale for then
shelter.
8. Nor was Scott himself without some share in the
blame of this gravely harmful misrepresentation. I cannot
but regard with continually increasing surprise, the offence
which was taken by the more zealous members of the
Scottish Church, at what they imagined Scott's partiality
to Catholicism. The fact really is that every heroic, grace-f|
ful, and intelligent virtue is attributed by him at everj^i
period of the Reformation to the sincere disciples of Presby-
terian doctrine, but that, on the contrary, he has beer
content to portray the Catholic faith only in its corruptior
or its depression.^ Finding material enough, and that oi
^ [The MS. has the following further passage : — |
. , its depression, or its weakness, and in the characters of Abbotij
Ingilram and Boniface in The Monastery, of Lord Glenallan's mother anc
of his confessor in The Antiquary, of the Abbess of St. Hilda and bci
assessors in Marmion, and of the whole body of the Knights Templars ii
II. MENDING THE SIEVE
229
e most tractable kind, in the picturesque and pathetic
►positions of the Cameronian and Cavaher, the Puritan
id CathoUc, the mountaineer and dalesman, he gave in
e. stories of Waverley, Rob Roy, Old Mortality, Red-
[untlet, Nigel, Peveril, and The Abbot, a series of realiza-
ms which are, respecting their several periods, the best
storical painting yet done in Europe. But the libraries
d old bookstalls of Edinburgh seldom threv^^ a parchment
his way which would give him clue to the realities of
iman life before the fifteenth century ; his conception of
ore remote periods, coloured by the partialities of his
art, and discoloured by the dulnesses of scholastic history,
vtlt rather on the military than the missionary functions
British Christianity. The crozier and the cowl become
th him little more than paraphernalia of the theatre, to
iieve in richer chiaroscuro its armour and plumage; and
e final outcome and effective conclusion of all his moon-
:ht reveries in St. Mary's aisle,^ was but, for himself and
r his reader, that
"The Monks of Melrose made gude kale
On Fridays, when they fasted." ^
am going to ask you to consider with me, this even-
y, whether, admitting such to be the fact, the monks of
veeddale were altogether to be blamed, or ridiculed, for
Ivanhoe and The Talisman, he gave a series of pictures which complied with
every prejudice of his countrymen, and were discreditable to his own genius
and scholarship not only by the vulgarity of their colouring, but in their
unconsidered violations of historical accuracy.
"Unconsidered^ observe, I say with emphasis and asseveration. Scott
is never malignant ; never, consciously, a partizan, even in politics, still
less in religion. But he is liable to be carried too far by the imagination,
to which he assigned no graver task than to amuse his readers, and not
to carry far enough the antiquarian research which he followed with scarcely
other purpose than to amuse himself. Wherein not caring usually, except
for the sake of Wallace or Bruce, to pass beyond the day of Elizabeth and
the Queen of Scots, and finding material enough ..."
: Boniface, see The Monastery, passim, and for Ingilram (his predecessor), chaps, x.
I xxxvii. ; the reference to Marmion is to canto ii. ('^''^rhe Convent"). For
•tt's treatment of Catholicism, compare, below, p. 512.]
^ [See The Lay of the Last Minstrel, the first lines of canto ii.]
^ [See Scott's Ahhot (ch. xvi.) : quoted also in The Oxford Museum, Vol. XVI,
230.]
230
VALLE CRUCIS
the excellence of their broth, — whether, on the contrary,
the making of good broth be not one of the essential
functions of a good monk, — and even whether, but for the
gray brother's intervention, the kale pot would in those
times have boiled as merrily at Melrose, even for other
people. ,
4. You cannot but feel that this British Isle of ours,
after all its orthodox Reformations and cautious constitu-^
tions, presents you with materials for this inquiry in ex-
treme sharpness and simplicity. At one crook of the gler,
are the remains of the Abbey, with its half-fallen toweij
and half-buried cloister; at the next are the new millsJ
with their cloud-piercing and cloud- compelling chimney, anc
their quarter of a mile of square windows in dead wall
As you walk back to the village inn, you meet the clergy
man inspecting the restoration of his parish church ; in the
parlour of it you find the squire, bent on the introduction,
of agricultural machinery, which will send the congregatior
to America. And among the various shades of benevolent
avarice, pious egotism, and interest-bearing charity, in whicUj
the enterprises of a rational age must be undertaken, w(
shall surely be able to discover, if human nature be a:
constant as it is alleged, the likeness, in some sort, or eveii^
the remnant, of ancient enthusiasm, and discern, in th(
better movements and kindlier impulses of our own hearts
ground for believing that even monastic sentiment was no
entirely dishonest, nor monastic adventure entirely selfish.
5. And as the first step towards a true estimate o
either, we must address ourselves to obtain some idea o
the aspect of these glens of ours before the monks settlec,
in them. Those now daisy-sprinkled or deep-furrowed field?
were not laid in their sweet levels by the mountain streams
and the land which we conceive to have attracted th<
covetousness of the friars lay in alternations of shingle an(
of marsh, under shades of thorny thicket and heath-bese
rock/ The sagacity which discerned and the industry whiclj
^ [On this point, compare The Schools of Florence, § 25 (Vol. XXIII. pp. 203-4>;|
11. MENDING THE SIEVE
231
pdeemed the waste alluvial soil, not of our English dells
nly, but of the river-sides throughout Europe, where they
-ere pestilent with miasma, desolate by flood, and dark with
3rest, were found exclusively among the societies of men
^hom we might, with no unapt distinction, call the Valley
lonks, wisely and calmly devoted to all the arts and labours
^hich are serviceable to mankind ; skilful especially in the
rimary ones of architecture and agriculture, but the leaders
Iso in the literature of their time, and its tutors in the
oundest principles of temporal policy.
6. These Monks of the Valley, — distinct ahke from the
larlier mountain Eremites, and from all contemporary or
jabsequent brotherhoods, who led lives of meditation in-
onsistent with practical and affectionate duty, — will be
iscerned by the final justice of history to have been
bsolutely the purest, and probably the most vital, element
f Christian civilization during a period, of which I can
earcely venture to state the duration, without first sketching
1 simpler terms than are usually allowed by its chroniclers^
he asras of rise and decline in our old ecclesiastical polity.^
In eighteen years from next Christmas will open the
wentieth century of the Christian eera. If we divide by
implest arithmetic these two thousand years into four
roups of five hundred each, they will successively present
s with a quite distinct series of phenomena, more intelli-
jible and memorable, by far, in their separate than in
I heir consecutive aspect.
I (I.) In the first five hundred years you have, with the
all of the Roman empire, the extinction of ceremonial
^ [The MS. here contains the following remarks,, introductory to the following
•aragraph : —
"Jt M'ill be found always a method of great advantage in teaching
history to young people to give them clear conceptions of the great
spaces of time, rather than a minute memory of its dates. And as you
fill these spaces discriminately for them, with their prolonged and influen-
tial events, you will find the aeras become coloured under your hand like
the districts of a map, or the zones of a rainbow, and without any effort
of technical memory, but merely by the natural sympathy and intelli-
gence of an attentive observer, detach themselves one from another in
their due relief, and link themselves one with the other in clear succes-
sions of easily remembered melody."]
232
VALLE CRUCIS
Paganism in South Europe, the estabhshment of the tradi^j i
tions of the mystic saints, chiefly martyrs, and of thej f
theories and practices of ascetic monachism. The Vulgat^
translation of the Bible is finished at Bethlehem by St
Jerome,^ and the doctrinal and imaginative machineries of
the Catholic Church are completed, with such faults and'
virtues as we may each of us see good to ascribe or con-
cede to them.
(II.) In the second five hundred years the proper work
of the Church begins upon the ruins of Paganism. Her
working saints, not St. Catherines, nor St. Cecilias, nor St.
Damians, nor St. Christophers, but people of substantial
presence in flesh and blood ; — people who by no means ij
appear only to expire, and exist thenceforward as pictures, I
stuck full of hearts and arrows, but persons as busy, as ill
obstinate, and as inevitable as modern engineers and rail-l t
way contractors, are establishing not Christian belief merely i
but Christian law, in every Saxon, French, Latin, and' i\
Byzantine town. Their disciple-kings, Theodoric, Alfred.
Canute, Charlemagne, are forming and consolidating the ii
civil dynasties of the North ; and the narrow, but not j
false, Mohammedan theology is similarly tempering to its i
fiery edge the scimitar of the Saracen.
(III.) In the third five hundred years you have in no
small degree by the energy of the Cistercian order, on (
whom our attention is fixed this evening, the creation of
Gothic architecture, with all that it means ; and by that
of the Franciscans and Dominicans, the resuscitation of the
art of painting,^ lost since Apelles, with all that it means.
You have perfect laws of honest — I lean on the word,|j i
— honest — commerce engraved on the walls of the churchesl
by which its activities are centralized at Florence and on the
Rialto.^ You have a perfect scheme of Christian education
1 [See above, p. 108 ; Bible of Amiens, ch. iii. § 36.] ^
^ Compare below, p. 245.] j
' [For the inscription on the church of S. Giacomo di Rialto, see Vol. XXI.
p. 2G9 (and below, p. 442 n.), and for one on the Badia of San Domenico, near
Florence, ibid., p. 266.]
II. MENDING THE SIEVE 233
efined for you also on the walls of Florence.^ And you
ave the perfect victory of civil justice in Christian King-
ood, when the king and the barons of England submitted
leir quarrel to the arbitrement of St. Louis. ^
All these unquestionable pieces of good work you find
) have been done, beyond any bettering, in these great
ve hundred years of the Church's life. Towards their
ose, it corrupts itself ; in their close, it virtually expires.
(IV.) And then, fourth and lastly, in these presently pro-
ceding, fast concluding, five hundred years, you have print-
|ig, gunpowder, and steam ; Liberty, Reason, and Science ;
arliamentary eloquence, and Parliamentary Cloture,^ doing
T you it yet remains to be seen, exactly, what.
7. The trenchant separation of these groups of years
ould commend itself to you still more frankly, if we
I ere more in the habit of connecting the history of art
ith that of religion ; but, while historians cannot fail to
e that it is necessary for them to follow with some atten-
on the changes in links of armour and locks of helmets,
ley think it matter of no serious moment whether kings
e enthroned under round arches or pointed, and whether
dests chant beneath carved walls or coloured windows,
[y own mind has become much sobered in its estimate
" such things, since my literary efforts began with The
*oetry of Architecture ; ^ but the pilgrimage from which I
^ [See the account of the frescoes in the Spanish chapel of S. Maria Novella in
omings in Florence, chaps, iv. and v. : Vol. XXIII. pp. 379 seq.'\
2 [In 1263-1264, wheu^ by the Mise of Amiens^ St. Louis set aside the Provisions
Oxford ; for another reference to this, see above, p. 5.]
' 3 [The " closure " of debate, adopted from the cloture in the French Assembly,
d at the time of Ruskin's lecture (1882) been for the first time introduced into
e House of Commons.]
* [See Vol. I. The MS. of the lecture as delivered has here an additional
ssage (referring to the original title of the lecture): —
. . , Poetry of Architecture; and indeed had I returned from Italy in
time to prepare my diagrams, I should have more confidently proposed to
you to-night some of the prose of Crystallography. Prose is_, indeed, a
somewhat degrading term even for that exact science ; for no Cistercian
tracery can be more marvellous — no Benedictine law more beneficent —
than the forms and methods of crystalline architecture by which the moun-
tains stand in their majesty and the veins of them glow with their gifts
of crystal and gold. But the pilgrimage . . ."]
234
VALLE CRUCIS
have just returned, through the earher Burgundian churches, j,
to tlie birthplace of the two St. Bernards, of the Alp and
of the Vale,^ has for the moment thrown me back into
old channels of affection, wherein I trust your indulgence
for an hour's lingering with you.
8. Lingering, however, with some timidity, — first, because
I imagine many here must know most of what I have to I
tell at least as well as I do; and secondly, because it must
be confessed that the traditions we can now collect respect-
ing either Bernards or Benedicts are of a nature more
calculated to amuse young people than to edify the members'
of the London Institution. Yet it cannot but be remem-
bered, in our dealing with them, that these fairy tales,
though in their first aspect a good deal more foolish than
any that are acceptable in the nursery, have at the root ofi
them some unquestionable fact, the basis of things real and
visible around us, — fact of which we can only hope to be I
made intelligently aware, by letting it announce and describe
itself first in its own way.
Returning, then, to my divisions of five hundred years,
and it being of course understood that we must not in the.^
joints of such massive chronology run the exact dates too
fine, T will ask the younger part of my audience to fix in
their memories the two precise years of 480 and 1480,
giving a clear thousand years in the interval, for the limits
of our second and third religious ^ras — beginning the second
with the reign of Theodoric and closing the third at th^
birth of Raphael.
9. In that first year, 480, there was born in Rome,
then fallen for ever from her war-throne, but more luxurious
and wanton in her disgrace than in her majesty — there wasf-
born a boy of a senatorial house, who was brought up
^ [St. Bernard, archdeacon of Aosta (died 1081), born at the chateau of Meuthoiii
on the Lake of Annecy. St. Bernard, of Citeaux and Clairvaux (1091-1153), bora
at La Fontaine, near Dijon : see below, § 25. For Buskin's journey in the summer]
of 1882, see the Introduction; above, pp. xxxvi., xliii.]
2 [Here Ruskin is not quite accurate. St. Benedict was born at Nursia in
Umbria, but was early sent to Rome to be educated.]
II. MENDING THE SIEVE
235
luring his childhood amidst all the pleasures, and shames,
)f the most godless city of the earth. There was no
theism, says Mr. Froude,^ like the atheism of Home ; and
may refer you to the pictures of Mr. Alma Tadema for
, realization, both learned and vivid, of the kind of life
ler atheism ended in. Such as it was, this strange boy, at
fteen years old, could no longer endure it ; resolved to
)reak with it and have done with it, left his father's house
lone, and escaped to the hills beyond the Campagna.
iVhat search was made for him by his parents we know
lot. One person, however — his nurse — sought for him in-
iefatigably; found him, was allowed to stay with him for
while, and take care of him. And I could very earnestly
nsh, for my own part, that both Shakespeare and the
British public had been less lavish of their emotions about
I he Veronese legend of Juliet and her nurse, and had but
icen one half as interested in conceiving the quiet little
iomestic drama of St. Benedict and Ms nurse, which had
ar more useful consequences.
I 10. Many a library shelf have I sifted, always in vain,
io find out w^ho gave him, or how he got, his name. He
jound his way to a hermit, who taught him the hope of a
better life than that in Rome ; and, I suppose, baptized
|tim in such hope, and blessed him in the search for it.
thenceforth, for him also, the verse of the Virgin's song
)ecame true, "All generations shall call me blessed." Yet
n a still higher sense, not merely happy, which is all that
he Madonna claims to be called, but in the more solemn
DOwer of the word in the Benedictus itself, ** Blessed be
* [The abstract of the spoken lecture in The Art Journal adds : —
. . . the most godless city of the earth," justifying in her pleasures
I and in her shames the emphatic utterance of Mr. Froude in " that splendid
address of his on Calvinism, delivered before the University of St. Andrews,
that there was no atheism like the atheism of Rome" — a state of mind
illustrated just now by the pictures of Mr. Alma-Tadema, which were
"fast becoming very admirable and wonderful pictures of very detestable
things."
For the passage in Froude, see Short Studies on Great Subjects, ed. 1891, vol. ii.
j). 33. For other references to Alma-Tadema's pictures of Roman life, see below,
)p. 319-322.]
236
VALLE CRUCIS
the Lord God of Israel, for He has visited and redeemed
His people."' ^
11. You will not, I think, find the working saints, of I ^'
whom this one is the Captain of the Host, lean muchi *
upon their miracles; and I suppose no modern philosophy; '
could conceive the subsequent effect upon human imagi-j
nation of the belief in that extremely tiny miracle with *
which St. Benedict's ministry traditionally begins : mendingi '
a corn-sieve which his nurse had broken, only because she!
was so vexed about it. He did not care for himself to ^
have his corn sifted. f
Of course, I could not offer you a little miracle more
easily, if you wish it, explained away; and that withoutjj '
having the least recourse to the vulgar Gibbonian theory ^'
of pious imposture. The Gibbonian method is the most '
simple, and to minds of a certain temper the most satis- i f
factory : you explain the miracle in Cana, for instance, byl '
supposing that the Madonna had arranged with the servants' ^'
the moment for exchanging the pots. But for our poori ^'
little nursery miracle here, we need accuse no one of anyl '
guile; and merely admitting the young Benedict to have *
been neat with his fingers, as some of our own boys are,
though their virtue does not always show itself in the*' ^
mending of things, we can fancy his nurse's ecstasy of '
admiration at her boy's dexterity — " e un miracolo " — and
so forth.
12. Make what you will of it — break what you will of ^
it, the absolute fact remains fast, that in all the choral| *
services of the Church this legend holds the first place in J ^
the praise of St. Benedict. It is just as important in his\ ^
life as the killing of the Nemean lion is in the life of' ^
Heracles.^ And when we come to reflect on the essential
function of the Benedictine, I do not think there will |
remain any difficulty in seeing how this myth became the' >
popular symbol of it.
1 [Luke i. 46, 68.]
2 [For the importance of which, see Queen of the Air, § 53 (Vol. XIX. p. 363).]
II. MENDING THE SIEVE 237
During all the past five hundred years, Christians had
een doing very little else than getting themselves perse-
ited for public nuisances. They had talked a great deal,,
laarrelled a great deal, suffered much, — but hitherto, in
ly palpable manner, mended nothing — hitherto produced
Dthing — hitherto shown the way to nothing — that anybody^
anted to find a way to. They had gone mad, in great
ambers, — had lived on blackberries, and scratched them-
iives virulently with the thorns of them, — had let their
air and nails grow too long, — had worn unbecoming old
igs and mats, — had been often very dirty, and almost
ways, as far as other people could judge, very miserable.
13. St. Benedict examines into all that; tries what ad-
intage there may really be in it. Does a certain quantity
rolling himself in nettles and the like ; and hears with
ispect all that hermits have to say for their vocation,
jinally, however, determines that Christian men ought not
|) be hermits, but actively helpful members of society:
|iat they are to live by their own labour, and to feed
|cher people by it to the best of their power. He is the
jDOstle, first, of the peasant's agriculture, and secondly, of
ie squire's agricultural machines — for whatever good there
in them. The corn and the corn-sieve are alike sacred
I his eyes. And, once understanding that, and considering
hat part of the "library" of his day, the Bible of St.
erome's giving, would either touch himself most closely,
r would be looked to by others as most descriptive of him,
ou will feel that the especially agricultural prophecy of
imos would become the guide of Benedictine expectation,
ad you may even, in thinking of him, find a weight in
le words of it yourselves, unperceived before : — -
"For lo, I will command^ and I will sift the house of Israel among all
itions, like as corn is sifted in a sieve, yet shall not the least grain fall
pon the earth.
"Behold, the days come, saith the Lord, that the ploughman shall
i^ertake the reaper, and the treader of grapes him that soweth seed, and
le mountains shall drop sweet wine, and all the hills shall melt.
"And I will bring again the captivity of my people, and they shall
238
VALLE CRUCIS
build the waste cities and inhabit them, — they shall also make gardens
and eat the fruit of them, and I will plant them upon their land, and
they shall no more be plucked up out of their land which I have given i
them, saith the Lord thy God." ^ j
14. This is the efficient practical Benediction with which
the active Saint begins the second asra of Christendom, i
But he had also a doctrinal message, which we have no 1
time this evening to examine ; yet it must be noted as of i >
equal moment with that which immediately interests us. '
We said that the first five hundred years after Christ saw S
the extinction of Paganism. In the deeper sense, nothing! \
that once enters the human soul is afterwards extinct in it.
Every great symbol and oracle of Paganism is still under- i
stood in the Middle Ages ; and I have just been drawing!
from the twelfth -century porch of Avallon the sculptures of I
Herodias and her daughter on the one side, and of Nessus a
and Deianira on the other.^ But as a formal worship,! '
Paganism may be considered as significantly closing with! |
the destruction, by St. Benedict and his disciples, of the i
temple of Apollo on Monte Cassino.^ All the idolatry ofj J
the world, in the sense of misdirected faith, was recognized
by the first instincts of Christianity, as worship of Baal,—
worship of the sun by day, of the moon by night, as the| ^
vital powers of nature instead of God. And the darkening
of the sun and moon on each side of the Cross, in sym-
bolical representations of the Crucifixion,^ is not, I beheve,
meant to express only the temporal affliction of them, but! %
the passing away of their spiritual power. And in the
Benedictine sign given on Monte Cassino, you have the
true beginning of those ages, dark, as they have so long
been called, in which the Apolline oracles and inspiration! ■
pass away ; and which are ended by the resuscitation of
1 [Amos ix. 9, 13-15.]
2 [Ruskiii's drawing is not known to the editors ; but one of this subject bv
AV. G. Collingwood is in the Ruskin Museum at Sheffield : see Vol. XXX. p. 224.J
2 [See Milman's History of Latin Christianity , Book iii. ch. vi. (vol. ii. pp. 87-88,
small edition).]
* [Matthew xxvii. 45.]
II. MENDING THE SIEVE
239
^aganism, under the same symbol, as I pointed out now
liaxij and many a year ago/ — when the Dispute of the
iacrament and the Choir of Parnassus were painted side by
ide in the same chamber of the Vatican.
15. In the proclamation, then, of useful labour as mans
uty upon earth, and of the Sun of Righteousness^ as his
^ord in Heaven, you have the Benedictine gospel: of
/hich the most sensible and impartial of French historians
/rites, with no more than justice, " La Regie de Saint
^enoit est peut-etre le plus grand fait historique du Moyen
Lge."^
I translate to the best of my power the noble passage
/hich follows : —
We who live under regular governments, and in legally protected society,
ui only with difficulty conceive the disorder which followed the fall of the
Oman Empire in the West. Everywhere ruin and distraction, — the triumph
r brutal force, the loss of all respect for human dignity, the cultivated
nds trampled by famished multitudes, the cities devastated, entire popu-
tions driven out or massacred, and over all this chaos of society in agony,
ave upon wave the inundations of barbarians as tides upon the sea-sand,
he monks descending from Monte Cassino spread themselves througli Ger-
iiany and Gaul even to the northern limits of Europe, opening out the
)rests, directing the water courses, and founding monasteries surrounded
y workshops, which became centres, to the peasantry, of moral force and
rotected industry ; to whom the new apostles, after providing for their
ifety and support, taught letters, sciences, and arts ; fortified their souls,
ave them the example of self-denial, taught them to love and to protect
le weak, to succour the poor ; to expiate faults, and to exercise them-
ilves in virtue. They sowed among servile and degraded races the first
ieds of independence and liberty, and they opened to them, as the last
isylum against distress of body and soul, inviolable and sacred houses of
Irayer."
16. This passage, you will observe, includes, in the
eneral grasp of it, the entire function of the Benedictine
rder, with that of all its later branches. For our own
'urposes, we must now follow out the more distinctive
haracters of these in relation to their times.
1 [See Lectures on Architecture and Painting (1854), §§ 125-127 (Vol. XII.
p. 148-150).]
2 [Malachi iv. 2: see Unto this Last, § 44 (Vol. XVII. p. 59).]
^ [Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire de V Architecture, \om. i. p. 242.]
240
VALLE CRUCIS
You will recollect — I again address my younger hearers^
— the year 480, of St. Benedict's birth. He gives his rule
about 505, and, in the time between its promulgation and,
the close of the year 1000, the order of St. Benedict bads
founded 15,070 abbeys throughout the world then known.^
Abbeys — institutions, that is to say, under the govern- 1
menfc of an Abbot — a totally different person, in the ideal
of him, from a bishop. Partly a farmer, partly a school-
master, partly an innkeeper. Not, essentially, he, concerned
with the cure of souls, but with the comfort of bodies, and
the instruction of brains. Not merely given to hospitality,!
apt to teach,^ — but vowed to hospitality, bound to teach.
17. Fifteen thousand, then, you have of these Abbot
Samsons,^ representing the schoolmaster abroad ^ and at home^j
at the close of the tenth century. A power independent
of the Episcopal, often in rivalry with it, assuredly in front
of it, in all progressive movement, and in its own centri-
fugal energy throwing olF bishops and cardinals — ay, and
popes when they were wanted, like fire from a grindstone.!
Seven thousand bishops they had given to the Church, andj
twenty-four popes, up to the time at which we have to
study their division into the two branches of Cluny and
Citeaux.
18. I call those orders, you observe, branches — not re-
forms of the Benedictine. In an old thing and a strong
thing, much may be faultful, much decayed, and more
unable for other work than it did in its youth, and foil
other place than it found for its springing. But you mighij
as well call the branches of the old Hampton Court vine^
reforms of that, as Cluny and Citeaux reforms of Montd
Cassino. More various office was asked of the monks nowJ
What we call " civilization " was beginning to fasten societj|
painfully into its present orders of the rich and the poor
^ [See above, p. 234.]
2 See the pnssage quoted in the Appendix ; below, p. 250.]
^ ["A bishop then must be . . . given to hospitality apt to teach" (1 Timotln
iii. 2).]
* [See Carlyle's Past and Present, Book ii. chaps, vi. seq.]
^ [The phrase was Lord Brougham's, in a speech on January 29, 1828.]
11. MENDING THE SIEVE
241
Tactically, Cluny was founded for the Schooling of the
ch, and Citeaux for the Help of the poor. The lands of
luny were given it by a Duke of Aquitaine, its walls
lere raised by the Kings of France and England, and the
'ea;test prince was not educated with more care in the
dace of kings than was the least of the children of Cluny. ^
ut the first territory of Citeaux was a desolate marsh.
,s order was founded by a poor brother of the Abbey of
[olesmes, with a few companions, vowed to the barest
3verty and the rudest labour. Passed but a few years,
id at their bidding, and in their monks' dress, you might
e the most powerful lords drive the plough beside the
)orest peasant.
19. Now, let us get the idea of the main stem and
ese two resilient branches well into our minds. How the
jce was laid to the root of them, or how the wild boar
it of the wood devoured,^ you will find many a scornful
storian glad to tell. But learn first, for truth's sake and
ve's, what the living stem was, and the use of God's two
-affcs on it.
The diagram ^ may stand for the general plan of a
enedictine abbey of any place or time; but it is, actually,
lat of the Abbey of St. Gall, given by VioUet-le-Duc as
all probability arranged by Abbot Eginhardt, Charle-
\agne^s own master of works: and it is dravm in the
iiginal with such completeness that every bed in the
jtchen garden has the name written beside it of the parti-
|ilar "kale" that is to be grown there.
1 The design of the church, with two circular apses, one
t each end, is of singular completeness and beauty, but
[duces itself afterwards to the square terminations which
e constant in your English churches. The main entrance
at the west, between two detached chapels, one to the
^ [See Appendix on The Foundation of Cluny " ; below, p. 253.]
^ [See Matthew iii. 10 ; Psalms Ixxx. 13.]
\ ^ [Plate XXXII. (see next page); from the article ''Architecture" in vol. i.
j 243 of the Dictionnaire de l' Architecture Fran^aise.]
XXXIII. Q,
242
VALLE CRUCIS
Archangel Michael, the other to Gabriel. There are two
smaller lateral entrances ; one for the guests of the Abbey,
the other for its farm and other servants. i
20. On the sides of the east chancel you have on the*
right the monks' entrance and the sacristy, marked by a
cross; — on the left the Abbot's entrance and the library, i
consisting of the scribes' room below, and manuscript room
above.^ Then, on what you may think of as the literaryj
and lay side of the nave, the north, the schools; to the!
south for what sun could be had, the cloisters, Betweeni
the schools and library, the Abbot's house and servants''
offices, summed in the plan as the abbot's kitchen (little a).
Next to the schools, H, the hospice or general stranger guest
house,^ with attached offices and kitchen (little h). ^
Next to the cloisters, P, the pilgrims' house, and little^^
p, the pilgrims' kitchen. Round the cloisters, D the dor-
mitories, R the refectory, little c the cellars — everybody's,
cellar, mind you, as well as the monks', though of course
they had their bins in it; and if you choose to read big C
and little c for Creature comforts — the sunny side of theij
church and the private key of the cellar, that was certainly
so. Also here, you observe, that the kale might be hot as
well as good, is the special refectory kitchen. Then beyondji
the eastern apse, N, the house of the novices, I, of the old
^ [The abstract of the spoken lecture in The Art Journal adds : —
" . . . Look how on either side of the chancel were^ on the right the
sacristy, on the left the library, the furniture of the altar and the furniture
of the school. They held equal places near the chancel, in testimony that'i
both were equally sacred things, and that education was holy in its pur
poses, as well as in its subjects, in those days. ^1 met,' said Mr. Ruskin,
though not in these very words, ' with a curious commentary on this when
in Paris the other day. I wanted to look at something in the life ol
St. Bernard, and I went in search of a life of him amongst the large book-
sellers north of the Seine. They all gave me one answer, there wen
no religious books iiorth of the Seine ; novels in abundance, yes, but
religious books north of the Seine, not one ; and I had to go over to tbt
Quartier Latin, amongst the poor people or the very hard students, befoif
I could get my life of St. Bernard ; 1 couldn't get it, or anything of thai
sort — north of the Seine.' "] i
^ [See Fors Clavigera, Letter 93, where Ruskin, referring to this plan, notes'
that "appointed in its due place with the Church, the Scriptorium and the school
is the Hospitium for entertaining strangers unawares" (Vol. XXIX. p. 475).]
XXXII
+. Sacristy S. Schools
L. Library H. Hospice
A. AblDots House la. Hospice Etclieii
a . iitiTaots KitcKen
C . Qoisters D . Dormitories
P. Pilgdm's House R. Refectory
p . Pilgrim's ELtchea c . Cellar
K . ELtchea
N. "Novices House W. Workshops 0. Orciiard
I . Infirmary M . Mills G . Garden
mg-. Medidne Gar-den GR. Granaries g"- Gardener's House
md. Doctors House F . Enait House
ph . Pharmacy y . Potjltty yard
Plan of a Cistercian Abbey
11. MENDING THE SIEVE
243
id infirm monks, who could work no more. Young and
id, each with their own httle chapel: we may perhaps
3pe that the old monks' chapel was warmed for winter
latins. Also for their refreshment, and old man's work —
imon Lee's weary hand on the mattock,^ — here the orchard,
lere the garden, but the gardener himself an important
3rsonage, with his house nearly as big as the Abbot's,
he fruit-store also very large. Doesn't it all remind you
ho know your Scott of the old abbot-gardener at Loch
even ? ^
21. Opposite, in due symmetry, the physician's house,
ith its separate garden of medicinal herbs, and his store-
i)use for them, and laboratory.
Then lastly, but occupying, you see, the space on one
lie of the cloisters, corresponding to that of the church
a the other, you have the work-shops and farm-buildings.
Workshops I have called them ; properly ateliers only, —
]) selling, here, all giving. You know well enough what
l^came of the Church when she took to trading. In the
] eantime— whatever were the Abbot's faults as head of the
j m, he took no commission on his workmen's labour.
Ateliers — of every useful handicraft known, but with a
arious difference, afterwards establishing itself, between
lose of Cluny and Citeaux. At Cluny the leading work
i the jeweller's — goldsmith's and jeweller's, that is to say
- and what sort of work it was you may still see in the
iooch which clasped the mantle of St. Louis.
At Citeaux there is no jewellery going on any more,
ht we have an entire — I was going to say Kochdale ^— but
] ought to say — Clear-Dale (Clairvaux) co-operation of every
ijOd-producing and pot-boiling business, organised in groups,
(ch with their own master, the brother millers, brother
ikers, green-grocers, carpenters, masons, smiths, weavers;
^ See Wordsworth's poem^ Simon Lee, stanza 10.]
2 [See The Abbot, ch. xxviii.]
^ [For the Rochdale Pioneers" (1844)^ see Holyoake's History of Co-operation,
1'9, vol. ii. ch. iv.]
244
VALLE CKUCIS
and at the head of the collective groups belonging to each
abbey one monk charged with the distribution and organi-
zation of all the work. 1
22. Now, again, young people, fix this distinction between
Cluny and Citeaux well in your minds. Cluny is thei
culmination of the power of the monastic system, the'
universal monastic system of hill and plain, of town and
country, of sackcloth and cloth of gold. It is Westminster
Abbey and Bond Street in one — but missing out, I am
sorry to confess, St. George's, Hanover Square. But al)
that was noblest, kingliest, brightest in the active world,
looked for its guidance there. Its church was the largest
church in all the west ; its plan was given by St. Petej
in a dream.
The popes had successively granted to its abbots forma
bulls of exemption from the episcopal interference, and th^
abbots could menace with excommunication any bishoj
who trespassed on their privileges. In the time of St
Hugo of Cluny, the abbey with its dependencies formed J
European university, with the power of a kingdom. H<
was called to regulate the religion of Spain by Alphons<
of Castille, of England by William the Conqueror, an(
struck his own coinage at Cluny as the King of Franc
at Paris.
23. Now turn we to Citeaux. I do not think th
readers of the essays on architecture, which of all m;
writings have had the most direct practical influence,^ wi]
think their hour mis-spent in enabling me personally t
ask their pardon for the narrowness of statements int
which either their controversial character, or the specii
direction of my earlier studies, hurried me. Of whic
faults, one of the chief lay in the depreciation of eccles
astical influence, and the strong insistence on the nationi
styles of civil building,^ into which my dread of ritualie
^ [Compare^ on this point, the Introductions to Seven Lamps (Vol. VII
pp. xlii._, xliii.) and Stones of Venice, vol. ii. (Vol. X. pp. \., li.).]
2 [See, for instance. Lectures on Architecture and Painting, Vol. XII. pp. 36-4;
and Stones of Venice, vol. ii. (Vol. X. pp. 119,. 120).]
II. MENDING THE SIEVE
245
evotion in the first place, and in the second my too
knguine hope of turning the streets of London into the
keness of those of Nuremberg, provoked, or tempted me.
t is indeed perfectly true, and I have nothing to retract
'om the distinctness of the assertion, that Gothic archi-
^cture is not, in the total spirit of it, more devotional
lan humane ; that all the beautiful forms of it will
ondescend to the simplest domestic comfort, and that the
ixurious and insensate splendours of it are as much for-
lidden to the church as to the palace and the council-
jail. But also it is true, and salient among the noblest
:uths which illustrate the nature of man, that as the
isionary faith of the Franciscans purified and animated
le art of painting from its Roman pollution and its
lyzantine palsy, so the modesty and valour of the Cis-
?rcians, subdued by the severe lessons of St. Bernard,^
^ [Compare Vol. XXIII. p. 203. In the spoken lecture, Ruskin expanded the
)int here ; the abstract in The Art Journal says : —
^' So came Citeaux to be a great abbey, of which now, however, nothing
remains. St. Bernard trenched the marshes, and then he dealt with the
buildings. He extended his severe lessons to Cistercian Architecture,
forbidding in its decoration the use of anything that was either ludicrous
or cruel, and restricting its ornament to sacred things. This raised an
interesting question as to the introduction of profane subjects into sacred
architecture. But lately, said Mr. Ruskin, he had been examining some
of the most beautiful specimens of ancient architecture, and had found
that the most spirited parts of it had reference to hunting. He wondered
very much that our English squires were not inspired so to perpetuate
the memory of their hunting achievements on the pillars of their churches.
We hear much praise of hunting as a source of energy, and of the rifle
as a great and useful thing ; it may be so, and the praise of hunting
rightly bestowed ; and if so, why should it seem ridiculous that we should
follow the pomp of Oluny, and immortalize in our churches our noble
pursuits and great possessions } "
he MS. for the lecture contains the following passage in which Ruskin discusses
t. Bernard's severe lessons " in architecture : —
"It had been well if the architects of the great cathedrals had also
listened to his lesson. I have myself pleaded much in defence of luxuriant
ornament [see, for instance, Vol. VIII. pp. 51, 52] ; but I have never
disguised the main fact that through the wantonness of unchastised fancy
and redundance of ostentatious labour, Gothic architecture exhausted,
while it disgraced, itself [see ibid., pp. 97-99] ; made itself at last a mere
weariness of pride, and vanished. St. Bernard's influence would not only
have checked this evil, at the time when it first exhibited itself in the
overcharged incrustation of the porches of Rheims ; — it was still more
authoritative in arresting, so far as the Cistercians were concerned, the
sculpture of meaningless or monstrous grotesque, which in all other schools
246
VALLE CRUCIS
and restricting itself always to the use of materials nearest
to their hand,^ produced types of rational and beautiful
structure of which the remains, in our age of iron, arej
still held sacred to the memory of the Cathohc Church,i
and can scarcely be used in a civil building without a
sense of profanity.
24. The severe lessons, I have said, admitting the
popular impression of them. The loving lessons had been
a juster word. He was the first of the noble Puritans, in
the rejection of all that was unseemly, luxurious, or vain
in the pretended service of God. He was the head andi|
captain of the great race of northern farmers, who them-
selves preached, and to purpose, their more than one
sermon a week, and stubbed Thornaby Waste ^ as well.
But all this he was because he loved God, and believed,
with all his heart and soul and strength. And whateverj
in the fullest glow of unsullied Christianity — whatever ofj
comforting or purifying in the thoughts of a future statej
we have associated most intimately with our social affections
and earthly work, you will find to have been first rooted^
in the conviction and the benevolence of St. Bernard.
of Gothic remained to their shame : seldom without base undercurrent!
of unclean jest, or even frank and fearless scurrility, and a delight in dis|
torted, impossible, or unnatural form, which reached its worst types iu th^'
dreadful Renaissance grotesques of jewellery and armour whose golden abj
horrence fills the treasuries of the Louvre, and infects and pollutes you|
English schools in every elementary branch of them to this day." ^
For another reference to the Louvre armour, etc., see Fiction, Fair and Foul
§ 102 (Vol. XXXIV.).]
1 [Here, again, Ruskin digressed somewhat in the spoken lecture. The abstraciu
in The Art Journal says : — ]
Toward the close of his lecture, he paused to give an account of tht;
way in which the old walls of Fiesole were built. Of late at Florence, he
said, they had been doing some useful things, and among others had du^
down to the foundations of the walls of Fiesole and found out how the}
were built. They are of the same stone as the rock itself, fitted on to th<
rock and to each other without alteration, but with the greatest ingenuity |
an example of the noblest kind of building, raised ' out of the rock on th(|
rock, with the nature of the rock in them and the nature of the man iif
them,' as in all great architecture."
On this subject, see Ruskin's letter to Miss Allen, given in the Introduction
above, p. xliv.]
^ [For the reference here to Tennyson's Northern Farmer^ compare Vol. XX
p. 87 ; Vol. XXIIL p. 331 ; and Vol. XXIX. p. 498.]
11. MENDING THE SIEVE 247
25. The name of his birthplace, you may easily remem-
)er; and the spot of it you may reach, by no toilsome,
10 irrational pilgrimage.
But two short miles to the north of Dijon, only just
ar enough to detach them completely from the new
uburban city, rise the little hill and village of La Fontaine.
Viound, rather than hill, it should be called ; an outlier of
he thin-bedded Jura limestone which forms all the long
oteau to the west of Dijon and Macon. Steep enough
he little mound, almost craggy on one side, sloping down
)n the other with its rough-built village some 150 feet
nto the plain, but completely insulated, and the summit
)f it not more than a furlong square, occupied by a small
armhouse, and its yet smaller garden. Farmhouse built
acre or less out of the ruins of the older chateau, itself
Iso now in process of demolition, or readjustment to a
Qodern chapel, enlarging from the recess behind the altar,
vhich occupies the exact site of the room in which St.
Sernard was born.
26. Feudal castle it was, remember : no stone of it now
eft on another ; but you may stand at the edge of the
ittle garden, on the rock where his childish feet first stood
irm; the simple kinds of the wild flowers he knew still
lestle, or wander, there, unchanged ; the soft dingles of
he Cote d'Or cast still the same shadows in the morning
ight; eastward, the cliffs and folds of Jura, and the one
rvhite cloud beyond, that never fades ; — all these were, of
lis life, the same part that they are of ours ; how far his
^ork and thoughts are still to be with us, can scarcely be
udged well, here in our London circus; you would judge
Df them otherwise, I believe, in looking from his native
'ock down the vast vale of the Saone, where, only fifteen
niles to the south, the lines of poplar and aspen that soften
:he horizon, grow by the idle streams of what was once —
Citeaux.
27. Nothing is left of the abbey walls ; a modern
industrial school occupies their site. The only vestige left
248
VALLE CRUCIS
of times even a little separated from our own is a, literally,,
moated grange, where a wide pond, almost a lake of abso-j
lutely quiet water, lulled among its reeds, is deep round
the foundation stones of a granary, outbuilding once of tk
Cistercian farm.
The first brothers who settled there, those from the
abbey of Molesmes, had hard times for many a day. The
marshes would not drain, the seeds would not grow; the
monks themselves died> one by one, of damp and fatigue, i
They had to rise at two in the morning for matins; it J
was not right to go to sleep again afterwards, — ^they were '
required to meditate till dawn, but I suppose, by Heaven's; t
grace, sometimes nodded. They had to work with strength' 1
of hand seven hours a day, at one time or another. Dinedj it
at twelve; no animal food allowed except in sickness, and i
only a pound and a half of bread ; vegetables, I suppose
what they would, except on fast days, — total, twice a week t
as far as I can make out. Common human blood could" i
not stand it ; the marsh of Citeaux was too deadly foil i
them, and they died, and died, nameless people, foolisl
people, what you choose to call them, — yet they died foi
you, and for your children. s
28. At last Bernard heard of them — then a youth, jusl !
back from Paris University. Gathered a few more fier}
ones, of his own sort, and plunged into the marsh to th<
rescue. The poor Abbot and his forlorn hope of friar
went out to meet them, singing songs of deliverance. Ii
less than twenty-five years there were more than sixtj
thousand Cistercian monks, at work on any bit of trench
able ground they were allowed to come at, between th<
bay of Genoa and the Baltic.
29. Trenchable ground, I say, with intention; for ther(
were two things, mind you, that the Cistercians alway
wanted: the ground on which they could do most good
the water with which they could do most work. Therefor*
in England you always find the monastery at the poin
of the valley where the stream first becomes manageabL
11. MENDING THE SIEVE
249
1 the level, and yet where the mill-wheel would still turn
errily.
Only, the defect of the whole institution to my own
)or mind is, that you get the mill indeed, and the miller,
it not the miller's daughter ! ^ And in that degree I own
yself still a bigoted Protestant, — that Mysie Happer
I ems to me a most laudable adjunct to the Cistercian
l onomy, and that I can imagine benighted persons who
ould be much better helped by the good heart and good
oks of Mysie than by any higher images of the Queen
. * the Angels. Howbeit, whatever good there may be for
arsons of higher temperament, in Madonnas del Sisto or
4 Cardellino,^ of course it is St. Bernard who begins all
at for them, with the rest of his beginnings.
30. In 1090 he is born at La Fontaine, and whatever
; loveliest in chivalry and ladyhood comes after that. You
ive trusted the traditions of them now to the overseer's
etory chimney, to the squire's threshing machine, to the
oard's school, industrial and other. For all these you
l ive one watchword, — " Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow
e die : " ^ the exact contradiction to St. Bernard's — " Let
j watch and pray, for to-morrow we live."
It is not mine to tell you which of these is true ; but
ere is one word that is true for the feeblest of us, and
r all it should be enough. " Let us labour joyfully while
e have the light. The night cometh; — but thou knowest
)t what shall be on the morrow."*
1 [The MS. adds :—
, . . daughter. In Scott's perfect rendering of the Cistercian system
in decline, he marks with a precision exquisitely intuitive, the separation
of the Miller and the Bridgeward from the convent. Of old the Miller
and the Pontifex were beyond all other lay brothers the attached servants
of the rest. For my own part I can only speak as one of those benighted
persons who think Mysie Happer an extremely laudable adjunct to the
Cistercian economy, and can fancy that people may be a great deal more
helped . . ."
T Mysie Happer, the daughter of the miller, see The Monastery, chaps, xiii. seq.^
^ For other references to these pictures by Raphael, at Dresden and Florence,
e the General Index.]
^ [1 Corinthians xv. 32.]
* [John ix. 4; James i v. 14.]
APPENDIX
ON THE FOUNDATION OF CLUNY
" Under Charlemagne, the religious " (meaning monastic) " establishment i
lield the head (tenaient la tete) of public instruction, of agriculture, ti i
manufacture, of the arts and of the sciences. They alone of politic 4
bodies presented regular and stable constitutions. Out of their boso)
came all the men destined to play any part in the world outside of th
career of arms. From its foundation" (say in 505) ''to the year of tb
Council of Constance, 1005, the order of St. Benedict had founded fiftee
thousand and seventy abbeys throughout the world then known ; give
to the Church twenty-four popes, two hundred cardinals, four hundre
archbishops, and seven thousand bishops. ^
" But this prodigious influence had been the cause * of numerous abuse
The rule of St. Benedict had been far relaxed in the tenth century; th
periodical invasions of the Normans had destroyed the monasteries an
dispersed the monks ; " — (and this " dispersion," mind you, which historiai
speak of as if it were merely the driving chaff before the wind, means-
for human creatures who have hearts — much more than scattering,
means heart-breaking. For one monk who broke his vows in pride <
weakness, hundreds were driven from the peace and fruition of their fi
filment, in despair) ''misery, and the disorders which are the consequenc
of misery, altered the characters of the institution, and feudal morcelleme
completed the ruin of what the abuse of riches and power, as well ;
the misfortune of the time, had already undermined. Modern civilizatio
scarcely born under the reign of Charlemagne, seemed expiring in tl
tenth century, but from the order of St. Benedict, reformed by the abbo
of Cluny and the rule of Citeaux, enduring shoots of new life were i
spring.
^ Not the '^ cause," rightly thinking of the matter ; the indefinitely increast
monastic power was not the origin of abuses, but became the inevitably imperfe
and decaying subject or sufferer of them, as the trunk of a great tree decays i
wardly or is knotted and warped outwardly, while yet its branches are green, ai
its vital functions for a time retained. The " abuses," as the following sentenc
show, were rather those of the outward world than of the monasteries.
* [Viollet-le-Duc, Diet, de P Architecture, tom. i. p. 245 (in the article "Ard
tecturc ").]
250
APPENDIX
251
"In the tenth century'^' Cluny was a Httle village in the district of
aeon, which had become by bequest a part of the estates of William,
terwards called the Pious, Duke of Aquitaine. Towards the close of his
e" — (I must now go on in my own words) — he wished to commend his
ul and the souls of his ancestors to God, by founding a new monastery,
f the superstition, if he please to call it so, I pray the kindly reader to
ink, if not with respect, at least with pity : and I assure the proud and
ikindly reader — whose eyes may fall on the passage— that the state of
ind is nobler and wiser in which men give lands away in the hope
commending their souls to God, than that in which they let them at
ction to swindling builders, raise their rents on industrious farmers,
.mble them away in hells at watering-places, or borrow money on them
r their menus plaisirs. For the rest, Duke William did not defer his
;sign to his last hour, but while yet able to govern his lands and judge
their fitness for this or the other purpose, he sent for a monk whom he
uld trust as a friend, Bernon, Abbot of Gigny and Baume, and with him
iited personally the whole of his estates, "j* to fix on a proper place for the
undation of the new abbey. "'They arrived at last,' says the chronicle, J
1 a place so far removed from all human society, that it seemed in some
rt the image of the celestial solitude/ § It was Cluny. But when
e Duke objected that it would not be possible to establish a monastic
ciety in that place, because of the hunters and their dogs ! who filled the
rest with which the country was covered, Bernon replied, laughing,
^rive away the dogs, and fetch the friars; know you not whether will
eld the better profit, the hounds' yelp or the monks' prayer.?'"
M. Lorain's translation of the Duke's deed of gift^ is throughout of
itreme interest, but I must limit myself here to the following centrally
iportant passages : —
"All my domain of Cluny, and all that is dependent on it, farms,
atories, slaves of both sexes, vineyards, fields under culture, waters, mills,
jaadows, forests, and wild land, I, William, and my wife Ingelberge,
gether give to the fore-named apostles (Peter and Paul): first, for the
/e of God; then also for the love (or sake) of the King Eudes, my
* The reader will take note of the continually reinforced importance of the
rdinal divisions of time we at first assumed ^ at the close of the fifth, tenth,
d fifteenth centuries. The actual date of the first founding of Cluny above told
909.
t Personal — it is not said of what extent. The vast titular dukedom, Aquitaine,
puld imply a proportional estate of residence to which the bequest of Cluny would
a scarcely observed addition.
X VioUet-le-Duc does not say what chronicle ; but refers to the Histoire de
Ibbaye de Cluny, par P. Lorain, Paris, 1845, p. 16.
§ In all such chance expressions, or indications without distinct expression,
a true desire for solitude as one of the conditions of religious felicity, it must
remembered that the real meaning is always that of being as a separate Spirit,
one with God. " Thou, when thou prayest, pray to thy Father which is in
cret." 3
1 [Cited in full by VioUet-le-Duc, vol. i. pp. 246-249.]
[See above, pp. 231-232.]
3 [Matthew vi. 6.]
252
VALLE CRUCIS
Lord ; and of my father and my mother ; for me also, for my wife, for ;
my sister Albane, who left me these possessions, for all the members ofJ i
our family, and for the faithful persons attached to our service, and for
the maintenance and integrity of the Catholic Religion. But I give thesei '
lands on condition that a monastery under regular orders shall be built at i:
Cluny, to the honour of the apostles Peter and Paul; and that therein s
shall be united a society of monks living according to the rule of St; i!
Benedict, possessing, detaining (Metenant '), and governing the things; \
now given in perpetuity, so that this house may become the venerable i
abode of prayer; that it may be filled without ceasing by faithful wishes t
and pious petitions; and that therein may be sought always, with vivid ill
desire and heai'tfelt ardour, the miracles of Communion with God." i
Now observe you have here a perfect, authoritative, and indisputable i
type of the tenth-century Catholicism in a knight's mind. Fifth-century !
Catholicism, seventh-century Catholicism, are different from this, and thejl 5
are beautiful, in their own places and times, in the minds of good meij i\
and women. We will examine them in their order,^ only first here is wha t
they lead up to — with the good, or evil, or error that it means — here i
your Lord of lands and men, giving away so many square miles of lan(
with the inhabitants thereof, slaves, and other, (no slaves forced to worlj - jl
underground and be blown to pieces by scores every week, like ours ; o]| \
to pass their lives in learning to blow other people to pieces ; but hard' ^
working, healthy creatures, raising their own food and clothing, happ; |
when they were honest, and raised according to their merit, — emigrate 1
ing, when they did so, with their landlord for leader of the expedition),— j ii
giving away, I say, the Land, and the Waters, and the Birds and the Beast' '
and the creeping things, and the Adams and Eves, and all the goodnes
of the days of its creation, for the maintenance of a certain separate grou
of select persons, in a miraculou:; communion with God.
What you please to think of all this is not my present business, onl
to state the facts to you indisputably,
I take up now Viollet-le-Duc's summary of them, vol. i. p. 123 : —
" In 909^ Duke William of Aquitaine had founded the abbey of Glum
and given the lands of it to the apostles Peter and Paul.
" A bull of John IX., in March 932, confirms the charter of Willian
and frees the monastery 'from all dependence on any King, Bishop, c
Count whatsoever, and from any even of Duke William's own family.'
''You must not judge this intervention of the Roman Pontiffs b
modern ideas. You must reflect with conviction * that in the midst (
general anarchy, of these thrusting encroachments of all powers, on
against another, of this unbridled oppression by brutal force, the sovt
reignty (' suzerainte '), — accepted by the chair of St. Peter could oppos
an invincible barrier to material force, could establish spiritual unity, an
constitute a moral force of immeasurable power in the full heart of ba
barism. And that was actually what happened. St. Anselm, Archbishop <
"^11 faut songer" — Laconic and firm French, not otherwise translatable wii
less lengthy English.
^ [A reference to the intended continuation of Our Fathers have Told Us.]
APPENDIX
253
nterbury, St. Hugo, Abbot of Cluny, and Gregory VII., are the great
ures which rule this epoch, and establish, no more to be overthrown,*
e independence of the clergy. As may well be believed, the popula-
ms were not indifferent in their great debates ; they saw rise round them,
r an efficacious refuge f against oppression, these monasteries in which
ire concentrated the men of intelligence, the Spirits d' elite, who in the
e strength given by profound conviction, that of a regular and devoted
e, held in check all the great worldly power of the age. 'Opinion,' to
e a modern word, was all for them, and it was not their least support ;
e regular clergy then gathered into and around themselves all the hopes
the lower orders. Therefore you must not be astonished if during the
3venth and part of the twelfth century they became the centre of all in-
ence, all progress, and all knowledge. Everywhere they founded schools
which were taught letters, philosophy, theology, the sciences and the
ts. At the Abbey of Bee, Lanfranc and St. Anselm, being Priors, did
t disdain to instruct the secular youth, to correct, during their vigils,|
e errors in the manuscripts of Pagan authors, of the Holy Writings, or
the Fathers. At Cluny the most attentive cares § were given to teach-
y. Ulric consecrates two chapters of his Customs of Cluny \\ in detailing
e duties of the masters towards the children, or adults confided to them,
'he greatest prince was not educated with more care in the palace of
ngs than was the least of the children of Cluny.' "
Now, observe, the principles of teaching in their schools were not
bunded" rvith the schools. There was no new system, no new philo-
phy, no new science, set up for a new light of the world by the Priors
I Cluny. The teaching throughout was the teaching of Charlemagne : he
the Founder of the Schools of France ; and through all the ruin of his
(nporal dynasty, what he appointed to be taught of sacred and everlast-
l truth and righteousness was still taught by the patience and cherished
the hearts of his clergy : —
"The schools founded by Charlemagne H rose under the shelter of the
urches; there necessarily took refuge all intelligence devoted to the
idy of the sciences and arts. Geometry, drawing, sculpture and painting
uld be taught only in the establishments which preserved yet a little of
Im and tranquillity in the midst of the frightful chaos of the Carlo-
agian epoch.** And towards the end of the tenth century, at the moment
* "D'un maniere inebranlable." — Of course the Priests' office, once the apostle's,
=iy to-day be forfeited or sold, as in old days, but never, by external force, over-
rown.
t Refuge, meaning, not mere Sanctuary, but Fortress.
X Veilles— "Watches of the Night."
§ '*Les soins les plus attentifs." — The French plural is able to express the
vided and opposite cares of true education where our English '^care" does little
are than indicate general anxiety, perhaps acting only in a single direction, and
at a blundering one.
II Udalrici Antiq. Consuet. Clun. Mon. lib. III., ch. viii. et ix.
if VioUet-le-Duc, under the word " Architecte," p. 108, where it is of extreme
terest to see how his mind instantly fastens on Cluny as the Mistress of his
ai Art.
** Chaotic, however, only in central Europe, and only among the military powers.
254
VALLE CRUCIS
when it seemed that society was about to extinguish itself* in barbarism,!
an abbey founded itself at Cluny, and from the bosom of that religious!
order, for more than a century, came out nearly all the men who, with an;
incomparable patience and energy, arrested the progress of the barbarism— -I
put order into the chaos, and regulated the education — of Western Europei
from Spain to Poland. There is no doubt that Cluny gave to Western;
Europe, not only her popes, her bishops, her ambassadors, and — so faii
as their education reached — her kings, but also her architects, painters,!
physicians, reforming scholars, and school-professors. Raze Cluny from the!
eleventh century, and we find scarcely anything left but darkness, grossli
ignorance, and monstrous abuses." I
* S'eteindre. — Another precious French idiom. Let no society — no person — everi
speak of their "extinction" but as self-caused.
Ill
THE ART OF ENGLAND
(1883)
I
I
i
THE ART OF ENGLAND.
LECTURES GIVEN IN OXFORD,
BY
JOHN RUSKIN, D.C.L., LL.D.,
3N0RARY STUDENT OF CHRIST CHURCH, AND HONORARY FELLOW OF CORPUS-CHRISTI COLLEGE,
DURING HIS
SECOND TENURE OF THE SLADE PROFESSORSHIP,
XXXIII.
GEORGE ALLEN,
SUNNYSIDE, ORPINGTON, KENT.
1884.
R
[Bibliographical Note. — The Lectures, ultimately published under the title
The Art of England, were given by Ruskin at Oxford on his re-election
(January 1883) to the Slade Professorship of Fine Art.
Lecture I. (announced in the Oxford University Gazette, March 6, 1883,
as on '^Recent English Art") was delivered on Friday, March 9. It was
reported in the St. James s Budget, March 16, 1883 ("Mr. Ruskin's Latest"),
and this report was reprinted in Igdrasil, March 1892, vol. iii. pp. 267-268,
and thence in the privately-issued Buskiniana, Part ii., 1892, pp. 240-241.
A note from the report is now added under the text (p. 286).
"There was a scene of great enthusiasm when Mr. Ruskin appeared
to deliver his first lecture on his re-election. Although there was a fair
sprinkling of ladies, young and old, the majority of the audience was
made up of undergraduates ; and as they had begun to assemble an hour
and a half beforehand, some of the principal persons in the University
were unable to obtain admission. The Vice-Chancellor, who attended
with the proctors, rose at the end of the lecture to say a few words of
welcome, and his graceful remarks were received with a storm of ap-
plause" (Truth, March 15, 1883).
Lectures II., III., IV. were delivered in the ensuing term, each being
given twice. They were first announced in the University Gazette (April 13)
as on "Recent English Art (continued)." In the Gazette of May 1, 1883,
the following further notice appeared : —
" The Professor gives notice that persons desirous of attending his Lectures
will be admitted only by tickets, to be obtained at the Euskin School, University
Galleries. The names of applicants must be entered on or before Monday, May 7 ;
the tickets will then be left till called for. Members of the University and
residents in Oxford and the neighbourhood will have precedence.
" The Lectures will be subsequently delivered in London for non-residents.
"Subject of Lectures: Arts of England (continued).
"Saturday, May 12, and Wednesday, May 16. Mythic Schools (Burne- Jones
and G. F. Watts).
"Saturday, May 19, and Wednesday, May 23. Classic Schools (Sir F. Leighton
and Alma-Tadema).
"Saturday, May 26, and Wednesday, May 30. Fairy Land (Mrs. Allingham
and Kate Greenaway)."
The next notice (University Gazette, May 8) shows that the demand for
tickets was great: —
" Professor Ruskin's Lectures.— For the convenience of persons wishing to
attend these Lectures, the doors of the Lecture Theatre at the University Museum
will be opened half-an-hour before the beginning of the lecture. The two front
rows of seats will be reserved for Members of the University and friends intro-
duced by them. Each Lecture will be repeated, but it is earnestly hoped that
those who have attended the first Lecture will not jJrevent others from attending
the repeated one."
In the following day's Gazette, yet another notice appeared:—-
" Professor Ruskin's Lectures : Explanatory Notice. — For the sake of preserving
order, and at the request of Mr. Ruskin, Members of the University, as well as
others, will only be admitted to his Public Lecture by tickets, which have been
reserved for all Members of the University who applied, so far as there was room
for them. At the informal Lecture which Mr. Ruskin kindly gives, admission
is also by tickets, but the tickets are not reserved exclusively for Members of
the University. No person can be admitted to either Lecture without a ticket.
"B. JowETT, Vice-Gkancellor.
"Balliol College, May 8, 1883."
259
260
THE ART OF ENGLAND
Lectures II., III., and IV. were reported (by E. T. Cook) in the Pall
Mall Gazette of May 15, 21, and 28 respectively. Ruskin had the lectures
printed ])efore delivery, but frequently digressed from the printed text.
The reports show accordingly some variations from the lectures as published,
and tliese are now noted under the text (pp. 301, 303, 310, 318, 329).
The reports were reprinted from the Pall Mall Gazette in the Oxford
Chronicle of May 19, 26, and June 2.
Lectures V. and VI. were delivered in the October term, being thus
announced in the University Gazette (October 30, 1883): —
"The Professor will give two Lectures on the Art of England (in completion
of the series begun in the Spring Term) in the Lecture Theatre of the Museum,
on the following days, at 2.30 P.M.
"Lecture I. The Fireside. John Leech and John Tenniel. Wednesday,
November 7. Repeated on Saturday, November 10.
"Lecture II. The Hillside, George Robson and Copley Fielding. Saturday,
November 17. Repeated on Wednesday, November 21.
"Admission will be by ticket, to be obtained at the Ruskin School in Beau-
mont Street. The I;ecture-room will contain only 500 persons, but 550 tickets
will be issued, it having been found practically that nearly a fifth of the tickets
issued were not presented."
These lectures were reported (by E. T. Cook) in the Pall Mall Gazette
of November 8 and 19 respectively, and thence reprinted in the Oxford
Chronicle, November 10 and 24 ("Mr. Ruskin on Punch"). Notes from
the reports are now added under the text (pp. 886, 389).
In Punch of November 17, 1883, there was a notice of Lecture V.,
headed '^The Fireside' at Venice; or. How would it have been."
It will have been noticed that Ruskin intended to repeat his lectures
in London. This was not done, except that on June 5, 1883, he delivered
a lecture in London, which was in part a repetition of Lecture IV., with
a portion of Lecture I. The lecture was reported in the Spectator (June 9,
1883). As the report is mostly taken up with Miss Alexander's drawings,
it has been printed in an Appendix to Vol. XXXII. (pp. 535-538).
ISSUE IN PARTS
The lectures, as already stated, were in type before delivery, and they
were presently issued in Parts. The general title-page and Contents were
issued with the last Part. The title-page was as shown here on p. 257.
Each Part was issued in buff-coloured paper wrappers, with the title-
page (enclosed in a plain ruled frame) repeated upon the front, the price
("One Shilling") being stated below the rule. Of each Part 3000 copies
were printed, llie price (Is.) was reduced to 8d. per Part in July 1893,
and 7d. in January 1901.
Part I, (May 1883). The title-page was:—
The Art of England. | Lectures given in Oxford, | by | John Ruskin,
D.C.L., LL.D. j Honorary Student of Christ Church, and Honorary
Fellow of Corpus-Christi College, | during his | second tenure of the
Slade Professorship. | Lecture I. [ Realistic Schools of Painting, j
George Allen, Sunnyside, Orpington, Kent, 1883.
Small quarto, pp. iv. (unnumbered) -I- 35. Title-page (with blank reverse),
pp. i.-ii. ; half-title (^' Lecture I. | Realistic Schools of Painting, j D. G.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 261
Rossetti and W. Holman Hunt with blank reverse, pp. iii.-iv. ; Lecture,
pp. 1-35.
Second Edition {1S8S), 3000 copies.
Third Edition (1890), 1850 copies.
Part II. (May 1883), containing Lecture II. Title-page as before,
except for " Lecture II. Mythic Schools of Painting." This was repeated
on the half-title, with the addition of '^E. Burne- Jones and G. F. Watts."
Pp. 37-72 (half-title, with blank reverse, pp. 37, 38).
Second Edition (1883), 3000 copies.
Third Edition (1893), 1350 copies.
Part III. (June 1883), containing Lecture III. On the title-page, " Lec-
ture III. Classic Schools of Painting" — repeated on the half-title, with
the addition of "Sir F. Leighton, and Alma-Tadema." Pp. 73-113.
Second Edition (1884), 3000 copies.
Third Edition (1898), 900 copies.
Part IV. (July 1883), containing Lecture IV. On the title-page,
'^Lecture IV. Fairy Land" — repeated on the half-title, with the addition
of "Mrs. Allingham and Kate Greenaway." Pp. 115-157-
Second Edition (1884), 3000 copies.
Third Edition (1898), 800 copies.
Part V. (November 1883), containing Lecture V. On the title-page,
"Lecture V. The Fireside" — repeated on the half-title, with the addi-
tion of "John Leech, and John Tenniel." Pp. 159-197.
Second Edition (1885), 3000 copies.
Part VI. (November 1883), containing Lecture VI. On the title-page,
"Lecture VI. The Hillside" — repeated on the half-title, with the addition
of "George Robson, and Copley Fielding." Pp. 199-241.
With this Part a slip was issued, containing the following : —
PUBLISHER'S NOTICE. THE ART OF ENGLAND
This work will be completed by the publication, early in the ensuing year, of
an extra number containing index to the whole, and explanatory notes; price
one shilling. The volume, including the six lectures and appendix number, will
be supplied bound in cloth for eight shillings.
December, 1883.
The " explanatory notes " became an additional chapter called " Appendix."
Second Edition (1885), 3000 copies.
Part VIL (July 1884), containing this Appendix, which had not been
delivered as a lecture. On the title-page, "Appendix and Index," and
the date now became " 1884." Pp. 243-292. Half-title (" Appendix "), with
blank reverse, pp. 243-244; "Appendix," pp. 245-272 ; fly-title ("Index"),
with blank reverse, pp. 273-274; Index (by Mr. Wedderburn), pp. 275-
292. As the sections were not numbered, the references in this Index
were to pages.
262
THE ART OF ENGLAND
In this edition, as in all others till the present, the headlines on the
rig-ht-hand pages were not (as in the present edition) the titles of the
lecturts Realistic Schools of Painting," etc.), but the names of the artists
("Rossetti and Holman Hunt," etc.).
Second Edition (1887), 1000 copies.
Third Edition (1893), 1500 copies.
SEPARATE ISSUE IN VOLUME FORM
On the publication of Part VII., the lectures were issued in volume
form.
First Edition (1884). — This was made up of the separate Parts not pre-
viously disposed of.
Small quarto, pp. viii. +292. Half-title (with blank reverse), pp. i.-ii. ;
Title-page (with imprint in the centre of the reverse, Printed by | Hazell,
Watson, and Viney, Limited, | London and Aylesbury"), pp. iii.-iv. ; Con-
tents (here p. 265), with blank reverse, pp. v.-vi. ; Fly-title to Lecture I.
(with blank reverse), pp. vii.-viii. ; text of the lectures. Appendix, and
Index (pages as in the Parts), pp. 1-292.
Issued in cloth boards (some green, others brown), lettered across the
back, Ruskin ] The Art | of | England." Price 8s.
Second Edition (1887). — Of each Part there was a second edition, and
these second editions were afterwards issued in volume form. The words
Second Edition" were printed on the title-page. The edition is other-
wise an exact reprint of the first.
A Third Edition was similarly made up from those mentioned above.
The sections were not numbered in these editions.
ISSUE WITH "THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND"
The Art of England was next issued, in 1898, in a volume (uniform
with the Small Edition " of Ruskin's other books) together with the suc-
ceeding course of lectures on The Pleasures of England. The text was
unchanged, but the date of the delivery of the several lectures was added
after the headings to the chapters, and the sections were numbered (the
references in the Index being changed from pages to sections). A few
editorial notes, containing references, were added to the text.
First Edition (1898). — The title-page of the volume is : —
The Art of England | and the | Pleasures of England | Lectures given
in Oxford 1 in 1883-1885 | by | John Ruskin, D.C.L., LL.D. | Hono-
rary Student of Christ Church, and Honorary | Fellow of Corpus
Christi College, Oxford 1 during his second tenure of the Slade |
Professorship | New Edition in Small Form | George Allen, Sunny-
side, Orpington | and | 156, Charing Cross Road, London | 1898 | [All
rights reserved"].
Crown 8vo, pp. viii. -1-415. Half-title (with blank reverse), pp. i.-ii.;
Title-page, p. iii. ; on p. iv. is the note, " The following lectures on ' The
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 263
Art of Englaud ' and ' The Pleasures of England ' were originally pub-
lished separately/' and the imprint — " Printed by Ballantyne, Hanson &
Co., At the Ballantyne Press"; Contents (of both courses of lectures),
pp. v.-vi, ; half-title, The Art of England " (with blank reverse), pp. vii.-
viii. ; text of The Art of England, pp. 1-229 ; Index (with half-title), pp. 231-
260. For the remainder of the book, see below, p. 416.
Issued (April 27, 1898) in green cloth boards, lettered on the back,
" Ruskin | The Art | and | The Pleasures j of | England." 2000 copies.
Price 5s. (reduced to 3s. 6d., January 1904).
Second Edition (1900). — A reprint of the first edition ; with the date
"1900" and "Ninth Thousand in small form" on the title-page. (This
description was inaccurate as applied to the " small form.")
Reprinted in 1904 ("Tenth Thousand").
Pocket Edition (1907). — From the electrotype plates of the edition last
described, a Pocket Edition " was issued in 1907, uniform with other
volumes (see Vol. XV. p. 6). The title-page is: —
The Art and Pleasures | of England | By | John Ruskin \ London :
George Allen.
4000 copies. Price 2s. 6d. net.
On the reverse at the foot, July 1907 | Fourteenth Thousand | All
rights reserved."
Tliere have been unauthorised American Editions of The Art of England.
The Art oj England, among other books, was reviewed in the Church
Quarterly Review, April 1886, vol. 22, pp. 162-188 (" Materialism in Modern
Art").
Notices of the combined edition of 1898 appeared in St. George, July
1898 (vol. i. pp. 154-156), and the Architectural Review, December 1898
(an interesting notice, signed H. R." ; see above, p. Ixx. n.).
Varioe Lectiones. — Some differences between the original edition and its
successors have been described above. To these it is to be added that in
§ 55, line 17, ed. 1 misprinted anciently" for "intently."
In the present edition, numerous mistakes in the Greek in § 78 have
been corrected ; in § 84 the passage from Roadside Songs of Tuscany is
not reprinted; in § 112, line 3, "Birkett" is corrected to "Birket";
in § 114, dots have been inserted to mark places where Ruskin made
omissions; in § 123, line 14, souls" has been misprinted "soul" in all
the small editions ; in § 128, in a footnote here, the reference in all
previous editions has been Bible of Amiens, p. 14" — that is, to p. 14 of
the Separate Traveller's Edition of Chapter iv. ; in § 135, line 4, " Burg-
maier " is corrected to ^^Burkmair"; in § 166, line 13, "Cousins" is
corrected to "Cozens"; in § 170, line 9, the word "it" has been omitted
in all previous editions.]
1
CONTENTS
LECTURE I
PAGE
Realistic Schools of Painting ....... 267
D. G. ROSSETTI AND W. HoLMAN HuNT
LECTURE II
Mythic Schools of Painting . 287
E. BuRNE-JoNEs and G. F. Watts
LECTURE III
Classic Schools of Painting , 306
Sib F. Leighton and Alma Tadema
LECTURE IV
Fairy Land 327
Mrs. Allingham and Kate Greenaway
LECTURE V
The Fireside .......... 350
John Leech and John Tenniel
LECTURE VI
The Hill-Side , . . 371
George Robson and Copley Fielding
APPENDIX 394
265
I
\
I
(
THE ART OF ENGLAND
LECTURE I
REALISTIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING
D. G. ROSSETTI AND W. HOLMAN HUNT
(Delivered 9th March 1883)
I AM well assured that this audience is too kind, and too
^mpathetic, to wish me to enlarge on the mingled feelings
: fear and thankfulness, with which I find myself once
^ain permitted to enter on the duties in which I am
mscious that, before, I fell short in too many ways; and
I which I only have ventured to ask, and to accept, your
rther trust, in the hope of being able to bring to some
' their intended conclusions things not, in the nature of
lem, it seems to me, beyond what yet remains of an old
lan's energy ; but, before, too eagerly begun, and too
regularly followed. And indeed I am partly under the
iipression, both in gratitude and regret, that Professor
Richmond's resignation, however justly motived by his wish
) pursue with uninterrupted thought the career opened
) him in his profession, had partly also for its reason the
3urtesy of concession to his father s old friend ; ^ and his
wn feeling that while yet I was able to be of service
1 advancing the branches of elementary art with which
was specially acquainted, it was best that I should make
le attempt on lines already opened, and with the aid of
Id friends. I am now alike comforted in having left you,
^ [For Sir William Richmond's statement in this connexion, see Vol. XXII.
xxxii.]
267
268
THE ART OF ENGLAND
and encouraged in return; for on all grounds it was most
desirable that to the imperfect and yet in many points new
and untried code of practice which I had instituted, the
foundations of higher study should have been added by
Mr. Richmond, in connection with the methods of art-
education recognized in the Academies of Europe. And^
although I have not yet been able to consult with him
on the subject, I trust that no interruption of the courses
of figure study, thus established, may be involved in the
completion, for what it is worth, of the system of sub-,
ordinate exercise in natural history and landscape, indicated!
in the schools to which at present, for convenience' sakei
my name is attached; but which, if they indeed deserve
encouragement, will, 1 hope, receive it ultimately,^ as pre
senting to the beginner the first aspects of art, in the
widest, because the humblest, relation to those of divinely!
organized and animated Nature. |
2. The immediate task I propose to myself is to maW
serviceable, by all the illustration I can give them, the
now unequalled collection possessed by the Oxford school:
of Turner drawings and sketches, completed as it has beei
by the kindness of the Trustees of the National Gallery
at the intercession of Prince Leopold ; ^ and furnishing th(
means of progress in the study of landscape such as th(
great painter himself only conceived the scope of toware
the closing period of his life. At the opening of next term
I hope, with Mr. Macdonald's assistance, to have drawi
up a little synopsis of the elementary exercises^ which ii
my earlier books have been recommended for practice ii
Landscape, — a subject which, if you look back to th«
courses of my lectures here, you will find almost afFectedl}
neglected, just because it was my personal province.* Othe
matters under deliberation, till I get them either done, o
^ [The room with its collections is still named the Ruskin Drawing School : fo
the catalogue of it, see Vol. XXI.]
2 [On this subject, see Vol. XIII. p. liii.]
^ This intention, however, was not carried out.]
* [Compare below, § 156, p. 372.]
1. REALISTIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 269
itermined, I have no mind to talk of; but to-day, and in
le three lectures which I hope to give in the course of
16 summer term,^ I wish to render such account as is
3ssible to me of the vivid phase into which I find our
nglish art in general to have developed since first I knew
: and, though perhaps not without passing deprecation
- some of its tendencies, to rejoice with you unqualifiedly
I the honour which may most justly be rendered to the
aders, whether passed away or yet present with us, of
ngland's Modern Painters.
3. I may be permitted, in the reverence of sorrow, to
)eak first of my much loved friend, Gabriel Kossetti.
ut, in justice, no less than in the kindness due to death ,^
believe his name should be placed first on the list of
len, within my own range of knowledge, who have raised
id changed the spirit of modern Art: raised, in absolute
i:tainment ; changed, in direction of temper. Rossetti added
) the before accepted systems of colour in painting, one
ased on the principles of manuscript illumination, which
ermits his design to rival the most beautiful qualities of
ainted glass, without losing either the mystery or the
ignity of light and shade. And he was, as I beheve it
now generally admitted, the chief intellectual force in
le establishment of the modern romantic school in England.
4. Those who are acquainted with my former writings
lUst be aware that I use the word "romantic" always in
noble sense ; ^ meaning the habit of regarding the external
lid real world as a singer of Romaunts would have re-
arded it in the Middle Ages, and as Scott, Burns, Byron,
nd Tennyson have regarded it in our own times. But, as
Lossetti's colour was based on the former art of illumina-
on, so his romance was based on traditions of earlier and
lore sacred origin than those which have inspired our
^ [See Bibliographical Note; above, p. 260.]
^ [Rossetti had died in the preceding year (1882). Ou the duties and pro-
'ieties of criticism, see below, p. 894 n.]
^ [See^ for instance, Lectures on Architecture and Painting, §§ 29-31 (Vol. XII.
). 53-55).]
270
THE ART OF ENGLAND
highest modern romantic literature. That literature has ii
all cases remained strongest in dealing with contemporar
fact. The genius of Tennyson is at its highest in th
poems of "Maud," "In Memoriam," and the "Northen
Farmer " ; but that of Rossetti, as of his greatest disciple,!
is seen only when on pilgrimage in Palestine. I
5. I trust that Mr. Holman Hunt will not think tha
in speaking of him as Rossetti's disciple I derogate fron
the respect due to his own noble and determined genius
In all living schools it chances often that the disciple i
greater than his master ; and it is always the first sign o\
a dominant and splendid intellect, that it knows of whon
to learn. Rossetti's great poetical genius justified my claim
ing for him total, and, I believe, earliest, originality in th
sternly materialistic,^^ though deeply reverent, veracity, wit)
which alone, of all schools of painters, this brotherhood
Englishmen has conceived the circumstances of the life c
Christ. And if I had to choose one picture which repre
sented in purity and completeness this manner of thei]
thought, it would be Rossetti's "Virgin in the House d
St. John."^
6. But when Holman Hunt, under such impressive ir
fluence, quitting virtually for ever the range of world!
subjects, to which belonged the pictures of Valentine an
Sylvia, of Claudio and Isabel, and of the " Awakenin
Conscience," rose into the spiritual passion which first
pressed itself in *'The Light of the World," ^ an instant an
quite final difference was manifested between his method d
* See § 31 [p. 287].
^ [Similarly in Lectures on Art, § 55 (Vol. XX. p. 63), Ruskin speaks of tl
school as deriving its first origin from Rossetti." Mr. Holman Hunt, howeve
in his Autobiography, strongly combats the view that he was Rossetti's discip.
and that Rossetti was the leader in the Pre-Raphaelite movement; he submits, c
the other hand, that Rossetti was his disciple: see his Pre-Raphaelitism and ti
Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, 1905, vol. i. pp. 207-208, vol. ii. pp. 418 seq.]
2 [A water-colour drawing, which was in Lady Trevelyan's possession: s(,
below, p. 287.]
3 [For Ruskin's notices of ''Valentine and Sylvia" (1851), see Vol. XII. pp.32
324-825; "Claudio and Isabella" (1850), ibid., p. 160; "The Awakening Coi
science" (1854), ibid., pp. 338-335; and "The Light of the World" (1854), ibio
pp. 328-331.]
L REALISTIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 271
(inception, and that of his forerunner. To Rossetti, the
• Id and New Testaments were only the greatest poems he
]iew; and he painted scenes from them with no more
; tual belief in their relation to the present life and busi-
jss of men than he gave also to the " Morte d Arthur"
ad the "Vita Nuova." But to Holman Hunt, the story of
e New Testament, when once his mind entirely fastened
(1 it, became what it was to an old Puritan, or an old
atholic of true blood, — not merely a Reality, not merely
le greatest of Realities, but the only Reality. So that
lere is nothing in the earth for him any more that does
)t speak of that; — there is no course of thought nor force
(' skill for him, but it springs from and ends in that.
So absolutely, and so involuntarily — I use the word in
J noblest meaning^ — is this so with him, that in all sub-
lets which fall short in the religious element, his power
so is shortened, and he does those things worst which are
isiest to other men.
Beyond calculation, greater, beyond comparison, happier,
lan Rossetti, in this sincerity, he is distinguished also from
m by a respect for physical and material truth which
:nders his work far more generally, far more serenely,
cemplary.
7. The specialty of colour-method which I have sig-
ilized in Rossetti, as founded on missal painting, is in
cactly that degree conventional and unreal. Its light is not
le light of sunshine itself, but of sunshine diffused through
)loured glass. And in object-painting he not only refused,
artly through idleness, partly in the absolute want of
pportunity for the study of nature involved in his choice
! abode in a garret at Blackfriars, — refused, I say, the
atural aid of pure landscape and sky, but wilfully per-
srted and lacerated his powers of conception with Chinese
lizzies and Japanese monsters,^ until his foliage looked
enerally fit for nothing but a fire-screen, and his landscape
^ [On this subject, see Vol. V. pp. 115-116^ and the note on p. 116 there.]
' [Compare Vol. XVII. pp. 340, 341.]
272
THE ART OF ENGLAND
distances like the furniture of a Noah's Ark from the
nearest toy-shop. Whereas Holman Hunt, in the very be
ginning of his career, fixed his mind, as a colourist, on th(
true representation of actual sunshine, of growing leafage
of living rock, of heavenlj^ cloud ; and his long and resolutt
exile, deeply on many grounds to be regretted both foi,
himself and us, bound only closer to his heart the might}
forms and hues of God's earth and sky, and the mysterie
of its appointed lights of the day and of the night-
opening on the foam — " Of desolate seas, in — Sacred— land.,
forlorn."^ j
8. You have, for the last ten or fifteen years, been ac
customed to see among the pictures principally characteristi'
of the English school, a certain average number of attentiv*
studies, both of sunshine, and the forms of lower nature
whose beauty is meant to be seen by its light. Those o
Mr. Brett may be named with especial praise;^ and yoi
probably will many of you remember with pleasure th>
study of cattle on a Highland moor in the evening by Mi
Davis, which in last year's Academy carried us out, at th(
end of the first room, into sudden solitude among the hills
But we forget, in the enjoyment of these new and health;
pleasures connected with pamting, to whom we first ow
them all. The apparently unimportant picture by Holman
Hunt, "The Strayed Sheep," which — painted thirty year
ago* — you may perhaps have seen last autumn in the room
of the [Fine] Art Society in Bond Street, at once achieve"
all that can ever be done in that kind : it will not be sur
passed — it is little likely to be rivalled — by the best effort
of the times to come. It showed to us, for the first time i;
the history of art, the absolutely faithful balances of colou
* [Keats, Ode to a Nightingale:
magic casements, opening on the foam J
Of perilous seas, in faery lauds forlorn."]
* [For Ruskin's praise of Brett's landscapes, see Academy Notes, Vol. XIV
pp. 234, etc. (Index, p. 314).]
" [There was no picture by H. W. B. Davis, R.A., in the first room in tb
exhibition of 1882 ; in the second room was his picture entitled In Ross-shire."i
* [Exhibited 1853 : see Vol. XIV. pp. 65, 226.J
L REALISTIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 273
id shade by which actual sunshine might be transposed
to a key in which the harmonies possible with material
gments should yet produce the same impressions upon
ie mind which were caused by the light itself.
9. And remember, all previous work whatever had been
ther subdued into narrow truth, or only by convention
iggestive of the greater. Claude's sunshine is colourless,
-only the golden haze of a quiet afternoon ; ^ — so also that
Cuyp : Turner's, so bold in conventionalism that it is
ledible to few of you, and offensive to many. But the
lire natural green and tufted gold of the herbage in the
)llow of that little sea-cliff* must be recognized for true
arely by a minute's pause of attention. Standing long
fore the picture, you were soothed by it, and raised into
ch peace as you are intended to find in the glory and
e stillness of summer, possessing all things.
10. I cannot say of this power of true sunshine the
ist thing that I would. Often it is said to me by kindly
aders, that I have taught them to see what they had
j>t seen : and yet never — in all the many volumes of effort
ihave I been able to tell them my own feelings about
laat I myself see. You may suppose that I have been
! this time trying to express my personal feelings about
ature. No ; not a whit. I soon found I could not, and
d not try to. All my writing is only the effort to dis-
iguish what is constantly, and to all men, lovable, and
they will look, lovely, from what is vile or empty, —
, to well-trained eyes and hearts, loathsome; — but you
ill never find me talking about what / feel, or what /
ink.^ I know that fresh air is more wholesome than
!g, and that blue sky is more beautiful than black, to
;;ople happily born and bred. But you will never find,
|:cept of late, and for special reasons, effort of mine to
^ [Compare Modern Painters^ vol. i. (Vol. III. p. 184) : Claude " set the sun in
liven"; and vol. v. (Vol. VII. p. 410): "Claude and Cuyp had painted the sun-
\ne; Turner alone, the sun colour."^
\ 2 [Compare Fors Clavigera, Letter 43 (Vol. XXVIII. p. 107), and the Preface
I Prceterita.l
XXXIII. S
274 THE ART OF ENGLAND
say how I am myself oppressed or comforted by such
things.^
11. This is partly my steady principle, and partly it is]
incapacity. Forms of personal feeling in this kind can only j
be expressed in poetry; and I am not a poet, nor in anyj
articulate manner could I the least explain to you what a <
deep element of life, for me, is in the sight merely of pure
sunshine on a bank of living grass.
More than any pathetic music, — yet I love music,—
more than any artful colour — and yet I love colour, — more
than other merely material thing visible to these old eyes,!
in earth or sky. It is so, I believe, with many of you|
also, — with many more than know it of themselves ; and
this picture, were it only the first that cast true sunshine
on the grass, would have been in that virtue sacred : but
in its deeper meaning, it is, actually, the first of Hunt'sj
sacred paintings — the first in which, for those who can read,
the substance of the conviction and the teaching of his after
life is written, though not distinctly told till afterwards in|
the symbolic picture of " The Scapegoat." ^ " All we like
sheep have gone astray, we have turned every one to his
own way, and the Lord hath laid on Him the iniquity of
us all."^
12. None of you, who have the least acquaintance witi]
the general tenor of my own teaching, will suspect in
me any bias towards the doctrine of vicarious Sacrifice, aj
it is taught by the modern Evangelical Preacher. But the
great mystery of the idea of Sacrifice itself, which has beer
manifested as one united and solemn instinct by all thought-
ful and affectionate races, since the wide world became
peopled, is founded on the secret truth of benevolent energ}
which all men who have tried to gain it have learned-^
^ [Here Ruskin is thinking of such passages in Fors as those in which h(
describes the interruptions of his work by noises, etc. {e.g., Vol. XX VII. p. 328)
and of his accounts of " The Storm-Cloud " and its elFect on the art of the time
In this latter connexion^ see below, pp. 400-406 ; and compare The Storm-Cloui
of the Nineteenth Century, § 85 (Vol. XXXIV. pp. 77-78).]
2 [See Academy Notes, 1856: Vol. XIV. pp. 61, 267.]
3 [Isaiah liii. 6.]
I. REALISTIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 275
at you cannot save men from death but by facing it
r them, nor from sin but by resisting it for them. It is,
1 the contrary, the favourite, and the worst falsehood of
odern infidel morality, that you serve your fellow-creatures
ist by getting a percentage out of their pockets, and will
^st provide for starving multitudes by regaling yourselves.
)me day or other — probably now very soon — too probably
^ heavy afflictions of the State, we shall be taught that
is not so ; and that all the true good and glory even
' this world — not to speak of any that is to come, must
i bought still, as it always has been, with our toil, and
ith our tears. That is the final doctrine, the inevitable
le, not of Christianity only, but of all Heroic Faith and
eroic Being; and the first trial questions of a true soul
itself must always be, — Have I a religion, have I a
luntry, have I a love, that I am ready to die for?^
13. That is the Doctrine of Sacrifice ; the faith in which
aac was bound, in which Iphigenia died, in which the
eat army of martyrs have suffered, and by which all
ctories in the cause of justice and happiness have been
iined by the men who became more than conquerors
rough Him that loved them.^
And yet there is a deeper and stranger sacrifice in the
stem of this creation than theirs. To resolute self-denial,
d to adopted and accepted suffering, the reward is in
e conscience sure, and in the gradual advance and pre-
minance of good, practically and to all men visible. But
liat shall we say of involuntary suffering, — the misery of
le poor and the simple, the agony of the helpless and
le innocent, and the perishing, as it seems in vain, and
le mother weeping for the children of whom she knows
ily that they are not?^
14. I saw it lately given as one of the incontrovert-
ile discoveries of modern science, that all our present
^ [Compare Unto this Last, §§ 21, 22, where Ruskin makes the same question
:j' test of the nobility of a profession (Vol. XVII. p. 40).]
I * [Romans viii. 37-]
' [Jeremiah xxxi. 15.]
276
THE ART OF ENGLAND
enjoyments were only the outcome of an infinite series oi
pain. I do not know how far the statement fairly repre-i
sented — but it announced as incapable of contradiction — thi^
melancholy theory. If such a doctrine is indeed abroac
among you, let me comfort some, at least, with its absolutt
denial. That in past aeons the pain suffered throughout th(*
living universe passes calculation, is true ; that it is infinite
is untrue; and that all our enjoyments are based on it
contemptibly untrue. For, on the other hand, the pleasure
felt through the living universe during past ages is incal
culable also, and in higher magnitudes. Our own talents]
enjoyments, and prosperities, are the outcome of that happij
ness with its energies, not of the death that ended them
So manifestly is this so, that all men of hitherto wides
reach in natural science and logical thought have been Ic
to fix their minds only on the innumerable paths of pleaj
sure, and ideals of beauty, which are traced on the scrol
of creation, and are no more tempted to arraign as unjustj
or even lament as unfortunate, the essential equivalent o!
sorrow, than in the sevenfold glories of sunrise to depre
cate the mingling of shadow with its light.
15. This, however, though it has always been the senti
ment of the healthiest natural philosophy, has never, a
you well know, been the doctrine of Christianity. Tha
religion, as it comes to us with the promise of a kingdor
in which there shall be no more Death, neither sorrow nc
crying,^ so it has always brought with it the confession c
calamity to be at present in patience of mystery enduredi
and not by us only, but apparently for our sakes, by th
lower creatures, for whom it is inconceivable that any goo
should be the final goal of ill.^ Towards these, the on
lesson we have to learn is that of pity.^ For all huma
loss and pain, there is no comfort, no interpretation wort
a thought, except only in the doctrine of the Resurrection
i
* [Revelation xxi. 4.]
^ [Tennyson^ In Memoriam, liv.]
3 [Compare Fors Ctavigera, Letter 92 (Vol. XXIX. pp. 453-454).]
I. REALISTIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 277
' which doctrine, remember, it is an immutable historical
ct that all the beautiful work, and all the happy existence
f mankind, hitherto, has depended on, or consisted in, the
ope of it.^
16. The picture of which I came to-day chiefly to speak ,^
5 a symbol of that doctrine, was incomplete when I saw
, and is so still ; but enough was done to constitute it the
lost important work of Hunt's life, as yet ; and if health
granted to him for its completion, it will, both in reality
rid in esteem, be the greatest religious painting of our time.
You know that in the most beautiful former conceptions
the Flight into Egypt, the Holy Family were always re-
-esented as watched over, and ministered to, by attendant
igels. But only the safety and peace of the Divine Child
id its mother are thought of. No sadness or wonder of
leditation returns to the desolate homes of Bethlehem.
But in this English picture all the story of the escape,
; of the flight, is told, in fulness of peace, and yet of
Dmpassion. The travel is in the dead of the night, the
ay unseen and unknown; — but, partly stooping from the
arlight, and partly floating on the desert mirage, move,
ith the Holy Family, the glorified souls of the Innocents,
lear in celestial light, and gathered into child-garlands of
ladness, they look to the Child in whom they live, and
for them to die. Waters of the River of Life flow
3fore on the sands : the Christ stretches out His arms to
le nearest of them ; — leaning from His mother's breast.
^ [Compare, above, p. 101 ; Lectures on Art, § 151 (Vol. XX. p. 143) ; and Fiction,
lir and Foul, § 45 (Vol. XXXIV,).]
^ [^^The Triumph of the Innocents." What Ruskin saw was the first picture,
lich the painter afterwards abandoned owing to defects in the canvas. The
isign was afterwards repeated on a larger canvas, and the completed picture was
hibited at the Fine Art Society's rooms in 1885 ; it is now in the possession of
r. J. T. Middlemore, M.P., of Birmingham. The relinquished painting was at a
ter date finished, and is in the Walker Art Gallery at Liverpool. See Cata-
jue of an Exhibition of the Collected Works of W. Holman Hunt, with a Prefatory
ote by Sir W. B. Richmond, 1906 ; and the artist's Pre-Raphaelitism and the Pre-
aphaelite Brotherhood, vol. ii. ch. xii., where (on pp. 341-342) he quotes §§ 16, 17
Ruskin's lecture. The Plate here given (XXXIII.) is from the picture at
verpool. The original study of the picture, painted in the East, is in the
)ssession of Mrs. Sydney Morse.]
278
THE ART OF ENGLAND
To how many bereaved households may not this happy
vision of conquered death bring, in the future, days of i
peace ! i
17. I do not care to speak of other virtues in this ^
design than those of its majestic thought, — but you may i
well imagine for yourselves how the painter's quite separate' 'i
and, in its skill, better than magical, power of giving! ^
effects of intense light, has aided the effort of his imagi-j \
nation, while the passion of his subject has developed in !
him a swift grace of invention which for my own part i
I never recognized in his design till now. I can say with t
deliberation that none even of the most animated groups 1
and processions of children which constitute the loveliest^ i
sculpture of the Robbias and Donatello, can more thanj
rival the freedom and felicity of motion, or the subtletyij i
of harmonious line, in the happy wreath of these angel-1 1
children.
18. Of this picture I came to-day chiefly to speak, no:
will I disturb the poor impression which my words carl i
give you of it by any immediate reference to other picturesj \
by our leading masters. But it is not, of course, among ij
these men of splendid and isolated imagination that yoi' i
can learn the modes of regarding common and familial r
nature which you must be content to be governed by — ir i|
early lessons. I count myself fortunate, in renewing mj: i
effort to systematize these, that I can now place in th( i]
schools, or at least lend, first one and then another, somd, i
exemplary drawings by young people — youths and girls o| i
your own age — clever ones, yes, — but not cleverer than <'i t
great many of you : — eminent only, among the youn^:j i
people of the present day whom I chance to knowj \
in being extremely old-fashioned ; — and, — don't be spitefuj \
when 1 say so, — but really they all are, all the four o; ^
them — two lads and two lassies ^ — quite provokingly good. i
^ [Signer Boni and Signer Alessandri (see below, p. 286 n.) ; Miss Francesc
Alexander and Miss Lilian Trotter. For drawings by G. Boni, see the Index to th
Oxford Collection, Vol. XXI. p. 320 ; for Signor Alessandri, Vol. XXX.]
1. REALISTIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 279
19. Lads, not exactly lads perhaps — one of them is
[ready master of the works in the ducal palace at Venice ;
Lssies, to an old man of sixty-four, who is vexed to be
eaten by them in his own business — a little older, perhaps,
lari most of the lassies here, but still brightly young; and,
lind you, not artists, but drawing in the joy of their
earts — and the builder at Venice only in his pla3dime —
et, I believe you will find these, and the other drawings
speak of, more helpful, and as I just said, exemplary,
lan any I have yet been able to find for you ; and of
lese, little stories are to be told, which bear much on
J that I have been most earnestly trying to make you
isured of, both in art and in real life.
20. Let me, however, before going farther, say, to relieve
)ur minds from unhappily too well-grounded panic, that
have no intention of making my art lectures any more
le-half sermons. All the pieces of theological or other
rave talk which seemed to me a necessary part of my
jaehing here, have been already spoken, and printed ; ^ and
re, I only fear at too great length, legible. Nor have I
ly more either strength or passion to spare in matters
ipable of dispute. I must in silent resignation leave all
c you who are led by your fancy, or induced by the
shion of the time, to follow, without remonstrance on my
irt, those modes of studying organic beauty for which
reparation must be made by depriving the animal under
ivestigation first of its soul within, and secondly of its
dn without. But it chances to-day that the merely literal
istories of the drawings which I bring with me to show
3U or to lend, do carry with them certain evidences of
le practical force of religious feeling on the imagination,
3th in artists and races, such as I cannot, if I would,
ralook, and such as I think you will yourselves, even
lose who have least sympathy with them, not without
Imiration recognize.
^ [See, for instance, Lectures on Art (Vol. XX. pp. 70-72) and Eaglets Nest
ol. XXn. p. 287).]
280
THE ART OF ENGLAND
21. For a long time I used to say, in all my elementary
books, that, except in a graceful and minor way, wonieni
could not paint or draw.^ I am beginning, lately, to bowi '
myself to the much more delightful conviction that nobody ^
else can. How this very serious change of mind was firstl ^
induced in me it is, if not necessary, I hope pardonable, to ^
delay you by telling. i
When I was at Venice in 1876 — it is almost the onlyi
thing that makes me now content in having gone there,—
two English ladies, mother and daughter, were staying at ^
the same hotel, the Europa. One day the mother sent me
a pretty little note asking if I would look at the young ^
lady's drawings. On my somewhat sulky permission, ^'
few were sent, in which I saw there was extremely right-j
minded and careful work, almost totally without knowledge.) f
I sent back a request that the young lady might be allowedl
to come out sketching with me. I took her over into the, ^
pretty cloister of the church of La Salute, and set her,1 i
for the first time in her life, to draw a little piece of greyl t
marble with the sun upon it, rightly. She may have had| i
one lesson, after that — she may have had two; the three^
if there were three, seem to me, now, to have been only I
one ! She seemed to learn everything the instant she was }
shown it — and ever so much more than she was taught^j *
Next year she went away to Norway, on one of these i
frolics which are now-a-days necessary to girl-existence i
and brought back a little pocket-book, which she thought im
nothing of, and which I begged of her: and have framed' «,
half a dozen leaves of it (for a loan to you, only, mind,' ii
till you have enough copied them.^ ii
22. Of the minute drawings themselves, I need not teli i
you — for you will in examining them, beyond all telling !
feel, that they are exactly what we should all like to bf ii
able to do; and in the plainest and frankest manner shoM ii
1 [See Vol. XIV. p. 308 and n.]
^ [These sketches by . Miss Lilian Trotter remain, however, in the " Loiii
Cabinet" in the Ruskin Drawing School at Oxford : see Vol. XXI. p. 306.]
1. REALISTIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 281
s how to do it — or, more modestly speaking, how, if
eaven help us, it can be done. They can only be seen,
s you see Bewick Vignettes, with a magnifying glass, and
bey are patterns to you therefore only of pocket-book work ;
ut what skill is more precious to a traveller than that of
linute, instantaneous, and unerring record of the things
lat are precisely best? For in this, the vignettes upon
lese leaves differ, widely as the arc of heaven, from the
itter truths of Bewick. Nothing is recorded here but
hat is lovely and honourable: how much there is of both
1 the peasant life of Norway, many an English traveller
as recognized; but not always looking for the cause or
iduring the conclusion, that its serene beauty, its hospitable
atriotism, its peaceful courage, and its happy virtue, were
ependent on facts little resembling our modern English
istitutions ; — namely, that the Norwegian peasant " is a
ee man on a scanty bit of ground which he has inherited
cm his forefathers ; that the Bible is to be found in every
ut ; that the schoolmaster wanders from farm to farm ;
lat no Norwegian is confirmed who does not know how
) read ; and no Norwegian is allowed to marry who has
ot been confirmed." I quote straightforwardly, (missing
illy some talk of Parliaments ; but not caring otherwise
ow far the sentences are with my own notions, or against,)
om Dr. Hartwig's collected descriptions of the Polar world,
am not myself altogether sure of the wisdom of teaching
v^erybody to read : but might be otherwise persuaded if
ere, as in Norway, every town had its public library, "while
1 many districts the peasants annually contribute a dollar
Dwards a collection of books, which, under the care of the
riest, are lent out to all comers."^
23. I observe that the word " priest " has of late become
lore than ever offensive to the popular English mind ; and
ause only to say that, in whatever capacity, or authority,
^ [The Polar World : a Popular Description of Man and Nature in the Arctic and
ntarctic Regions of the Globe, 1869^ p. 111. For a fuller quotation from the same
assage, see Fors Clavigera, Letter 89 (Vol. XXIX. p. 406).]
282 THE ART OF ENGLAND
the essential function of a public librarian must in every I
decent and rational country be educational; and consist in |
the choosing, for the public, books authoritatively or essen-i i
tially true, free from vain speculation or evil suggestion: ii
and in noble history or cheerful fancy, to the utmost, en- I
tertaining. I
One kind of periodical literature, it seems to me as I i
study these drawings, must at all events in Norw^ay bei jf
beautifully forbidden, — the Journal des Modes, You willi i
see evidence here that the bright fancying ahke of maidens'; |
and matrons' dress, capable of prettiest variation in its orna-* i
ment, is yet ancestral in its form, and the white caps, in i)
their daily purity, have the untroubled constancy of thei il
sea-shell and the snow. |
24. Next to these illustrations of Norwegian economy,] %
I have brought you a drawing of deeper and less imitablej i
power: it is by a girl of quite peculiar gift, whose life has? t\
hitherto been spent in quiet and unassuming devotion toj t
her art, and to its subjects. I would fain have said, anj i
Enghsh girl, but all my prejudices have lately had the axe| f
laid to their roots ^ one by one, — she is an American! But i
for twenty years she has lived with her mother among the i
peasants of Tuscany — under their olive avenues in summer |
— receiving them, as they choose to come to chat with her, ,
in her little room by Santa Maria Novella in Florence
during winter. They come to her as their loving guide, ^
and friend, and sister in all their work, and pleasure, and j
— suffering. I lean on the last word. I i
25. For those of you who have entered into the heart |
of modern Italy know that there is probably no more |
oppressed, no more afflicted order of gracious and blessed ,|
creatures — God's own poor, who have not yet received \
their consolation, — than the mountain peasantry of Tus-i |
cany and Romagna. What their minds are, and what their j
state, and what their treatment, those who do not know
* [Matthew iii. 10.]
L REALISTIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 28a
^taly may best learn, if they can bear the grief of learn-
ng it, from Ouida's photographic story of A Village Com-
nune ;^ yet amidst all this, the sweetness of their natural
haracter is undisturbed, their ancestral religious faith
inshaken — their purity and simplicity of household life
mcorrupted. They may perish, by our neglect or our
ruelty, but they cannot be degraded. Among them, as I
lave told you, this American girl has lived — from her
outh up, with her (now widowed) mother, who is as
agerly, and, which is the chief matter, as sympathizingiy
>enevolent as herself. The peculiar art gift of the youngei*
ady is rooted in this sympathy, the gift of truest expression
f feelings serene in their rightness ; and a love of beauty
-divided almost between the peasants and the flowers that
ive round Santa Maria del Fiore. This power she has
rained by its limitation, severe, and in my experience
mexampled, to work in light and shade only, with the
)ure pen line : but the total strength of her intellect and
ancy being concentrated in this engraver's method, it ex-
)resses of every subject what she loves best, in simplicity
j ndebased by any accessory of minor ernotion.^
She has thus drawn in faithfuUest portraiture of these
)easant Florentines, the loveliness of the young and the
aajesty of the aged: she has listened to their legends^
/ritten down their sacred songs ; and illustrated, with the
anctities of mortal life, their traditions of immortality.
26. I have brought you only one drawing to-day; in
he spring I trust you shall have many, — but this is enough,
ust now. It is drawn from memory only, but the fond
aemory which is as sure as sight — it is the last sleep from
v^hich she waked on this earth, of a young Florentine girl
v^ho had brought heaven down to earth, as truly as ever
aint of old, while she lived, and of whom even I, who
lever saw her, cannot believe that she is dead. Her friend,
1 [See the Introduction to Vol. XXXII. p. xxvi.]
' [Compare the similar estimate of Miss Alexander's work by G. F, Watts r
ol. XXXII. p. XXX.]
284
THE ART OF ENGLAND
who drew this memorial of her, wrote also the short story
of her life, which I trust you will soon be able to read.^
Of this, and of the rest of these drawings, I have much j
to say to you ; but this first and last, — that they are
representations of beautiful human nature, such as could i
only have been found among people living in the pure
Christian faith — such as it was, and is, since the twelfth
century ; and that, although, as I said, I have returned to '
Oxford only to teach you technical things, this truth must
close the first words, as it must be the sum of all that
I may be permitted to speak to you, — that the history of
the art of the Greeks is the eulogy of their virtues ; and \
the history of Art after the fall of Greece, is that of the
Obedience and the Faith of Christianity. ,
27. There are two points of practical importance which
I must leave under your consideration. I am confirmed by
Mr. Macdonald in my feeling that some kind of accurately
testing examination is necessary to give consistency and ^
efficiency to the present drawing-school. I have therefore)
determined to give simple certificates of merit, annually, to!
the students who have both passed through the required
course, and at the end of three years have produced work
satisfactory to Mr. Macdonald and myself.^ After Easter,
I will at once look over such drawings as Mr. Macdonald
thinks well to show me, by students who have till now
complied with the rules of the school ; and give certifi-
cates accordingly; — henceforward, if my health is spared,
annually : and I trust that the advantage of this simple
* See the frontispiece to The Story of Ida, by " Francesca." G. Allen,
1883. [Vol. XXXII. p. 3.]
^ [For Ruskin's Professorial Notice on this subject, see Vol. XXI. p. 316. j
The terms of the Notice were not long enforced. At the conclusion of the first I
lecture of his next course, Ruskin remarked that "this ^modest ordinance,' having
had the effect of emptying the school of its former pupils, and not having tempted
new scholars, is now to be withdrawn, and the young ladies of Oxford are oncei
more to be admitted to 'copy Turner in their own way.' 'As for the under- i
graduates, it will make no difference, for I never succeeded in getting more than!
two or %\\rQ% of them into my school, even in its palmiest days'" {Pall Mall\
Gazette, October 20, 1884).]
I. REALISTIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 285
nd uncompetitive examination will be felt by succeeding
olders of the Slade Professorship, and in time commend
:self enough to be held as a part of the examination
ystem of the University.
Uncompetitive, always. The drawing certificate will imply
0 compliment, and convey no distinction. It will mean
lerely that the student who obtains it knows perspective,
7ith the scientific laws of light and colour in illustrating
3rm, and has attained a certain proficiency in the manage-
lent of the pencil.
28. The second point is of more importance and more
lifficulty.
I now see my way to making the collection of examples
1 the schools, quite representative of all that such a series
ught to be. But there is extreme difficulty in finding any
jQoks that can be put into the hands of the home student
^hich may supply the place of an academy. I do not
aean merely as lessons in drawing, but in the formation
>f taste, which, when we analyse it, means of course merely
he right direction of feeling.
29. I hope that in many English households there may
*e found already — I trust some day there may be found
Ivrherever there are children who can enjoy them, and espe-
ially in country village schools — the three series of designs
)y Ludwig Richter, in illustration of the Lord's Prayer, of
he Sunday, and of the Seasons.^ Perfect as types of easy
ine drawing, exquisite in ornamental composition, and re-
ined to the utmost in ideal grace, they represent all that
s simplest, purest, and happiest in human life, all that is
nost strengthening and comforting in nature and in religion.
They are enough, in themselves, to show that whatever
ts errors, whatever its backslidings, this century of ours has
n its heart understood and fostered, more than any former
me, the joys of family affection, and of household piety.
^ [Two of the designs in the Lord's Prayer Series are reproduced in Vol. XXIX.
see pp. 594, 595), and another is given below (p. 300). For notes on the Sunday
ind the Seasons, see Vol. XXX. pp. 349-351.]
286
THE ART OF ENGLAND
For the former fairy of the woods, Richter has brought
to you the angel on the threshold ; for the former promises
of distant Paradise, he has brought the perpetual blessing,
**God be with you": amidst all the turmoil and speeding
to and fro, and wandering of heart and eyes which perplex
our paths, and betray our wills, he speaks to us in unfaihng '
memorial of the message — "My Peace I leave with you."^
^ [John xiv. 27. " At the end of his lecture/' says a report in the *S'^ James's
Budget (see above^ p. 259), " Mr. Ruskin committed himself to a somewhat
perilous statement. He had found two young Italian artists, in whom the true
spirit of old Italian art yet lived. No hand like theirs had been put to paper since
Lippi and Leonardo. Mr. Ruskin concluded by showing two sketches of his own,
harmonious in colour and faithful and tender in touch, of Italian architecture,
taken from the Duomo of Lucca, to show that though he was growing older his
liand had not lost its steadiness." For the "two young Italian artists," see above,
p. 278 n. ; and for the drawings of Lucca, above, p. xlv.]
I
LECTURE II
MYTHIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING
E. BURNE-JONES AND G. F. WATTS
{Delivered 12th and l6th May 1883)
). It is my purpose, in the lectures I may be permitted
eneeforward to give in Oxford, so to arrange them as to
spense with notes in subsequent printing; and, if I am
reed for shortness, or in oversight, to leave anything
sufficiently explained, to complete the passage in the next
llowing lecture, or in any one, though after an inter-
al, which may naturally recur to the subject. Thus the
rinted text will always be simply what I have read, or
id ; and the lectures will be more closely and easily con-
acted than if I went always on without the care of
^planatory retrospect.
31. It may have been observed, and perhaps with ques-
on of my meaning, by some readers, that in my last
cture I used the word materialistic " of the method of
mception common to Rossetti and Hunt, with the greater
umber of their scholars. I used that expression to denote
leir peculiar tendency to feel and illustrate the relation of
)iritual creatures to the substance and conditions of the
isible world ; more especially, the familiar, or in a sort
umihating, accidents or employments of their earthly life;
-as, for instance, in the picture I referred to, Rossetti's
irgin in the house of St. John, the Madonna's being
rawn at the moment when she rises to trim their lamp.
* Ante, § 5 [p. 270].
287
288
THE ART OF ENGLAND
In many such cases, the incidents may of course have sym-
bohcal meaning, as, in the unfinished drawing by Rossetti
of the Passover, which I have so long left with you,^ the]
boy Christ is watching the blood struck on the doorpost;-—'
but the peculiar value and character of the treatment isi
in what I called its material veracity, compelling the spec- J
tator's behef, if he have the instinct of behef in him at all,
in the thing's having verily happened ; and not being a mere
poetical fancy. If the spectator, on the contrary, have no
capacity of belief in him, the use of such representation is'
in making him detect his own incredulity ; and recognize,
that in his former dreamy acceptance of the story, he had
never really asked himself whether these things were so.
32. Thus, in what I believe to have been in actual time
the first — though I do not claim for it the slightest lead
in suggestive influence, yet the first dated example of such
literal and close realization — my own endeavour in the third
volume of Modern Painters (iv. 4, § 16)^ to describe the
incidents preceding the charge to Peter, I have fastened |
on the words, He girt his fisher's coat about him, and
did cast himself into the sea,"^ following them out with.
" Then to Peter, all wet and shivering, staring at Christ
in the sun;'' not in the least supposing or intending an}
symbolism either in the coat or the dripping water, or tht
mornnig sunshine; but merely and straitly striving to put
the facts before the readers' eyes as positively as if he had
seen the thing come to pass on Brighton beach, and an
English fisherman dash through the surf of it to the feet
of his captain — once dead, and now with the morning
brightness on his face.
33. And you will observe farther, that this way o\
^ [Plate XXXIV. The drawing was commissioned by Ruskin in 1854, but nevei
completed by the artist (see, in a later volume, several references to it in Ruskin •
letters to Rossetti). The drawing was shown at the Old Masters Exhibition o
1883, No. 864. It was at that time in the Ruskin Drawing School, but is uom
at Brantwood. For another reference to the drawing, see The Three Colours (h
Pre-liaphaelitism, § 22 (Vol. XXXIV.).]
2 [See Vol. V. pp. 80, 81.]
^ [John xxi. 7.]
XXXIV
Tlie Passover
1
II. MYTHIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 289
linking about a thing compels, with a painter, also a
3rtain way of painting it. I do not mean a necessarily
ose or minute way, but a necessarily complete, substantial,
id emphatic one. The thing may be expressed with a
w fierce dashes of the pencil; but it will be wholly and
idily there ; it may be in the broadest and simplest terms,
it nothing will be hazy or hidden, nothing clouded round,
• melted away: and all that is told will be as explanatory
id lucid as may be — as of a thing examined in daylight,
)t dreamt of in moonlight.
34. I must delay you a little, though perhaps tiresomely,
V make myself well understood on this point; for the first
ilebrated pictures of the pre-Raphaelite school having been
ctremely minute in finish, you might easily take minute-
])ss for a speciality of the style, — but it is not so in the
last. Minuteness I do somewhat claim, for a quality in-
cited upon by myself, and required in the work of my
(/n pupils; it is — at least in landscape — Turnerian and
Qskinian — not pre-Raphaelite at all :— the pre-Raphaelism
ommon to us all is in the frankness and honesty of the
luch, not in its dimensions.
35. I think I may, once for all, explain this to you,
^d convince you of it, by asking you, when you next go
I) to London, to look at a sketch by Vandyke in the
Jitional Gallery, No. 680, purporting to represent this very
5 me I have been speaking of, — the miraculous draught
( fishes. It is one of the too numerous brown sketches
i| the manner of the Flemish School, which seem to me
j|ways rather done for the sake of wiping the brush clean
tan of painting anything. There is no colour in it, and
i» light and shade; — but a certain quantity of bitumen is
ibbed about so as to slip more or less greasily into the
5 ape of figures; and one of St. John's (or St. James's)
l?s is suddenly terminated by a wriggle of white across
i to signify that he is standing in the sea. Now that
ns the kind of work of the Dutch School, which I spent
s many pages in vituperating throughout the first volume
XXXIII. T
290
THE ART OF ENGLAND
of Modern Painters^ — pages, seemingly, vain to this day
for still, the brown daubs are hung in the best rooms c
the National Gallery, and the loveliest Turner drawing i
are nailed to the wall of its cellar,'^ — and might as well b II
buried at Pompeii for any use they are to the British |li
public; — but, vain or effectless as the said chapters ma, i
be, they are altogether true in that firm statement, tha ^
these brown flourishes of the Dutch brush are by me;| I
who lived, virtually, the gentle, at court, — the simple, i jft
the pothouse : and could indeed paint, according to theil i
habitation, a nobleman or a boor; but were not only incaj I
able of conceiving, but wholly un wishful to conceive, any 1
thing, natural or supernatural, beyond the precincts of th Ei
Presence and the tavern. So that they especially failed i, \
giving the life and beauty of little things in lower natur^ ■\i
and if, by good hap, they may sometimes more or less su(i «
ceed in painting St. Peter the Fisher's face, never by an itl
chance realize for you the green wave dashing over his feC j if
36. Now, therefore, understand of the opposite so calle' t
^* Pre-Raphaelite," and, much more, pre-Rubensite, societ} pi
that its primary virtue is the trying to conceive things f il
they are, and thinking and feeling them quite out : ^ — b( r
lieving joyfully if we may, doubting bravely, if we must,- \\
but never mystifying, or shrinking from, or choosing fc if
argument's sake, this or that fact; but giving every fa( |
its own full power, and every incident and accessory ii t
own true place, — so that, still keeping to our illustn ?il
tions from Brighton or Yarmouth beach, in that mo5 t
noble picture by Millais which probably most of you sa" ^ii
last autumn in London, the "Caller Herrin," — pictui |
which, as a piece of art, I should myself put highest c ^
all yet produced by the Pre-Raphaelite school; — in thi \
most noble picture, I say, the herrings were painted jui
1 [See, for instance, in this edition, Vol. III. pp. 90, 188-189, 516.]!
2 Compare, below, p. 371 and w.]
^ [Compare the similar definitions in Lectures on Architecture and Paintin i|
Vol. XII. pp. 146, 157 n. ; also in Vol. XII. p. 322 ; and in The Three Colours i
Pre-Baphaelitism, § 9 (Vol. XXXIV.).]
!
II. MYTHIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 291
t well as the girl, and the master was not the least afraid
lat, for all he could do to them, you would look at the
I rrings first.^
37. Now then, I think I have got the manner of Pre-
Japhaelite " Realization " — " Verification " — " Materializa-
im" — or whatever else you choose to call it, positively
( ough asserted and defined : and hence you will see that
i follows, as a necessary consequence, that Pre-Raphaelite
objects must usually be of real persons in a solid world —
i»t of personifications in a vaporescent one.
The persons may be spiritual, but they are individual,
-St. George, himself, not the vague idea of Fortitude;
I . Cecily herself, not the mere power of music. And,
i:hough spiritual, there is no attempt whatever made by
1 is school to indicate their immortal nature by any evanes-
<|nce or obscurity of aspect. All transparent ghosts and
noutlined spectra are the work of failing imagination, —
]st you sure of that. Botticelli indeed paints the Favonian
]eeze transparent,^ but never the Angel Gabriel; and in
ie picture I was telling you of in last lecture,^ — if there
i a fault which may jar for a moment on your feelings
hen you first see it, I am afraid it will be that the souls
< the Innocents are a little too chubby, and one or two
I them, I should say, just a dimple too fat.
38. And here I must branch for a moment from the
<rect course of my subject, to answer another question
hich may by this time have occurred to some of my
]jarers, how, if this school be so obstinately realistic, it
in also be characterized as romantic.
When we have concluded our review of the present
ate of English art, we will collect the general evidence
' its romance;^ meantime, I will say only this much, for
* A?ile, § 16, seq. [pp. 277, 278].
^ ["Caller Herrin' " v/as exhibited at the Fine Art Society's rooms in 1882;
is now in Mr. Walter Dunlop's possession.]
2 [In his " Primavera/' in the Accademia at Florence. For " Favonian breeze,"
3 Horace, Odes, i. 4, 1.]
^ [See below, p. 374.]
292
THE ART OF ENGLAND
you to think out at your leisure, that romance does n(
consist in the manner of representing or relating thing
but in the kind of passions appealed to by the things r<
lated. The three romantic passions are those by which yo
are told, in Wordsworth's aphoristic line, that the life (
the soul is fed : —
"We live by Admiration, Hope, and Love."^
Admiration, meaning primarily all the forms of Hei
Worship, and secondarily, the kind of feeling towards tl
beauty of nature, which I have attempted too feebly t
analyze in the second volume of Modeim Painters ; — Hop*
meaning primarily the habit of mind in which we take pn
sent pain for the sake of future pleasure, and expandin
into the hope of another world ; — and Love, meaning (
course whatever is happiest or noblest in the life either (
that world or this.
39. Indicating, thus briefly, what, though not alwaj^
consciously, we mean by Romance, I proceed with oij
present subject of inquiry, from which I branched
the point where it had been observed that the realistic
school could only develop its complete force in represeni
ing persons, and could not happily rest in personification
Nevertheless, we find one of the artists whose close frienc
ship with Rossetti, and fellowship with other members (
the Pre-Raphaelite brotherhood, have more or less identifie
his work with theirs, yet differing from them all diametr
cally in this, that his essential gift and habit of thougKi
is in personification, and that, — for sharp and brief irj
stance, — had both Rossetti and he been set to illustra^j
the first chapter of Genesis, Rossetti would have painte
either Adam or Eve ; but Edward Burne-Jones, a Day ^
Creation. ■
And in this gift, he becomes a painter, neither of Divin'
History, nor of Divine Natural History, but of Mytholog}!
* [Excursion, Book iv. — a line often quoted by Ruskin : e.g.^ in Vol. I^''
p. 29 n. ; and see General Index.]
II. MYTHIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 293
jcepted as such, and understood by its symbolic figures to
] present only general truths, or abstract ideas.
40. And here I must at once pray you, as I have
j ayed you to remove all associations of falsehood from the
ord romance, so also to clear them out of your faith,
hen you begin the study of mythology. Never confuse a
yth with a lie,^ — nay, you must even be cautious how
ir you even permit it to be called a fable. Take the
j^quentest and simplest of myths for instance — that of
^Drtune and her wheel.^ Enid does not herself conceive,
r in the least intend the hearers of her song to conceive,
iat there stands anywhere in the universe a real woman,
irning an adamantine wheel whose revolutions have power
rer human destiny. She means only to assert, under that
iiage, more clearly the law of Heaven's continual dealing
th man, — "He hath put down the mighty from their
J at, and hath exalted the humble and meek."^
41. But in the imagined symbol,* or rather let me say,
i e visiting and visible dream, of this law, other ideas
iriously conducive to its clearness are gathered; — those
< gradual and irresistible motion of rise and fall, — the tide
\ Fortune, as distinguished from instant change or catas-
iaphe; — ^those of the connection of the fates of men with
( ch other, the yielding and occupation of high place, the
j'ernately appointed and inevitable humiliation: — and the
]stening, in the sight of the Ruler of Destiny, of all to
ie mighty axle which moves only as the axle of the
orld. These things are told or hinted to you, in the
lythic picture, not with the impertinence and the narrow-
ijss of words, nor in any order compelling a monotonous
:iccession of thought, — but each as you choose or chance
■ read it, to be rested in, or proceeded with, as you will.
42. Here then is the ground on which the Dramatic,
^ [Compare the opening passage of Queen of the Air, Vol. XIX. pp. 295 seq.]
" [For other references to the myth (embodied in the song of Enid in Idylls of
■ J^ing), see Vol. XVII. pp. 101, 223.]
" [Luke i. 52.]
* [The large picture "The Wheel of Fortune." exhibited at the Grosvenor
: 1883.]
294 THE ART OF ENGLAND
or personal, and Mythic, or personifying, schools of on
young painters, whether we find for them a general nam*
or not, must be thought of as absolutely one — that, as th' '
dramatic painters seek to show you the substantial tnitl ^
of persons, so the mythic school seeks to teach you th« ij
spiritual truth of myths.
Truth is the vital power of the entire school, — Truth it
armour — Truth its war- word; and the grotesque and mU is
forms of imagination which, at first sight, seem to be thi ^
reaction of a desperate fancy, and a terrified faith, against i
the incisive scepticism of recent science, so far from bein[ I
so, are a part of that science itself : they are the result '
of infinitely more accurate scholarship, of infinitely men! t
detective examination, of infinitely more just and scrupui t
lous integrity of thought, than was possible to any artisj i
during the two preceding centuries ; and exactly as thJ i
eager and sympathetic passion of the dramatic designer no\i I
assures you of the way in which an event happened, s*] i
the scholarly and sympathetic thought of the mythic designej |
now assures you of the meaning, in what a fable said. i i
43. Much attention has lately been paid by archgeolo f
gists to what they are pleased to call the development c I
myths : but, for the most part, with these two erroneou i
ideas to begin with — the first, that mythology is a tempd I
rary form of human folly, from which they are about i) i
their own perfect wisdom to achieve our final deliverance* i|
the second, that you may conclusively ascertain the natur 1
of these much-to-be-lamented misapprehensions, by the typej i
which early art presents of them ! You will find in th I
first section of my Queen of the Air,^ contradiction enougli i
of the first supercilious theory ; — though not with enougl
clearness the counter statement, that the thoughts of all th | i
greatest and wisest men hitherto, since the world was made: j
have been expressed through mythology. I j
44. You may find a piece of most convincing evidencj
on this point by noticing that whenever, by Plato, you ai'i i
1 [See Vol. XIX. pp. 295-296.] i
II. MYTHIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 295
( tricated from the play of logic, and from the debate of
jdnts dubitable or trivial; and are to be told somewhat
( his inner thought, and highest moral conviction, — that
istant you are cast free in the elements of phantasy, and
( lighted by a beautiful myth/ And I believe that every
1 aster here who is interested, not merely in the history,
lit in the substance, of moral philosophy, will confirm me
i saying that the direct maxims of the greatest sages of
(reece do not, in the sum of them, contain a code of
(hies either so pure, or so practical, as that which may
]i gathered by the attentive interpretation of the myths
( Pindar and Aristophanes.^
45. Of the folly of the second notion above-named, held
] the majority of our students of ''development" in fable,
- that they can estimate the dignity of ideas by the sym-
I'ls used for them, in early art, and trace the succession
( thought in the human mind by the tradition of orna-
lent in its manufactures, I have no time to-day to give
jiy farther illustration than that long since instanced to
^)u,^ the difference between the ideas conveyed by Homer's
( scription of the shield of Achilles, (much more, Hesiod's
< that of Herakles,) and the impression which we should
iceive from any actually contemporary Greek art. You
lay with confidence receive the restoration of the Homeric
:ield, given by Mr. A. Murray in his history of Greek
! ulpture,* as authoritatively representing the utmost graphic
I ill which could at the time have been employed in the
i^coration of a hero's armour. But the poet describes the
lide imagery as producing the effect of reality, and might
'aise in the same words the sculpture of Donatello or
* [As, for instance, in the figure of the charioteer of the soul referred to by
iskin in Vol. XX. p. 351 ; and in the " lovely metaphor of the cave," Vol. XXII.
627.]
^ [For such interpretation by Ruskin, see — for Pindar, Vol. XVIII. p. 514,
il. XIX. p. 316, Vol. XX. pp. 328-329 ; for Aristophanes, Vol. XVIII. p. 398,
ol. XX. p. 401, Vol. XXV. p. 542.]
^ [In the second course of Oxford lectures, 1870 : see Aratra Pentdici, § 78
ol. XX. p. 250).]
* [A History of Greek Sculpture^ by A. S. Murray, vol. i. ch. iii. (" The Shield
Achilles").]
296
THE ART OF ENGLAND
Ghiberti. And you may rest entirely satisfied that whei
the surrounding realities are beautiful, the imaginations, ii
all distinguished human intellect, are beautiful also, an(
that the forms of gods and heroes were entirely noble ii
dream, and in contemplation, long before the clay becanK
ductile to the hand of the potter, or the likeness of I
living body possible in ivory and gold.
46. And herein you see with what a deeply interesting
function the modern painter of mythology is invested. H(
is to place, at the service of former imagination, the aril
which it had not — and to realize for us, with a truth theri
impossible, the visions described by the wisest of men a?
embodying their most pious thoughts and their most exaltec
doctrines : not indeed attempting with any literal exactitud(
to follow the words of the visionary, for no man can ente:
literally into the mind of another, neither can any great
designer refuse to obey the suggestions of his own: bu1
only bringing the resources of accomplished art to unvei
the hidden splendour of old imagination ; and showing m
that the forms of gods and angels which appeared in fanc}
to the prophets and saints of antiquity, were indeed mort
natural and beautiful than the black and red shadows on i
Greek vase, or the dogmatic outlines of a Byzantine fresco
47. It should be a ground of just pride to all of
here in Oxford, that out of this University^ came the paintei
whose indefatigable scholarship and exhaustless fancy have
together fitted him for this task, in a degree far distinguish
ing him above all contemporary European designers. It \i
impossible for the general public to estimate the quantity!
of careful and investigatory reading, and the fine tact of
literary discrimination, which are signified by the commandij
now possessed by Mr. Burne- Jones over the entire range]
both of Northern and Greek Mythology, or the tenderness;
at once, and largeness, of sympathy which have enabled him>
to harmonize these with the loveliest traditions of Christian|
I!
^ [Burne- Jones matriculated at Oxford, 1852 ; undergraduate of Exeter Collegey
1853-1856; honorary D.C.L., 1881 ; honorary Fellow of Exeter College, 1882.]
II. MYTHIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 297
3gend. Hitherto, there has been adversity between the
^hools of classic and Christian art, only in part conquered
y the most liberal-minded of artists and poets ; Nicholas
f Pisa accepts indeed the technical aid of antiquity, but
dth much loss to his Christian sentiment ; Dante uses the
nagery of JEschylus for the more terrible picturing of the
[ell to which, in common with the theologians of his age,
e condemned his instructor; but while Minos and the
'uries are represented by him as still existent in Hades,^
iiere is no place in Paradise for Diana or Athena. Con-
ariwise, the later revival of the legends of antiquity meant
3orn of those of Christendom. It is but fifty years ago
lat the value of the latter was again perceived and repre-
inted to us by Lord Lindsay : ^ and it is only within the
ine which may be looked back to by the greater number
^en of my younger auditors, that the transition of Athe-
an mythology, through Byzantine, into Christian, has been
;st felt, and then traced and proved, by the penetrative
;holarship of the men belonging to this Pre-Raphaelite
hool, chiefly Mr. Burne- Jones and Mr. William Morris, —
^ble coUaborateurs, of whom, may I be forgiven, in pass-
g, for betraying to you a pretty little sacredness of their
ivate life, — that they solemnly and jovially have break-
sted together every Sunday, for many and many a year.^
48. Thus far, then, I am able with security to allege to
)u the peculiar function of this greatly gifted and highly
ained English painter ; and with security also, the function
any noble myth, in the teaching, even of this practical
id positive British race. But now, when for purposes of
^ [It is Virgil whom Dante follows, rather than JEschylus, of v^hom he probably
d no knowledge, and whose name he never mentions. To Minos Dante assigns
|2 office of judge at the entrance of Hell {Inf., v. 4 seq.)^ in imitation of Virgil
fn., vi. 432-433). He places the Furies as guardians of the entrance to the City
Dis {Inf., ix. 36-42) : compare JEn., vi. 554-555.]
2 [Compare Eagle's Nest, § 46 (Vol. XXH. p. 155).]
^ ['^ ' When we came to live at the Grange, and by this removal were so much
i;her from Morris in Queen Square/ Edward's notes say, 'I wrote and proposed
it he and Webb should come every Sunday, to bind us together, and I remember,
t have lost, a letter he wrote in answer, more full of warm response to this than
often permitted himself" : see, further, Memorials of Edward Bwne-Jones, vol. ii.
5, 200.]
298
THE ART OF ENGLAND
direct criticism I proceed to ask farther in what manner or
with what precision of art any given myth should be pre-
sented— instantly we find ourselves involved in a group of
questions and difficulties which I feel to be quite beyond
the proper sphere of this Professorship. So long as we
have only to deal with living creatures, or solid substances,
I am able to tell you — and to show — that they are to be
painted under certain optical laws which prevail in our
present atmosphere ; and with due respect to laws of
gravity and movement which cannot be evaded in our
terrestrial constitution. But when we have only an idea to
paint, or a symbol, I do not feel authorized to insist any
longer upon these vulgar appearances, or mortal and tem-
poral limitations. 1 cannot arrogantly or demonstratively
define to you how the light should fall on the two sides
of the nose of a Day of Creation ; ^ nor obstinately demand
botanical accuracy in the graining of the wood employed
for the spokes of a Wheel of Fortune. Indeed, so far
from feeling justified in any such vexatious and vulgar
requirements, I am under an instinctive impression that
some kind of strangeness or quaintness, or even violation
of probability, would be not merely admissible, but ever
desirable, in the delineation of a figure intended neither tc
represent a body, nor a spirit, neither an animal, nor ?
vegetable, but only an idea, or an aphorism. Let me.
hov/ever, before venturing one step forward amidst the in-
secure snows and cloudy wreaths of the Imagination, secure
your confidence in my guidance, so far as I may gain it
by the assertion of one general rule of proper safeguard
that no mystery or majesty of intention can be alleged
by a painter to justify him in careless or erroneous draw
ing of any object — so far as he chooses to represent it a1
all. The more licence we grant to the audacity of hii
^ ["The Days of Creation," six panels^, with angels holding globes, on each o
which is represented a different phase of the creation ; water-colour, 1876 ; in tin
collection of Sir A. Henderson at Buscot. The pictures were exhibited at th(
Grosvenor Gallery, 1877, and alluded to by Ruskin at the time (see Vol. XXIX
pp. 159-160). Plate XXXV. here is from a pencil-study at Oxford (Reference Series
140) : Vol. XXI. p. 40 ]
CO
0
c6
o
71
1
ir. MYTHIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 299
conception, the more careful he should be to give us no
causeless ground of complaint or offence: while, in the
degree of importance and didactic value which he attaches
to his parable, will be the strictness of his duty to allow
no faults, by any care avoidable, to disturb the spectator's
attention, or provoke his criticism.
49. I cannot but to this day remember, partly with
amusement, partly in vexed humiliation, the simplicity with
which I brought out, one evening when the sculptor Maro-
chetti was dining with us at Denmark Hill, some of the
then but little known drawings of Rossetti, for his in-
struction in the beauties of Pre-Raphaelitism.
You may see with the slightest glance at the statue of
Coeur de Lion,^ (the only really interesting piece of historical
sculpture we have hitherto given to our City populace,)
that Marochetti was not only trained to perfectness of
knowledge and perception in the structure of the human
body, but had also peculiar delight in the harmonies of
line which express its easy and powerful motion. Know-
ing a little more, both of men and things, now, than I did
on the evening in question, I too clearly apprehend that
the violently variegated segments and angular anatomies of
Lancelot and Guenevere at the grave of King Arthur^
must have produced on the bronze-minded sculptor simply
the effect of a knave of Clubs and Queen of Diamonds ;
and that the Italian master, in his polite confession of
inability to recognize the virtues of Rossetti, cannot but
have greatly suspected the sincerity of his entertainer, in
the profession of sympathy with his own.
50. No faults, then, that we can help, — this we lay
down for certain law to start with ; therefore, especially, no
ignoble faults, of mere measurement, proportion, perspective,
and the like, may be allowed to art which is by claim
^ [For a similar reference to this statue (in Old Palace Yard), see Lectures on
Architecture and Painting, § 130 n. (Vol. XII. p. 155 n.).]
[This water-colour drawing (1855) was bought by Ruskin in that year, but
afterwards given awjiy by him, as Rossetti " had scratched out the eyes " : see
(in a later volume of this edition) a letter to him from Ruskin.]
300
THE ART OF ENGLAND
learned and magistral ; therefore bound to be, in terms,
grammatical. And yet we are not only to allow, but even
to accept gratefully, any kind of strangeness and deliberate
difference from merely realistic painting, which may raise
the work, not only above vulgarity, but above incredulity.
For it is often by realizing it most positively that we
shall render it least credible.
51. For instance, in the prettiest design of the series, by
Richter, illustrating the Lord's Prayer, which I asked you
in my last lecture^ to use for household lessons; — that of
the mother giving her young children their dinner in the
field which their father is sowing^ — one of the pieces of
the enclosing arabesque represents a little winged cherub
emergent from a flower, holding out a pitcher to a bee, who
stoops to drink. The species of bee is not scientifically
determinable ; the wings of the tiny servitor terminate rather i,
in petals than plumes; and the unpretentious jug suggests
nothing of the clay of Dresden, Sevres, or Chelsea. You !
would not, I think, find your children understand the lesson
in divinity better, or believe it more frankly, if the hymen-
opterous insect were painted so accurately that, (to use
the old method of eulogium on painting,^) you could hear
it buzz ; and the cherub completed into the living likeness I |
of a little boy with blue eyes and red cheeks, but of the
size of a humming-bird. In this and in myriads of similar
cases, it is possible to imagine from an outline what a finished
picture would only provoke us to deny in contempt.
52. Again, in my opening lecture on Light and Shade,
the sixth of those given in the year 1870,* I traced in some
completeness the range of ideas which a Greek vase-painter
was in the habit of conveying by the mere opposition of
dark and light in the figures and background, with the
occasional use of a modifying purple. It has always been
^ [See above, p. 285.]
2 Give us this day our daily bread" : Plate XXXVl. here.]
' [See Ruskiu's references to such method of eulogium in Vol. I. p. 268 ; Vol. III.
p. 166 ; and Vol. V. p. 35.]
* [See Lectures on Art (Vol. XX. pp. 138 seq.).]
I
I
II. MYTHIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 301
iiatter of surprise to me that the Greeks rested in colours
0 severe, and I have in several places formerly ventured
0 state my conviction that their sense of colour was in-
srior to that of other races.^ Nevertheless, you will find
hat the conceptions of moral and physical truth which
hey were able with these narrow means to convey, are
ir loftier than the utmost that can be gathered from the
'idescent delicacy of Chinese design, or the literally imita-
ive dexterities of Japan.
53. Now, in both these methods, Mr. Burne- Jones has
eveloped their applicable powers to their highest extent,
lis outline is the purest and quietest that is possible to
le pencil ; nearly all other masters accentuate falsely, or
1 some places, as Richter, add shadows which are more
r less conventional. But an outline by Burne-Jones is
s pure as the lines of engraving on an Etruscan mirror;
nd I placed the series of drawings from the story of
*syche in your school as faultlessly exemplary in this kind.^
Vhether pleasing or displeasing to your taste, they are
ntirely masterful ; and it is only by trying to copy these
r other such outhnes, that you will fully feel the grandeur
f action in the moving hand, tranquil and swift as a hawk's
ight, and never allowing a vulgar tremor, or a momentary
npulse, to impair its precision, or disturb its serenity.
54. Again, though Mr. Jones has a sense of colour, in its
ind, perfect, he is essentially a chiaroscurist. Diametrically
pposed to Rossetti, who could conceive in colour only,
e prefers subjects which can be divested of superficial
ittractiveness ; appeal first to the intellect and the heart ;
!nd convey their lesson either through intricacies of deli-
late line, or in the dimness or coruscation of ominous light.
The heads of Medea and of Danae,^ which I placed
^ [The report adds — "the most precious things I have next to my Turners."
he drawings are in the Educational Series Nos. 64-72 and 223 (see Vol. XXI.
i>. 81, 95, 140.]
^ [The head of M-dea is in the drawing of ^'The Two Wives of Jason" at
xford (Vol. XXI. p. 300), reproduced on Plate VII. in Vol. XIX. The head of
anae is No. 224 in the Educational Series (Vol. XXI. p. 95).]
302
THE AKT OF ENGLAND
in your schools long ago, are representative of all thai|
you need aim at in chiaroscuro; and lately a third typt
of his best work, in subdued pencil light and shade, ha?
been placed within your reach in Dr. A eland's drawing
room, — the portrait of Miss Gladstone,^ in which you wit
see the painter's best powers stimulated to their utmost
and reaching a serene depth of expression unattainable
by photography, and nearly certain to be lost in finishecj
painting. :
55. For there is this perpetually increasing difficult)
towards the completion of any work, that the added forces
of colour destroy the value of the pale and subtle tintjJ
or shades which give the nobleness to expression; so thaij
the most powerful masters in oil painting rarely aim a1
expression, but only at general character: and I believe
the great artist whose name I have associated with that o:
Burne- Jones as representing the mythic schools, Mr. G. F
Watts, has been partly restrained, and partly oppressed
by the very earnestness and extent of the study througfc
which he has sought to make his work on all sides per]
feet. His constant reference to the highest examples o:
Greek art in form, and his sensitiveness to the qualities ai
once of tenderness and breadth in pencil and chalk drawing!
have virtually ranked him among the painters of the greaf
Athenian days, of whom, in the sixth book of the Lawi
Plato wrote : — " You know how the intently accurate toi
of a painter seems never to reach a term that satisfies him
but he must either farther touch, or soften the touche{i|
laid already, and never seems to reach a point where hfj
has not yet some power to do more, so as to make the'
things he has drawn more beautiful, and more apparent
ACaXX/o) T6 KOL (pap€p(joT€pa," ^ j
56. Of course within the limits of this lecture there k
no possibility of entering on the description of separate^
pictures; but I trust it may be hereafter my privilege tc
1 [Reproduced at p. 86 of Letters to M. G. and H. G. by John Ruskin, 1903.] i
2 [Laws, vi. 769 B.]
II. MYTHIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 303
(trry you back to the beginning of English historical art,
hen Mr. Watts first showed victorious powers of design
the competition for the frescoes of the Houses of Par-
iment^— and thence to trace for you, in some complete-
iss, the code of mythic and heroic story which these two
itists, Mr. Watts and Mr. Burne- Jones, have gathered,
;id in the most deep sense written, for us.
To-day I have only brought with me a few designs by
Burne- Jones, of a kind which may be to some extent
ell represented in photograph, and to which I shall have
icasion to refer in subsequent lectures. They are not to
I copied, but delighted in, by those of you who care for
em, — and, under Mr. Fisher's care,^ I shall recommend
lem to be kept out of the way of those who do not.
hey include the Days of Creation; three outlines from
3lomon's Song ; ^ two from the Romance of the Rose ;
e great one of Athena inspiring Humanity ; and the
iory of St. George and Sabra. They will be placed in
cabinet in the upper gallery, and will by no means be
truded on your attention, but made easily accessible to
)ur wish.
57. To justify this monastic treatment of them, I must
; y a few words, in conclusion, of the dislike which these
osigns, in common with those of Carpaccio, excite in the
inds of most English people of a practical turn. A few
ords only, both because this lecture is already long enough,
id besides, because the point in question is an extremely
irious one, and by no means to be rightly given account
■ in a concluding sentence. The point is, that in the
Lse of ordinary painters, however peculiar their manner,
^ople either like them, or pass them by with a merciful
mtempt or condemnation, calling them stupid, or weak,
' foolish, but without any expression of real disgust or
slike. But in the case of painters of the mythic schools,
^ [See Ruskin's letter, written at the time, in Vol. XI. p. 80 w.]
^ [The late Joseph Fisher, for many years Keeper of the University Galleries.]
[The report adds— the most important myth in the Old Testament " : com-
re below, p. 487.]
304
THE ART OF ENGLAND
people either greatly like them, or they dislike in a sort c
frightened and angry way, as if they had been personal!
aggrieved. And the persons who feel this antipathy mos|
strongly, are often extremely sensible and good, and of th
kind one is extremely unwilling to offend ; but either the i
are not fond of art at all, or else they admire, naturally
pictures from real life only, such as, to name an extreme!
characteristic example, those of the Swiss painter, Vautiei
of whom I shall have much, in another place,^ to say ii,
praise, but of whom, with the total school he leads, !
must peremptorily assure my hearers that their manner c
painting is merely part of our general modern system o
scientific illustration aided by photography, and has n
claim to rank with works of creative art at all : and farthei
that it is essentially illiterate, and can teach you notliin*
but what you can easily see without the painter's trouble
Here, for instance, is a very charming little picture of
school girl going to her class, and telling her doll to b
good till she comes back ; — you like it, and ought to lilv
it, because you see the same kind of incident in you
own children every day ; but I should say, on the whole
you had better look at the real children than the picture
Whereas, you can't every day at home see the Goddes
Athena telling you yourselves to be good, — and perhap
you wouldn't altogether like to, if you could.
58. Without venturing on the rudeness of hinting tha
any such feeling underlies the English dislike of didacti
art, I will pray you at once to check the habit of care|
lessly blaming the things that repel you in early or exist
ing religious artists, and to observe, for the sum of wha
is to be noted respecting the four of whom I have thujj
far ventured to speak — Mr. Rossetti, Mr. Hunt, Mr. Jonesj
and Mr. Watts, — that they are, in the most solemn sense
Hero-worshippers ; and that, whatever may be their fault
* [Ruskin^ however, did not elsewhere write of this painter, Benjamin Vautiei
(born at Morges, on the Lake of Geneva, 1829); examples of his genre picture
are given in R. Muther's History of Modern Painting^ 1896, vol. ii. pp. 263-268.J i!
II. MYTHIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 305
shortcomings, their aim has always been the brightest
d the noblest possible. The more you can admire them,
d the longer you read, the more your minds and hearts
11 be filled with the best knowledge accessible in history,
d the loftiest associations conveyable by the passionate and
/erent skill, of which I have told you in The Laws of
isole, that "All great Art is Praise."^
1 [The title of Chapter I. in that book : Vol. XV. p. Sol. Compare Fictioriy
r and Foul, § 42 (Vol. XXXIV.).]
xxxni. IT
LECTURE III
CLASSIC SCHOOLS OF PALNTING
SIR F. LEIGHTON AND ALMA TADEMA
(Delivered igtk and 23rd May 1883)
59. I HAD originally intended this lecture to be merely th
exposition, with direct reference to painting and literature
of the single line of Horace which sums the conditions c
a gentleman's education, be he rich or poor, learned c
unlearned :
" Est animus tibi, — sunt moves et lingua, — fidesque/' ^
animus" being that part of him in which he differs fror
an ox or an ape ; " mores," the difference in him from th
malignum vulgus"; ''lingua," eloquence, the power (
expression ; and " fides," fidelity, to the Master, or Mistres,
or Law, that he loves. But since I came to London an'
saw the exhibitions, I have thought good to address m
discourse more pertinently to what must at this momei
chiefly interest you in them. And I must at once, an.
before everything, tell you the delight given me by th'
quite beautiful work in portraiture, with which my brothe:|
professor Richmond leads and crowns the general splendoij
of the Grosvenor Gallery.^ I am doubly thankful that h|
release from labour in Oxford has enabled him to develoj
his special powers so nobly, and that my own return granl
me the privilege of publicly expressing to him the admir^
tion we all must feel.
^ [Epistlesj i. 1, 57. For the " maliffrium vulgus" {Odes, ii. IG, 40), >^
Vol. XVII. p. 228.]
2 [Sir William Richmond exhibited eight portraits, and also a portrait-bust] i
306
III. CLASSIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 307
60. And now in this following lecture, you must please
lerstand at once that I use the word " classic," first in
own sense of senatorial, academic, and authoritative ; ^
as a necessary consequence of that first meaning, also
the sense, more proper to our immediate subject, of
ti-Gothic ; antagonist, that is to say, to the temper
which Gothic architecture was built : and not only
agonist to that form of art, but contemptuous of it ;
orgiving to its faults, cold to its enthusiasms, and im-
ent of its absurdities. In which contempt the classic
id is certainly illiberal ; and narrower than the mind of
equitable art student should be in these enlightened
s : — for instance, in the British Museum, it is quite right
: the British public should see the Elgin marbles to the
advantage; but not that they should be unable to see
example of the sculpture of Chartres or Wells, unless
J go to the miscellaneous collection at Kensington,
;re Gothic saints and sinners are confounded alike among
m thrashing-machines and dynamite-proof ships of war ; ^
to the Crystal Palace, where they are mixed up with
imel's perfumery.^
81. For this hostility, in our present English schools,
^een the votaries of classic and Gothic art, there is no
md in past history, and no excuse in the nature of
;e arts themselves. Briefly, to-day, I would sum for
the statement of their historical continuity which you
find expanded and illustrated in my former lectures.^
Only observe, for the present, you must please put
jntal Art entirely out of your heads. I shall allow
elf no allusion to China, Japan, India, Assyria, or
bia: though this restraint on myself will be all the
e difficult, because, only a few weeks since, I had a
[Compare the Preface to Xeiiophon's Economist, Vol. XXXI. p. 8.]
"For a similar description of the South Kensington Museum, see " A iVIuseum
cture Gallery/' § 3 (Vol. XXXI V.)^ and compare the other passages there
[See Vol. XIV. p. 84G n.]
[Ruskin refers, as will be seen from the facsimile, to Aratra and Ariadne:
ol. XX. p. 333, and Vol. XXII. pp. 406, 440, 441.]
308
THE ART OF ENGLAND
delightful audience of Sir Frederick Leightoii beside h
Arabian fountain, and beneath his Aladdin's palace glass
Yet I shall not allude, in what I say of his designs, to an
points in which they may perchance have been influenced b
those enchantments. Similarly there were some charmin
Zobeides and Cleopatras among the variegated colour fancit
of Mr. Alma Tadema in the last Grosvenor;^ but I ha\
nothing yet to say of thevi: it is only as a careful an
learned interpreter of certain phases of Greek and Roma
life, and as himself a most accomplished painter, on lon^
established principles, that I name him as representative]
" classic."
62. The summary, therefore, which I have to give yc
of the course of Pagan and Gothic Art must be unde
stood as kept wholly on this side of the Bosphorus, an
recognizing no farther shore beyond the Mediterranea
Thus fixing our termini, you find from the earliest time
in Greece and Italy, a multitude of artists gradually pe
fecting the knowledge and representation of the hums
body, glorified by the exercises of war. And you hav
north of Greece and Italy, innumerably and incorrigib
savage nations, representing, with rude and irregular effort
on huge stones and ice-borne boulders, on cave-bones ar
forest-stocks and logs, with any manner of innocent tintir
or scratching possible to them, sometimes beasts, sometime
hobgoblins — sometimes, heaven only knows what ; but nev
attaining any skill in figure-drawing, until, whether invadir
or invaded, Greece and Italy teach them what a hums
being is like; and with that help they dream and blund-
on through the centuries, achieving many fantastic ar
amusing things, more especially the art of rhyming, wherel
they usually express their notions of things far better thj,
by painting. Nevertheless, in due course we get a Holbe
out of them; and, in the end, for best product hithert
1 [In the "Leighton House," Holland Park Road, presented by Leightori's sist<
to a committee for public purposes.]
2 [The Winter Exhibition at the Grosvenor Gallery, 1882-1888, consisted i
the most part of a "Collection of the Works of L. Alma Tadema, R.A."]
III.. CLASSIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 309
Si' Joshua, and the supremely Gothic Gainsborough,^ whose
la! words we may take for a beautiful reconciliation of
ali schools and souls who have done their work to the
be: of their knowledge and conscience,— " We are all going
to Heaven, and Vandyke is of the company."^
63. We are all going to Heaven." Either that is true
ofnen and nations, or else that they are going the other
wr; and the question of questions for them is — not how
fa from heaven they are, but whether they are going to
it. Whether in Gothic or Classic Art, it is not the wisdom
orLhe barbarism that you have to estimate — not the skill
IK the rudeness ; — but the tendency. For instance, just
bore coming to Oxford this time, I received by happy
chice from Florence the noble book just published at
Mnte Cassino, giving facsimiles of the Benedictine manu-
scpts there, between the tenth and thirteenth centuries.^
0: of it I have chosen these four magnificent letters to
pl ;e in your schools — magnificent I call them, as pieces
of jothic writing; but they are still, you will find on close
omination, extremely limited in range of imaginative sub-
je . For these, and all the other letters of the alphabet
in chat central Benedictine school at the period in ques-
ts i, were composed of nothing else but packs of white
d( s, jumping, with more contortion of themselves than has
b(ri contrived even by modern stage athletes, through any
qvntity of hoops. But I place these chosen examples
in our series of lessons, not as patterns of dog-drawing,
bi as distinctly progressive Gothic art, leading infallibly
foivard — though the good monks had no notion how far, —
[In the next Oxford course (see below, p. 426 n.) Ruskin referred to this pass-
and explained that '^'^by ^supremely Gothic Gainsborough' he meant, not that
sboiough painted ^ kings and saints turning up their eyes, such as you buy
) much a hundred, wherewith to ornament your pseudo-Gothic temples,' but
in his portraits the face was everything, the body nothing, whereas the glory
assic art is always in the body, and never in the face."]
[Words spoken "by Gainsborough on his deathbed to Reynolds : see Fulcher's
oj Gainsborough, p. 147.]
[Examples from Paleografia artistica di Montecassino are in the Reference
« at Oxford : see Vol. XXI. p. 50. The dogs and hoops may be seen more
cularly in Parts 2 (1877), 3 and 4 (1878) of the Monte Cassino book of
niles.]
310
THE ART OF ENGLAND
to the Benedictine collie, in Landseer's Shepherd's Chf
Mourner," and the Benedictine bulldog, in Mr. Britl
Riviere's " Sympathy." ^
64. On the other hand, here is an enlargement, ma;
to about the proper scale, from a small engraving which]
brought with me from Naples, of a piece of the Clas';
Pompeian art which has lately been so much the admiratii
of the aesthetic cliques of Paris and London.^ It purpo ;
to represent a sublimely classic cat, catching a sublime
classic chicken; and is perhaps quite as much like a cat i
the white spectra of Monte Cassino are like dogs. But :
a glance I can tell you, — nor will you, surely, doubt t|
truth of the telling, — that it is art in precipitate decadencj;
that no bettering or even far dragging on of its existeRji
is possible for it; that it is the work of a nation alrea|
in the jaws of death, and of a school which is passing awr
in shame.
65. Remember, therefore, and write it on the ve'
tables of your heart, that you must never, when you hat
to judge of character in national styles, regard them i
their decadence, but always in their spring and youif
Greek art is to be studied from Homeric days to the
of Marathon ; Gothic, from Alfred to the Black PriDj!)
in England, from Clovis to St. Louis in France; all
the combination of both, which occurs first with absol4
balance in the pulpit by Nicholas of Pisa in her Baptj
tery,^ thenceforward up to Perugino and Sandro Botticel
A period of decadence follows among all the nations 1:
Europe, out of the ashes and embers of which the flar|
1 [For other references to the "Shepherd's Chief Mourner," see Vol. III. pp.|
114, Vol. IV. p. 302 n., Vol. VII. p. 338; and to "Sympathy/' "A Museum."
Picture Gallery," § 20 (Vol. XXXIV.). The report (Pall Mall Gazette, May I
adds : — j
'^The mention of the do^ led Mr. Ruskin to remark incidentally t!:
the nucleus of ail that was best in the Academy was to be found
three pictures which hang side by side in Room 4 — Mr. Briton Riviei.i
^Playfellow' (392), 'quite the most beautiful thing of the kind I t'
saw,' and Mr. P. R. Morris's two pictures of children (391 and 397)."]
2 [This enlargement was made by Mr. Macdonald ; it was not placed in \\
Oxford Collection.]
3 [See in Vol. XXIII. Plate VI. and pp. 22, 23.]
III. CLASSIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 311
] ips again in Rubens and Vandyke ; and so gradually glows
ad coruscates into the intermittent corona of indescribably
vrious modern mind, of which in England you may, as I
iid,. take Sir Joshua and Gainsborough for not only the
ipmost, but the hitherto total, representatives; total, that
j to say, out of the range of landscape, and above that of
'tire and caricature. All that the rest can do partially,
ley can do perfectly. They do it, not only perfectly,
]it nationally; they are at once the greatest, and the
'nglishest, of all our school.
The Englishest — and observe also, therefore the greatest:
ike that for an universal, exceptionless law; — the largest
l ul of any country is altogether its own. Not the citizen
( the world, but of his own city, — nay, for the best men,
)u may say, of his own village. Patriot always, pro-
ncial always, of his own crag or field always.^ A Liddes-
( de man, or a Tynedale ; Angelico from the Hock of
esole, or Virgil from the Mantuan marsh. You dream
National unity! — you might as well strive to melt the
lars down into one nugget, and stamp them small into
')in with one Csesar s face.
66. What mental qualities, especially English, you find
the painted heroes and beauties of Reynolds and Gains-
trough, I can only discuss with you hereafter.^ But what
eternal and corporeal qualities these masters of our masters
ve to paint, I must ask you to-day to consider for a few
Loments, under Mr. Carlyle's guidance, as well as mine,
id with the analysis of Sartor Resartus, Take, as types
r the best work ever laid on British canvas, — types which
am sure you will without demur accept, — Sir Joshua's
.ge of Innocence, and Mrs. Pelham feeding chickens;^
rains borough's Mrs. Graham, divinely doing nothing, and
^ [See further on this subject, § 197 (below, p. 897).]
^ This, however, was not done.]
^ [For other references to ^^The Age of Innocence," see Ariadne Florentina^
125 (Vol. XXII. p. 879), and Flamboyant Architecture, § 11 (Vol. XIX. p. 250) ;
"Mrs. Pelham," Sir Joshua and Holbein, § 10 (Vol. XIX. p. 9), and St. Georges
uild Report, 1884 (Vol. XXX. p. 72 n.).]
312
THE ART OF ENGLAND
Blue Boy similarly occupied; and, finally, Reynolds' Lon !
Heathfield magnanimously and irrevocably locking up Gib '
raltar/ Suppose, now, under the instigation of Mr. CarlyL
and Sartor, and under the counsel of Zeuxis and Parrhasius ^
we had it really in our power to bid Sir Joshua and Gains ^
borough paint all these over again, in the classic manner
Would you really insist on having her white frock taken of
the Age of Innocence; on the Blue Boy's divesting himsel
of his blue; on — we may not dream of anything mort '
classic — Mrs. Graham's taking the feathers out of her hat ^
and on Lord Heathfield's parting, — I dare not suggest, wit! ^
his regimentals, but his orders of the Bath, or what else?
67. I own that I cannot, even myself, as I propose th(
alternatives, answer absolutely as a Goth, nor without somt
wistful leanings towards classic principle. Nevertheless, )
feel confident in your general admission that the charm o
all these pictures is in great degree dependent on toilette .i '
that the fond and graceful flatteries of each master do inl ]
no small measure consist in his management of frilling^' '
and trimmings, cuffs and collarettes ; and on beautiful fling
ings or fastenings of investiture, which can only here anc
there be called a drapery, but insists on the perfectness o
the forms it conceals, and deepens their harmony by it:
contradiction. And although now and then, when greai
ladies wish to be painted as sibyls or goddesses, Sir Joshua
does his best to bethink himself of Michael Angelo, and '
Guido, and the Lightnings, and the Auroras, and all the
rest of it, — you will, I think, admit that the culminating! '
sweetness and rightness of him are in some little Lady! ^
So-and-so, with round hat and strong shoes ; and that al
final separation from the Greek art which can be proudj
in a torso without a head, is achieved by the master wh(i|
paints for you five little girls' heads, without ever a torso 1*
1 [No. Ill ill the National GaUery ; compare Vol. XIV. p. 223. Gainsborough's
"Blue Boy" (Jonathan Buttall) is at Grosvenor House; his ''Hon. Mrs. Graham"
{nee Cathcart) is in the National Galler}-^ of Scotland.]
2 [For another reference to the " Heads of Angels/' painted from the daughter
of Lord William Lennox (No. 182 in the National Gallery), see Queen of the Air^
§ 176 (Vol. XIX. p. 419).]
1
III. CLASSIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 313
68. Thus, then, we arrive at a clearly intelligible dis-
iiction between the Gothic and Classic schools, and a
<3ar notion also of their dependence on one another. All
j sting apart, — I think you may safely take Luca della
lobbia with his scholars for an exponent of their unity, to
i nations. Luca is brightly Tuscan, with the dignity of
f Greek ; he has English simplicity, French grace, Italian
( votion, — and is, I think, delightful to the truest lovers
< art in all nations, and of all ranks. The Florentine
Ontadina rejoices to see him above her fruit-stall in the
] ercato Vecchio ; ^ and, having by chance the other day a
I tle Nativity by him on the floor of my study ^ (one of
Is frequentest designs of the Infant Christ laid on the
|Ound, and the Madonna kneeling to Him) — having it, I
iy, by chance on the floor, when a fashionable little girl
^ th her mother came to see me, the child about three
;;ars old — though there were many pretty and glittering
lings about the room which might have caught her eye
< her fancy, the first thing, nevertheless, my little lady
oes, is to totter quietly up to the white Infant Christ,
^ d kiss it.
69. Taking, then, Luca, for central between Classic and
(3thic in sculpture, for central art of Florence, in painting,
[ show you the copies made for the St. George's Guild, of
ie two frescoes by Sandro Botticelli, lately bought by the
^^ench Government for the Louvre.^ These copies, made
iider the direction of Mr. C. F. Murray, while the frescoes
^sre still untouched, are of singular value now. For in
1 eir transference to canvas for carriage much violent damage
' [Now destroyed ; the Luca della Robbia is in the Bargello : see Mornings in
Mce, § 27 (Vol. XXIII. p. 328).]
[This piece remains over the mantelpiece in the study at Brantwood.]
^ [See Vol. XXI. p. 299. One of the copies is in the Ruskin Drawing School
id is here reproduced (Plate XXXVII.). The two frescoes are called in the cata-
Irue of the Louvre: ^'^1297. Giovanna Tornabuoni and the Graces^ or Virtues/'
«i *'1298. Lorenzo Tornabuoni and the Liberal Arts." According to the inter-
jitation usually given of the latter fresco^ Philosophy is the presiding "Muse";
id Arithmetic, the Science unnamed by Ruskin ; whilst it is Dialectic, the Seventh
5eral Art, who leads in Lorenzo Tornabuoni, a young man famous among his
< atemporaries for his learning and modesty. The subject of the other fresco is
314
THE ART OF ENGLAND
was sustained by the originals; and as, even before, they
were not presentable to the satisfaction of the French
public, the backgrounds were filled in with black, the
broken edges cut away; and, thus repainted and maimed
they are now, disgraced and glassless, let into the wall oil
a stair-landing on the outside of the Louvre galleries. \
You will judge for yourselves of their deservings ; but
for my own part I can assure you of their being quite
central and classic Florentine painting, and types of the
manner in which, so far as you follow the instruction!'
given in the Laws of Fesole, you will be guided to paint
Their subjects should be of special interest to us in Oxford
and Cambridge, as bearing on institutions of colleges foi
maidens no less than bachelors. For these frescoes repre
sent the Florentine ideal of education for maid and bachelor
— the one baptized by the Graces for her marriage, and
the other brought to the tutelage of the Great Powers o\
Knowledge, under a great presiding Muse, whose name yoi
must help me to interpret ; and with good help, both fron
maid and bachelor, I hope we shall soon be able to name
and honour, all their graces and virtues rightly.
Five out of the six Sciences and Powers on her righ1
hand and left, I know. They are, on her left — geometry
astronomy, and music ; on her right — logic and rhetoric
The third, nearest her, I do not know, and will not guess
She herself bears a mighty bow, and I could give you con-
jectural interpretations of her, if 1 chose, to any extent
but will wait until I hear what you think of her yourselves
I must leave you also to discover by whom the youth i{
introduced to the great conclave; but observe, that, as ir
the frescoes of the Spanish Chapel, before he can approacl
the reception of Giovaniia Toniabuoiii by Venus and the Graces, The frescoes wen
executed by Botticelli in 1486^ beiii^ commissioned by Giovanni Tornabuoni on th(
occasion of the marriage of his son, Lorenzo^ with Giovanna degli Albizzi. The;
adorned the walls of a room in the Tornabuoni villa near Fiesole. At some subse
quent date the room Mas whitewashed; in 187^3 Dr. Lemmi, then the owner of tht
villa, observed traces of colour through cracks in tlie plaster^ and Botticelh's paint
ings were brought to light. In 1882 the two frescoes (a third fell to pieces) wen
acquired for the Louvre.] ,
III. CLASSIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 315
r.hat presence he has passed through the " Strait Gate," ^ of
which the bar has fallen, and the valve is thrown outwards.
This portion of the fresco, on which the most important
significance of the whole depended, was cut away in the
French restoration.
70. Taking now Luca and Sandro for standards of sweet
3onsent in the feelings of either school, falling aside from
them according to their likings or knowledge, you have
the two evermore adverse parties, of whom Lord Lindsay
speaks,^ as one studying the spirit, and the other the flesh:
but you will find it more simply true to say that the one
studies the head, and the other the body. And I think
[ am almost alone among recent tutors or professors, in
•ecommending you to study both, at their best, and neither
:he skull of the one, nor skeleton of the other.
71. I had a special lesson, leading me to this balance,
when I was in Venice, in 1880.^ The authorities of the
Academy did me the grace of taking down my two pet
pictures of St. Ursula, and putting them into a quiet room
for me to copy. Now in this quiet room where I was
allowed to paint, there were a series of casts from the
^gina marbles,* which I never had seen conveniently before ;
and so, on my right hand and left, I had, all day long, the
best pre-Praxit elite Classic art, and the best Pre-Haphaelite
Gothic art: and could turn to this side, or that, in an
instant, to enjoy either ; — which I could do, in each case,
with my whole heart; only on this condition, that if I was
to admire St. Ursula, it was necessary on the whole to be
content with her face, and not to be too critical or curious
about her elbows ; but, in the iEgina marbles, one's principal
attention had to be given to the knees and elbows, while
no ardent sympathies were excited by the fixed smile upon
the face.
^ [See Mornings in Florence, ch. v. (Vol. XXIII. ])p. 882 seg.).]
2 [See the first chapter of his Sketches of the History of Christian Art, 1847.]
3 [A slip for 1876: see Vol. XXIV. p. xxxviii.]
* [For a reference to these ^ginetan casts in the British Museum,, see Aratra
Pentelid, § 191 (Vol. XX. p. 339).]
316
THE ART OF ENGLAND
72. Without pressing our northern cherubic principle toi
an extreme, it is really a true and extremely important!
consequence that all portraiture is essentially Gothic. Youj
will find it stated — and with completely illustrative proof J
in Aratra Pentelici, — that portraiture was the destruction of
Greek design;^ certain exceptions being pointed out which t
I do not wish you now to be encumbered with. You
may understand broadly that we Goths claim portraiture
altogether for our own, and contentedly leave the classic |
people to round their chins by rule, and fix their smiles by
precedent : we like a little irregularity in feature, and a little
caprice in humour — and with the condition of dramatic
truth in passion, necessarily accept dramatic difference in}
feature. j
73. Our English masters of portraiture must not there-!
fore think that I have treated them with disrespect, in not
naming them, in these lectures, separately from others. |
Portraiture is simply a necessary function of good Gothic
painting, nor can any man claim pre-eminence in epic or
historic art who does not first excel in that. Nevertheless,
be it said in passing, that the number of excellent portraits
given daily in our illustrated papers prove the skill of mere
likeness-taking to be no unfrequent or particularly admirable
one; and that it is to be somewhat desired that our pro- 1
fessed portrait-painters should render their work valuable in
all respects, and exemplary in its art, no less than delight- 1
ful in its resemblance. The public, who are naturally in
the habit of requiring rather the felicity and swiftness of
likeness than abstract excellence in painting, are always j
ready to forgive the impetuosity which resembles force;
and the interests connected with rate of production tend
also towards the encouragement of superficial execution.
Whereas in a truly great school, for the reasons given in}
my last lecture,'" it may often be inevitable, and sometimes
* Ante, § SS [p. 289].
1 [Aratra, § 120 (Vol. XX. p. 281).]
I
«
III. CLASSIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 317
desirable, that works of high imaginative range and faculty
should be slightly traced, and without minuteness finished ;
but there is no excuse for imperfection in a portrait, or
failure of attention to its minor accessories. I have long
ago given, for one instance of perfect portraiture, Holbein's
George Guysen, at Berlin, quite one of the most accom-
plished pictures in the world ;^ and in my last visit to
Florence none of the pictures before known in the Uffizii
retained their power over me so completely as a portrait of
a lady in the Tribune,^ which is placed as a pendant to
Raphael's Fornarina, and has always been attributed to
Raphael, being without doubt by some earlier and more
aborious master ; and, by whomsoever it may be, unrivalled
.n European galleries for its faultless and unaffected finish.
74. I may be permitted in this place to express my
admiration of the kind of portraiture, which, without sup-
porting its claim to public attention by the celebrity of its
subjects, renders the pictures of Mr. Stacy Marks so valu-
able as epitomes and types of English life. No portrait of
my recognized master in science could be more interesting
:han the gentle Professor in this year's Academy,^ from
vvhom even a rebelliously superficial person like myself
anight be content to receive instruction in the mysteries
Df anatomy. Many an old traveller's remembrances were
juite pathetically touched by his monumental record of
:he Three Jolly Postboys";* and that he scarcely paints
for us but in play, is our own fault. Among all the en-
ieavours in English historical painting exhibited in recent
years, quite the most conscientious, vivid, and instructive,
was Mr. Marks' rendering of the interview between Lord
Say and Jack Cade;^ and its quiet sincerity was only the
cause of its being passed without attention.
1 [See the paper on Sir Joshua and Holbein, Vol. XIX. (p. 10, and Plate II.)]
2 [The so-called portrait of Maddalena Strozzi, wife of Angelo Doni ; No. 1120
in the Uffizi.]
[A fancy portrait of an ornithologist; No. 493 in the exhibition of 1883.]
* [No. 166 in the exhibition of 1875 : compare Vol. XIV. p. 278.]
^ [No. 242 in the exhibition of 1882. For another reference to the picture,
see Riiskin's Address to the Arundel Society in 1882 (Vol. XXXIV.).]
318 THE ART OF ENGLAND
75. In turning now from these subjects of Gothic art to
consider the classic ideal, though I do so in painful sense
of transgressing the limits of my accurate knowledge, I do
not feel entirely out of my element, because in some degree
I claim even Sir Frederic Leighton as a kindred Goth.
For, if you will overpass quickly in your minds what I
you remember of the treasures of Greek antiquity, you ;
will find that, among them all, you can get no notion of !
what a Greek little girl was like.^ Matronly Junos, and i
tremendous Demeters, and Gorgonian Minervas, as many I
as you please ; but for my own part, always speaking as
a Goth, I had much rather have had some idea of the
Spartan Helen dabbling with Castor and Pollux in the
Eurotas — none of them over ten years old. And it is with
extreme gratitude, therefore, and unqualified admiration,
that I find Sir Frederic condescending from the majesties
of Olympus to the worship of these unappalling powers,
which, heaven be thanked, are as brightly Anglo-Saxon ,
as Hellenic; and painting for us, with a soft charm pecu- '
liarly his own, the witchcraft and the wonderfulness of
childhood.^
76. I have no right whatever to speak of the works of
higher effort and claim, which have been the result of his
acutely observant and enthusiastic study of the organism of
the human body. I am indeed able to recognize his skill;
but have no sympathy with the subjects that admit of its
display. I am enabled, however, to show you with what
integrity of application it has been gained, by his kindness
in lending me for the Ruskin school two perfect early
^ [On this subject^ see the note to Aratra Pentelici, § 194 (Vol. XX. p. 342).]
^ [In the lecture as reported there was an additional passage here : —
His examples in this year's Academy could not, however, be regarded
as satisfactory. The one called ' Kittens ' was clearly finished hastily ; the
critics were forced to praise the child's dress, and not her face, and the
kitten, he felt sure, was studied from a puppy. But, speaking generally,
he could not praise too highly Sir F. Leighton's work of this kind, which ;|
only missed the level of Correggio by not being painted lightly or broadly
enough."
{Pall Mall Ga^siette, May 21.) Kittens" was No. 330 in the exhibition of
1883.]
XXXVIII
S tu dy of a L e m_ o n. Tr e e ;
Capri, 18 5 9
III. CLASSIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 319
rawings, one of a lemon tree, — and another, of the same
ate, of a Byzantine well, which determine for you without
ppeal, the question respecting necessity of dehneation as
le first skill of a painter.^ Of all our present masters. Sir
rederic Leighton delights most in softly-blended colours,
ad his ideal of beauty is more nearly that of Correggio
lan any seen since Correggio's time. But you see by
'hat precision of terminal outline he at first restrained,
ad exalted, his gift of beautiful vaghezza.
77. Nor is the lesson one whit less sternly conveyed to
ou by the work of M. Alma Tadema, who differs from
11 the artists I have ever known, except John Lewis, in
le gradual increase of technical accuracy, which attends
nd enhances together the expanding range of his dramatic
ivention; while every year he displays more varied and
omplex powers of minute draughtsmanship, more espe-
ially in architectural detail, wherein, somewhat priding my-
elf as a specialty, I nevertheless receive continual lessons
rem him ; except only in this one point,— that, with me,
he translucency and glow of marble is the principal char-
cter of its substance, while with M. Tadema it is chiefly
he superficial lustre and veining which seem to attract
dm ; and these, also, seen, not in the strength of southern
un, but in the cool twilight of luxurious chambers. With
/hich insufficient, not to say degrading, choice of archi-
ectural colour and shade, there is a fallacy in his classic
dealism, against which, while I respectfully acknowledge
lis scholarship and his earnestness, it is necessary that you
jhould be gravely and conclusively warned.
78. I said that the Greeks studied the body glori-
ied by war; ^ but much more, remember, they studied
;he 7nind glorified by it. It is the mvl^ 'Ax^X^o?, not the
nuscular force, which the good beauty of the body itself
^ [The "Lemon Tree" (Plate XXXVIII.) was drawn at Capri in the spring
)f 1859 ; the "Byzantine well-head" is dated 1852. These pencil studies were
eturned to the artist, and are now in the possession of Mr. S. Pepys Cockerell.
The well-head is reproduced at vol. i. p. 81 of Mrs. Russell Barrington's Life,
Utters, and Works of Frederic Leighton (George Allen, 1906).]
2 [See above, p. 308.]
320
THE ART OF ENGLAND
signifies; and you may most strictly take the Homeri
words describing the aspect of Achilles showing himself o
the Greek rampart as representative of the total Gree
ideal. Learn by heart, unforgettably, the seven hnes —
avrap 'A^fXXei'? (vpro Su(pi\o9' ajmcpl ^' ^A.Orivy] j
cojULOi^ i(pOljuLOicri /3(x\^ aiylSa 6v(Tav6ecrcrap,
ajUL(pi Se ot KecpoXii V€(pos earTecpe Sia Oedcou
-^pvcreov, e/c ^' avrou Saiep (p\6ya Trajuipavoaxrav , , ,
rjVLoyoL ^' eKirkrjyev^ eirel 'ISov aKajixaTOV irvp j
Seivov virep KecpaXrjg jueyadv/ULov DajXetcovog
Saiofxcuov' TO eSaie Oea yXavKW7ri9 *A.6rivr]^ —
which are enough to remind you of the whole context
and to assure you of the association of light and cloud
in their terrible mystery, with the truth and majesty o
human form, in the Greek conception; light and cloud
whether appointed either to show or to conceal, both giver
by a divine spirit, according to the bearing of your owii
university shield, ''Dominus illuminatio." In all ancieni
heroic subjects, you will find these two ideas of light anc
mystery combined ; and these with height of standing—
the Goddess central and high in the pediment of hei.
temple, the hero on his chariot, or the Egyptian kin^'
colossal above his captives.
79. Now observe, that whether of Greek or Romar
life, M. Alma Tadema's pictures are always in twilight-
interiors, v-TTo arvjuL/uLiyei cTKia,'^ I don't know if you saw the|
collection of them last year at the Grosvenor,^ but witfe
that universal twilight there was also universal crouching
or lolling posture, — either in fear or laziness. And thel
'i
^ [Iliad, xviii. 203-206, 225-227, thus rendered by Lang, Leaf, and Myers:!
''But Achilles dear to Zeus arose, and around his strong shoulders Athene cast'
her tasselled aegis, and around his head the bright goddess set a crown of a golden
cloud, and kindled therefrom a blazing flame. . . . And the charioteers were amazed
when they saw the unwearying fire blaze fierce on the head of the great-hearted^
son of Peleus, for the bright-eyed goddess Athene made it blaze."] I
2 [Plato, Phadrus, 239 C: compare Fors Clavigera^ Letter 88, % 4 (Vol. XXIX.
p. 883).]
^ [See above, § 61, p. 308.]
III. CLASSIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 321
lost gloomy, the most crouching, the most dastardly of
J I these representations of classic life, was the little picture
( lied the Pyrrhic Dance,^ of which the general effect was
cactly like a microscopic view of a small detachment of
lack-beetles, in search of a dead rat.
80. I have named to you the Achillean splendour as
jimary type of Greek war; but you need only glance, in
]iur memory, for a few instants, over the habitual expres-
jms of all the great poets, to recognize the magnificence
( light, terrible or hopeful; the radiance of armour,^ over
{l the field of battle, or flaming at every gate of the city;
J in the blazoned heraldry of the Seven against Thebes,^ —
( beautiful, as in the golden armour of Glaucus, down to
te baser brightness for which Camilla died:* remember
j;o that the ancient Doric dance was strictly the dance of
.polio; seized again by your own mightiest poet for the
(ief remnant of the past in the Greece of to-day —
" You have the Pyrrhic dance as yet ;
Where is the Pyrrhic phalanx gone ? " ^
And this is just the piece of classic life which your
iieteenth century fancy sets forth under its fuliginous and
(iitharoid disfigurement and disgrace.
I say, your nineteenth century fancy, for M. Alma
' idema does but represent — or rather, has haplessly got
I nself entangled in, — the vast vortex of recent Italian and
I ench revolutionary rage against all that resists, or ever
ci resist, its licence; in a word, against all priesthood and
liighthood.
The Koman state, observe, in the strength of it expresses
^ [Painted in 1869 ; No. 55 (lent by Mr. C. Gassiot) in the Alma Tadema exhibi-
I I at the Grosvenor. 1882-1883. Compare Ariadne Florentina, § 240 (Vol. XXII.
Pi72).]
^ [Compare Stones of Venice, vol. i. ch. xx., where Ruskin^ discusses the use of
aiour in painting, sculpture, and poetry (Vol. IX. pp. 254-255).]
' [For the reference here to ^schylus, see Vol. XX. p. 210 ; and for the golden
aiour of Glaucus, see Iliad, vi. 236.]
* [For other references to Camilla, see Queen of the Air, § 32 (Vol. XIX. p. 329),
a I the passages there noted.]
^ [Don Juan, iii. 86: compare Vol. XXXI. p. 348.]
XXXIII. X
322 THE ART OF ENGLAND
both these ; the orders of chivalry do not rise out of th
disciplining of the hordes of Tartar horsemen, but by th ^
Christianizing of the Homan eques ; and the noble priest!
hood of Western Christendom is not, in the heart of ill i
hieratic, but pontifical. And it is the last corruption c'
this Roman state, and its Bacchanalian phrenzy, which W
Alma Tadema seems to hold it his heavenly mission t
pourtray. I
81. I have no mind, as I told you, to darken the health' ^'^
work I hope to lead you into by any frequent reference t, "
antagonist influences. But it is absolutely necessary for mj *
to-day to distinguish, once for all, what it is above every ^
thing your duty, as scholars in Oxford, to know and lov
— the perpetual laws of classic literature and art, the law
of the Muses, from what has of late again infected th ^
schools of Europe \mder the pretence of classic study, bein
indeed only the continuing poison of the Renaissance, an, t
ruled, not by the choir of the Muses, but by the spawn c *
the Python. And this I have been long minded to dc
but am only now enabled to do completely and clearly «
and beyond your doubt, by having obtained for you th
evidence, unmistakable, of what remains classic from th
ancient life of Italy — the ancient Etruscan life, down i
this day ; which is the perfection of humility, modesty, an
serviceableness, as opposed to the character which remaii
in my mind as the total impression of the Academy an
Grosvenor, — that the young people of this day desire i
be painted first as proud, saying, How grand I am ; no
as immodest, saying, How beautiful I am ; lastly as idl i?
saying, I am able to pay for flunkeys, and never did
stroke of work in my life.
82. Since the day of the opening of the great Mai
Chester exhibition in 1857, every Englishman, desiring 1
express interest in the arts, considers it his duty to asse
with Keats that a thing of beauty is a Joy for ever.^ I c
not know in what sense the saying was understood by tl
1 [See Vol. XVI. p. 11.]
III. CLASSIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 323
anchester school. But this I know, that what joy may
nain still for you and for your children — in the fields,
e homes, and the churches of England — you must win
otherwise reading the fallacious line. A beautiful thing
iy exist but for a moment, as a reality; — it exists for
er as a testimony. To the law and to the witness of
the nations must appeal, "in secula seculorum"; and
very deed and very truth, a thing of beauty is a law
ever.
That is the true meaning of classic art and of classic
erature; — not the licence of pleasure, but the law of
odness; and if, of the two words, /caXo? KayaQog, one can
left unspoken, as implied by the other, it is the first,
t the last. It is written that the Creator of all things
tield them — not in that they were beautiful, but in that
3y were good.^
83. This law of beauty may be one, for aught we know,
filling itself more perfectly as the years roll on; but at
,st it is one from which no jot shall pass.^ The beauty
Greece depended on the laws of Lycurgus; the beauty of
)me, on those of Numa; our own, on the laws of Christ.
1 all the beautiful features of men and women, through-
t the ages, are written the solemnities and majesty of
I law they knew, with the charity and meekness of their
edience; on all unbeautiful features are written either
lorance of the law, or the malice and insolence of their
obedience.^
84. I showed you, on the occasion of my first address,
drawing of the death of a Tuscan girl,*- — a saint, in the
1 sense of that word, such as there have been, and still
! among the Christian women of all nations. I bring
Genesis i. 10.]
Matthew v. 18.]
^On this subject, compare the chapter in vol. ii. of Modern Painters on "Vital
uty" (Vol. IV. pp. 146 seq. ; especially p. 182) ; Munera Pulveris, § 6 (Vol. XVII.
50) ; Sesame and Lilies, § 70 (Vol. XVIII. pp. 123-124) ; Queen of the Air, § 168
1. XIX. pp. 418-414) ; and Fors Clavigera, Letter 91 (Vol. XXIX. p. 439).]
* [See above, p. 283.]
324 THE ART OF ENGLAND
you to-day the portrait of a Tuscan Sibyl,^ — such as ther ti
have been, and still are. She herself is still living; he ^
portrait is the first drawing illustrating the book of th
legends of the peasantry of Val d'Arno, which I obtains I
possession of in Florence last year ; of which book I wi]J I
now read you part of the preface, in which the authores
gives you the story of the life of this Etrurian Sibyl : — d
. ^ . . . ^ . I |«
85. There are just one or two points I want you t ^
note in this biography, specially. I iflu
The girl is put, in her youth, to three kinds of nobl!
work. She is a shepherdess, like St. Genevieve; a spinne f
and knitter, like Queen Bertha ; ^ chiefly and most singi B
larly, she is put to help her father in the pontifical ai ^
of bridge-building.* Gymnastic to purpose, you observe ^
In the last, or last but one, number of your favourite En^
lish chronicle, the proud mother says of her well-traine, lin
daughters, that there is not one who could not knoc 1
down her own father:^ here is a strong daughter who cai jtlie
help her father — a Grace Darling of the rivers instead ( to
the sea.® M
These are the first three things to be noted of he u
Next, the material of her education, — not in words, but i r
thoughts, and the greatest of thoughts. You continual!
hear that Roman Catholics are not allowed to read th |
Bible. Here is a little shepherdess who has it in he v
heart.
Next, the time of her inspiration, — at her wedding feast
as in the beginning of her Master's ministry, at Canj i|
Here is right honour put upon marriage; and, in spite ( il
^ [See frontispiece to the Roadside Songs of Tuscany (Plate II., p. 88,
Vol. XXXII.).]
2 [See Vol. XXXII. pp. 67, 58, for the passage here read by Ruskin ("Beatri
was the daughter . . . same name as herself").]
^ [See below, p. 403.]
* [See above, p. 195.]
5 [See, in Punch for May 19, 1883 (vol. 84, p. 234), a picture by Du Maurie
^' A Felt Want."]
« [Grace Darling (1815-1842), famous for her heroic rescues, was the daught
of a lighthouse-keeper on the Farne Islands.]
;
III. CLASSIC SCHOOLS OF PAINTING 325
te efforts made to disturb her household peace, it was en-
fely blessed to her in her children : nor to her alone, but
i us, and to myriads with us ; for her second son, Angelo,
i the original of the four drawings of St. Christopher
nich illustrate the central poem in Miss Alexander's book ;^
^ d which are, to the best of my knowledge, the most
lautiful renderings of the legend hitherto attained by
liigious imagination.
86. And as you dwell on these portraits of a noble
''.iscan peasant, the son of a noble Christian mother — learn
tis farther and final distinction between the greatest art
< past time, and that which has become possible now and
i future.
The Greek, I said,^ pourtrayed the body and the mind
( man, glorified in mortal war. But to us is given the
tsk of holier portraiture, of the countenance and the heart
< man, glorified by the peace of God.
87. Whether Francesca's book is to be eventually kept
Igether or distributed I do not yet know.^ But if dis-
i buted, the drawings of St. Christopher must remain in
<iford, being, as I have said, the noblest statements I
I ve ever seen of the unchangeable meaning of this Ford
( ours, for all who pass it honestly, and do not contrive
i se traverse for themselves over a widened Magdalen
]idge.* That ford, gentlemen, for ever, — know what you
iay> — hope what you may,— believe or deny what you
lay, — you have to pass barefoot. For it is a baptism as
idl as a ford, and the waves of it, as the sands, are holy,
'our youthful days in this place are to you the dipping of
]>ur feet in the brim of the river, which is to be manfully
f^mmed by you all your days; not drifted with, — nor
1yed upon. Fallen leaves enough it is strewn with, of
^ [In all, there are five drawings of St. Christopher, but one of them was
It shown at Oxford: see Plates XX.-XXIV. in the Roadside Songs of Tuscany
{ol XXXII. pp. 206 seq.]
2 [See above, §§ 62, 78 (pp. 308, 319).]
' [On this subject, see Vol. XXXII. pp. 44-47.]
* [The Bridge had recently been widened and rebuilt, with some very unsightly
^s-lamps, which caused considerable outcry at the time.]
326 THE ART OF ENGLAND
the flowers of the forest ; moraine enough it bears, of th
ruin of the brave. Your task is to cross it ; your door
may be to go down with it, to the depths out of whici
there is no crying. Traverse it, staff in hand, and wit
loins girded, and with whatsoever law of Heaven yo,
know, for your light.^ On the other side is the Promisei
Land, the Land of the Leal.^
^ [Psalms cxxx. 1 ; Exodus xii. 11, etc. ; Psalms cxix. 105.]
2 [See clavigera, Letter 82 (Vol. XXVII. p. 601).]
LECTURE IV
FAIRY LAND
MRS. ALLINGHAM AND KATE GREENAWAY
(Delivered 26tk and SOtk May 1883)
^. We have hitherto been considering the uses of legen-
cry art to grown persons, and to the most learned and
jwerful minds. To-day I will endeavour to note with you
s ne of the least controvertible facts respecting its uses to
c ildren ; and to obtain your consent to the main general
jinciples on which I believe it should be offered to them.
Here, however, I enter on ground where 1 must guard
crefuUy against being misled by my own predilections,
gd in which also the questions at issue are extremely
cilicult, because most of them new. It is only in recent
taes that pictures have become familiar means of house-
lld pleasure and education: only in our own days — nay,
(en within the last ten years of those, — that the means
( illustration by colour-printing have been brought to per-
i^tion, and art as exquisite as we need desire to see it,
]iced, if our school-boards choose to have it so, within
1e command of every nursery governess.
89. Having then the colour-print, the magic-lantern,
1e electric-light, and the — to any row of ciphers— magni-
iing lens, it becomes surely very interesting to consider
^hat we may most wisely represent to children by means
J potent, so dazzling, and, if we will, so faithful. I said
jst now that I must guard carefully against being misled
1^ my own predilections, because having been myself
b ought up principally on fairy legends,^ my first impulse
ould be to insist upon every story we tell to a child
^ [Principally, but not wholly : see below, § 102 (p. 335). And compare PrtBteritUy
328 THE ART OF ENGLAND
being untrue, and every scene we paint for it, impossible *
But I have been led, as often before confessed,^ gravely Ui t
doubt the expediency of some parts of my early training; i
and perhaps some day may try to divest myself wholly
for an hour, of these dangerous recollections ; and prepan ^
a lecture for you in which I will take Mr. Gradgrind or ^
his own terms,^ and consider how far, making it a rule thai' ^
we exhibit nothing but facts, we could decorate our pagej; ^
of history, and illuminate the slides of our lantern, in s i
manner still sufficiently attractive to childish taste. Foi ^
indeed poor Louise and her brother, kneeling to peep undei; *'
the fringes of the circus-tent, are as much in search afteil I
facts as the most scientific of us all ! A circus-rider, with! »
his hoop, is as much a fact as the planet Saturn and his i
ring, and exemplifies a great many more laws of motionj i
both moral and physical ; nor are any descriptions of the ^
Valley of Diamonds, or the Lake of the Black Islands] i
in the Arabia?! Nights,^ anything like so wonderful as the J
scenes of California and the Rocky Mountains which you «
may find described in the April Number of the Cornhili i
Magazine, under the heading of *' Early Spring in Cali- I
fornia " ; ^ and may see represented with most sincere and i
passionate enthusiasm by the American landscape painter, '
Mr. Moran, in a survey lately published by the Government i
of the United States.^ i
^ [See^ for instance^ Forfi Clavigera, Letter 54 (reprinted in Prceterita, i. § 54).' *
^ [See the opening words of Hard Times: ^^Now, what I want is, Facts. Teach j
these boys and girls nothing but Facts." For the circus-tent, see ch. iii. There
are other references to the book in Vol. XV. p. 371, and Vol. XVII. p. 31.]
^ [^^The Valley of Diamonds" was the title (taken from the story of Sinbad)
of Lecture i. in Ruskin's Ethics of the Dust (Vol. XVIII. p. 209). For the Lake '
of the Black Islands, see "Th.e Story of the Fisherman," passing into that of
^^The Story of the Young King of the Black Islands" (vol. i. pp. 91 seq. in Lane's
edition).]
* [Vol. 47, pp. 410-423.]
5 [Views of the Rocky Mountains are included among fifteen water-colour
sketches by Thomas Moran, finely reproduced by chromo-lithography, issued at
Boston (L. Prang & Co.) in 1876, under the title' The Yellowstone National Park,
and the Mountain Regions of Portions of Idaho, Nevada, Colorado, and Utah, described
by Professor T. F. Hayden, Geologist-in-Charge of the United States Government
Exploring Expedition . . . illustrated, etc. The publication was not ofiicial, but
Professor Hayden refers to Moran's coloured sketches as supplementing the ofiicial
survey.]
■
IV. FAIRY LAND
329
90. Scenes majestic as these, pourtrayed with mere and
J re fidelity by such scientific means as I have referred to,
\)uld form a code of geographic instruction beyond all
te former grasp of young people; and a source of enter-
t nment, — I had nearly said, and most people who had not
ntched the minds of children carefully, might think, —
i jxhaustible. Much, indeed, I should myself hope from
i but by no means an infinitude of entertainment. For
i is quite an inexorable law of this poor human nature of
c rs, that in the development of its healthy infancy, it is
J it by Heaven under the absolute necessity of using its
iiagination as well as its lungs and its legs; — that it is
f eed to develop its power of invention, as a bird its
fithers of flight; that no toy you can bestow will super-
sle the pleasure it has in JPancying something that isn't
tare; and the most instructive histories j you can compile
i ' it of the wonders of the world will never conquer the
i:erest of the tale which a clever child can tell itself,
(ncerning the shipwreck of a rose-leaf in the shallows of
{ rivulet.^
91. One of the most curious proofs of the need to
(ildren of this exercise of the inventive and believing
] wer, — the besoin de croire, which precedes the besom
(limer, — you will find in the way you destroy the vitality
( a toy to them, by bringing it too near the imitation of
le. You never find a child make a pet of a mechanical
louse that runs about the floor — of a poodle that yelps —
( a tumbler who jumps upon wires. The child falls in
Ive with a quiet thing, with an ugly one — ^nay, it may be,
vth one, to us, totally devoid of meaning. My little —
( er-so-many-times-grand — cousin, Lily,^ took a bit of stick
vth a round knob at the end of it for her doll one day; —
iirsed it through any number of illnesses with the most
lader solicitude; and, on the deeply-important occasion of
^ [In the lecture as delivered^ "... the shipwreck of a walnut-shell in a
f^ter" {Pall Mall Gazette, May 28).]
^ [Miss Lily Severn, elder daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Severn ; strictly,
3 skin's second cousin once removed.]
880
THE ART OF ENGLAND
its having a new night-gown made for it, bent down hei
mother's head to receive the confidential and timid whispe]
— " Mamma, perhaps it had better have no sleeves, becausd
as Bibsey has no arms, she mightn't like it."^ 1
92. I must take notice here, but only in passing, — th<
subject being one to be followed out afterwards in studying
more grave branches of art, — that the human mind in it'
full energy having thus the power of believing simply whai
it likes, the responsibilities and the fatalities attached t(
the effort of Faith are greater than those belonging t(
bodily deed, precisely in the degree of their voluntariness!
A man can't always do what he likes, but he can alway
fancy what he likes ; and he may be forced to do wha
he doesn't like, but he can't be forced to fancy what
doesn't like. *
93. I use for the moment, the word "to fancy" instea(
of **to believe," because the whole subject of Fidelit)
and Infidelity has been made a mere mess of quarrels anc
blunders by our habitually forgetting that the proper powei
of Faith is to trust without evidence, not with evidence
You perpetually hear people say, "I won't believe this oi
that unless you give me evidence of it." Why, if yot
give them evidence of it, they know it, — they don't believe
any more. A man doesn't believe there's any danger ir
nitro-glycerine ; at last he gets his parlour-door blown int(
the next street. He is then better informed on the sub-,
ject, but the time for behef is past. '
94?. Only, observe, I don't say that you can fancy whal
you like, to the degree of receiving it for truth. Heaver
forbid we should have a power such as that, for it would
be one of voluntary madness. But we are, in the most
natural and rational health, able to foster the fancy, up
to the point of influencing our feelings and character in
the strongest way; and for the strength of that healthy
imaginative faculty, and all the blending of the good and
* [For another reference to this incident, see Fors C/avigera, Letter 95 (Vol. XXIX.
p. 508).]
IV. FAIRY LAND
331
gace, "richiesto al vero ed al trastuUo," we are wholly
riponsible. We may cultivate it to what brightness we
coose, merely by living in a quiet relation with natural
ejects and great and good people, past or present; and
may extinguish it to the last snufF, merely by living in
%wn, and reading the Times every morning.
" We are scarcely sufficiently conscious," says Mr. King-
lie, with his delicate precision of serenity in satire, " scarcely
sfficiently conscious in England, of the great debt we owe
t the wise and watchful press which presides over the forma-
tn of our opinions; and which brings about this splendid
imlt, namely, that in matters of belief, the humblest of
I are lifted up to the level of the most sagacious, so that
I illy a simple Cornet in the Blues is no more likely to
ctertain a foolish belief about ghosts, or witchcraft, or
gy other supernatural topic, than the Lord High Chan-
(Ilor, or the Leader of the House of Commons."^
95. And thus, at the present day, for the education or
te extinction of the Fancy, we are absolutely left to our
(oice. For its occupation, not wholly so, yet in a far
J eater measure than we know. Mr. Wordsworth speaks
( it as only impossible to "have sight of Proteus rising
1 )m the sea," because the world is too much with us ; ^
2 50 Mr. Kinglake, though, in another place, he calls it
*i vain and heathenish longing to be fed with divine
(unsels from the lips of Pallas Athene,"^ — yet is far
I ppier than the most scientific traveller could be in a
ttgonometric measurement, when he discovers that Nep-
1.ne could really have seen Troy from the top of Samo-
1race:* and I believe that we should many of us find
i an extremely wholesome and useful method of treating
* Dante, Purg. xiv. 93.
^ [Eothen, ch. viii. (p. 147, ed. 2).]
^ [For other references to Wordsworth's sonnet, "The world is too much with
" see Vol. V. p. 323, and Vol. XI. p. 130.]
^ [Eothen, ch. vii. (p. 104).]
* [Ihid.^ ch. iv. (pp. 64, 65). Neptune should be Jove.]
332 THE ART OF ENGLAND ,
our ordinary affairs, if before deciding, even upon verl
minor points of conduct admitting of prudential and cor
scientious debate, we were in the habit of imagining tha
Pallas Athene was actually in the room with us, or a
least outside the window in the form of a swallow,^ an<
permitted us, on the condition always of instant obedience
to ask her advice upon the matter.
96. Here ends my necessary parenthesis, with its sus
picion of preachment,^ for which I crave pardon, and
return to my proper subject of to-day, — the art whicl
intends to address only childish imagination, and whos<
object is primarily to entertain with grace.
With grace : — I insist much on this latter word. W
may allow the advocates of a material philosophy to insis
that every wild-weed tradition of fairies, gnomes, and sylph:j
should be well ploughed out of a child's mind to preparl
it for the good seed of the Gospel of — Disgrsice: but m
defence can be offered for the presentation of these ideal
to its mind in a form so vulgarized as to defame and pol
lute the masterpieces of former literature. It is perfectl;
easy to convince the young proselyte of science that I
cobweb on the top of a thistle cannot be commanded t(
catch a honey-bee for him,^ without introducing a danc<
of ungainly fairies on the site of the cabstand under thl
Westminster clock tower, or making the Queen of thenj
fall in love with the sentry on guard.^ \
97. With grace, then, assuredly, — and I think we majl
add also, with as much seriousness as an entirely fictitioul
subject may admit of, — seeing that it touches the bordei
of that higher world which is not fictitious. We are al
perhaps too much in the habit of thinking the scene!
of burlesque in the Midsummer Night's Dream exemplar)
of Shakespeare's general treatment of fairy character: w(
1 [Odyssey, xxii. 240 : see Love's Meinie, § 79 (Vol. XXV. p. 71).]
2 [See above, § 20, p. 279.]
* [Midsummer Night's Dream, Act iv. sc. 1.]
* [The description is of the scene at the beginning of the second act of Gilber
and Sullivan's lolanthe, which had been produced (November 28, 1882) shortl)
before the time of Ruskiu's lecture.]
i
IV. FAIRY LAND
333
<ould always remember that he places the most beautiful
Dids descriptive of virgin purity which English poetry
] assesses, in the mouth of the Fairy King, and that to the
]Drd of Fancies he entrusts the praise of the conquest of
Jincy —
" In maiden meditation, — Fancy free." ^
Jill less should we forget the function of household
I nediction, attributed to them always by happy national
< perstition, and summed in the closing lines of the same
"With this field-dew consecrate,
Every fairy take his gait ;
And each several chamber bless.
Through this palace, with sweet peace."
98. With seriousness then,— but only, I repeat, such as
(tirely fictitious elements properly admit of. The general
I ace and sweetness of Scott's moorland fairy, ''The White
]ady," failed of appeal to the general justice of public taste,
1 cause in two places he fell into the exactly opposite
(rors of unbecoming jest, and too far- venturing solemnity,
'le ducking of the Sacristan offended even his most loving
laders; but it offended them chiefly for a reason of which
ley were in great part unconscious, that the jest is carried
( t in the course of the charge with which the fairy is
1o gravely entrusted, to protect, for Mary of Avenel, her
] other's Bible.^
99. It is of course impossible, in studying questions of
lis kind, to avoid confusion between what is fit in litera-
ire and in art; the leading principles are the same in
j)th, but of course much may be allowed to the narrator
hich is impossible or forbidden to the draughtsman. And
necessarily take examples chiefly from literature, because
le greatest masters of story have never disdained the
ayfuUy supernatural elements of fairy-tale, while it is
^ [Midsummer Night's Bream, Act ii. sc. 2. The line is quoted also in Vol. XXIV»
68, and the closing lines of the play are quoted in Vol. VI. p. 445.]
^ [See chaps, v., vii., viii., ix., and others of The Monastery.']
334
THE ART OF ENGLAND
extremely rare to find a good painter condescending t«
them, — or, I should rather say, contending with them, ih
task being indeed one of extreme difficulty. I believe Si!
Noel Paton's pictures of the Court of Titania, and Fair'
Raid,^ are all we possess in which the accomplished skill o'
painting has been devoted to fairy-subject; and my impres
sion when I saw the former picture — the latter I griev(
not yet to have seen — was that the artist intended rathe
to obtain leave by the closeness of ocular distance to displa^,
the exquisite power of minute delineation, which he felt ii
historical painting to be inapplicable, than to arrest, eithe
in his own mind or the spectator's, even a momentar}
credence in the enchantment of fairy-wand and fairy-ring.
100. And within the range of other art which I car
call to mind, touching on the same ground, — or rather
breathing in the same air, — it seems to me a sorrowful anc
somewhat unaccountable law that only grotesque or terribk
fancies present themselves forcibly enough, in these admit-
tedly fabling states of the imagination, to be noted with
the pencil. For instance, without rating too highly the
inventive powers of the old German outline-draughtsman
Retsch, we cannot but attribute to him a very real gift o1
making visibly terrible such legend as that of the ballad oi
Leonora, and interpreting, with a wild aspect of veracity,
the passages of sorcery in Faust.^ But the drawing which
I possess by his hand, of the Genius of Poetry riding
upon a swan, could not be placed in my school with any
hope of deepening your impression either of the beauty o|
swans, or the dignity of genii.
101. You must, however, always carefully distinguish
these states of gloomy fantasy, natural, though too often
fatal, to men of real imagination, — the spectra which appear,
Avhether they desire it or not, — to men like Orcagna, Diirer,
Blake, and Alfred Rethel, — and dwelt upon by them, in
1 [See Vol. XIV. p. 50 and n.] .J
^ [His outline illustrations to Faust may be seen in an edition of J. Birch s
translation (1839) ; and see Retzsch's Outlines to Burgers Ballads (Leipsic and London,
1840). For other references to Retsch, see Vol. IV. pp. 259, 871.] |
IV. FAIRY LAND
335
ie hope of producing some moral impression of salutary
ire by their record — as in Blake's Book of Job, in Diirer's
.pocalypse, in Kethel's Death the Avenger and Death the
l iend,^ — and more nobly in his grand design of Barbarossa
(tering the grave of Charlemagne; — carefully, I say, you
last distinguish this natural and lofty phase of visionary
trror, from the coarse delight in mere pain and crisis of
(Bger, which, in our infidel art and literature for the
i>ung, fills our books of travel with pictures of alligators
shallowing children, hippopotami upsetting canoes full of
jv^ages, bears on their hind-legs doing battle with northern
1 vigators, avalanches burying Alpine villages, and the like,
i the principal attractions of the volume ; not, in the
jarality of cases, without vileness of exaggeration which
Mounts to misleading falsehood — unless happily pushed to
ie point where mischief is extinguished by absurdity. In
! rahan's " Magazine for the Youth of all Ages," for June
; 79, at page 328, you will find it related, in a story pro-
])sed for instruction in scientific natural history, that "the
igitives saw an enormous elephant cross the clearing, sur-
lunded by ten tigers, some clinging to its back, and others
leping alongside."^
102. I may in this place, I think, best introduce — though
l ain parenthetically — the suggestion of a healthy field for
1 e labouring scientific fancy which remains yet unexhausted,
J id I believe inexhaustible, — that of the fable, expanded
ito narrative, which gives a true account of the life of
Jiimals, supposing them to be endowed with human intel-
l^ence, directed to the interests of their animal life. I
lid just now^ that I had been brought up upon fairy
l^ends, but I must gratefully include, under the general
Tile of these, the stories in Evenings at Home of The
' ransmigrations of Indur, The Discontented Squirrel, The
^ [For other references — to Blake's Book of J oh, see Vol. XXV. p. 515 n. ;
1 Durer's Apocalypse, Vol. XIX. p. 260, and Vol. XXI. p. 134 ; to Rethel's Death,
'1. XV. p. 223.]
2 [Quoted from a story called "The Serpent-Charmer," by Louis Rousselet, in
''ohans Grand Annual for the Young,']
3 [See above, § 89 (p. 328).]
336
THE AKT OF ENGLAND
Travelled Ant, The Cat and her Children, and Litt
Fido;^ and with these, one now quite lost, but which '
am minded soon to reprint for my younger pupils — Tb
History of a Field-Mouse,^ which in its pretty detail is n
less amusing, and much more natural, than the town an
country mice of Horace and Pope,^— classic, in the bej
sense, though these will always be.
103. There is the more need that some true and pui
examples of fable in this kind should be put within th
reach of children, because the wild efforts of weak writei
to increase their incomes at Christmas, and the unscrupuloq
encouragement of them by competing booksellers, fill or
nurseries with forms of rubbish which are on the one sid
destructive of the meaning of all ancient tradition, an
on the other, reckless of every really interesting truth i
exact natural history. Only the other day, in examinin
the mixed contents of a somewhat capacious nursery bool
case, the first volume I opened was a fairy tale in whic
the benevolent and moral fairy drove a matchless pair c
white cockatrices." I might take up all the time yet lei
for this lecture in exposing to you the mingled folly ani
mischief in those few words ; — the pandering to the fini
notion of vulgar children that all glory consists in drivinj
a matchless pair of something or other, — and the impliej
ignorance in which only such a book could be presented
to any children, of the most solemn of scriptural promise
to them, — ''the weaned child shall lay his hand on th»
cockatrice' den."*
104. And the next book I examined was a series of stork
imported from Japan,"^ most of them simply sanguinary an
* Macmillan, 1871.^
1 [See Eceningii at Home ; or. The Juvenile Budget Opened, 6 vols., 1792 ; vol. i
p. 1 ; vol. i. p. 43; vol. v. p. 101 ; vol. i. p. 105 (^^^he History of a Cat"); aDJ
vol. i. p. 119 (^^The Little Dog").]
2 [Little Downy, or the History of a Field Mouse: a Moral Tale (1822).]
2 Horace^ Satires, ii. Q, and Pope's Imitation.]
* Isaiah xii. 8.] i
5 [Tales of Old Japan, by A. B. Mitford (afterwards Lord Redesdale), with illui|
trations by Japanese artists. The " introduction " is not the author's introductio
to the volume, ijut the opening of the story of the Ape and the Crab : see p. 2G4 ,
IV. FAIRY LAND
337
lithsome/ but one or two pretending to be zoological — as,
jr instance, that of the Battle of the Ape and the Crab,
( which it is said in the introduction that "men should
1 7 it up in their hearts, and teach it as a profitable lesson
1 their children." In the opening of this profitable story,
ie crab plants a persimmon seed in his garden" (the
iider is not informed what manner of fruit the persimmon
I ay be), and watches the growth of the tree which springs
i nn it with great delight ; being, we are told in another
iragraph, "a simple-minded creature."
105. I do not know whether this conception of char-
£ter in the great zodiacal crustacean is supposed to be
sentific or aesthetic, — but I hope that British children at
ta seaside are capable of inventing somewhat better stories
( crabs for themselves ; and if they would farther know
te foreign manners of the sidelong-pacing people, let me
them to look at the account given by Lord George
(.mpbell, in his Log Letters from the Challenger,^ of his
liding on the island of St. Paul, and of the manner in
\iich the quite unsophisticated crabs of that locality suc-
Cided first in stealing his fish-bait, and then making him
le his temper, to a degree extremely unbecoming in a
litish nobleman. They will not, after the perusal of
tit piquant — or perhaps I should rather say, pin^ant, —
iiTative, be disposed, whatever other virtues they may
pssess, to ascribe to the obliquitous nation that of simpli-
cy of mind.
106. I have no time to dwell longer on the existing
^1
On Japanese art, see above^ § 56 (p. 271).]
See pp. 38, 39 of the edition of 1876 : ''^But the crabs, those cheeky, exasper-
g, but intensely amusing crabs ! . . . How hot and exasperated I got chasing
m ; how I didn't swear ; how sitting down I soon saw one eye, and then one
and then the other eye appear over a ledge of rock ; how it watched me ;
I remained breathless and still; how I then slily drew my stick along, and
, finally, I frantically struck at it; and how, after all, I only stung my arm
didn't touch the crab ! How, after cutting nice strips off a fish for bait, I after
5W minutes turned round and found it all stolen ; how I saw the robbers dis-
earing into cracks ; how 1 threw my stick at one, and struck it by a piece of
luck; with what joy 1 threw it into the sea, and saw the fish rush at and
our it. Ha ! revenge is sweet."]
XXXIII. Y
338 THE ART OF ENGLAND
fallacies in the representation either of the fairy or thi
animal kingdoms. I must pass to the happier duty oj
returning thanks for the truth with which our living!
painters have drawn for us the lovely dynasty of littlt
creatures, about whose reality there can be no doubt; anc)
who are at once the most powerful of fairies, and the mos
amusing, if not always the most sagacious, of animals.
In my last lecture, I noted to you, though only paren
thetically, the singular defect in Greek art, that it neve;j
gives you any conception of Greek children.^ Neither — u]
to the thirteenth century — does Gothic art give you an^
conception of Gothic children ; for, until the thirteentl
century, the Goth was not perfectly Christianized,^ and stil
thought only of the strength of humanity as admirabL;
in battle or venerable in judgment, but not as dutiful iij
peace, nor happy in simplicity. |
But from the moment when the spirit of Christianit;|
had been entirely interpreted to the Western races, tht
sanctity of womanhood worshipped in the Madonna, ami
the sanctity of childhood in unity with that of Christ'
became the light of every honest hearth, and the joy o
every pure and chastened soul. Yet the traditions of art
subject, and the vices of luxury which developed themselve
in the following (fourteenth) century, prevented the mani
festation of this new force in domestic life for two centurie
more; and then at last in the child angels of Luca, Min<
of Fesole, I^uini, Angelico, Perugino, and the first days o
Raphael, it expressed itself as the one pure and sacre<
passion which protected Christendom from the ruin of th
Renaissance.
107. Nor has it since failed ; and whatever disgrace o
blame obscured the conception of the later Flemish aiK
incipient English schools, the children, whether in th
pictures of Rubens, Rembrandt, Vandyke, or Sir Joshua
were always beautiful. An extremely dark period indeec
^ [See above, § 75, p. 818.] . {
2 [Compare Val d'Arno, § 248 (Vol. XXIII. p. 145).]
IV, FAIRY LAND
339
fjlows, leading to and persisting in the French Revolution,
a|d issuing in the merciless manufacturing fury, which
tj-day grinds children to dust between millstones, and tears
tjam to pieces on engine-wheels, — against which rises round
, Heaven be thanked, again the protest and the power
Christianity, restoring the fields of the quiet earth to
3 steps of her infancy.
108. In Germany, this protest, I believe, began with —
is at all events perfectly represented by — the Ludwig
chter I have so often named ; ^ in France, with Edward
ere, whose pictures of children are of quite immortal
mty. But in England it was long repressed by the
rible action of our wealth, compelling our painters to
)resent the children of the poor as in wickedness or
sery. It is one of the most terrific facts in all the
tory of British art that Bewick never draws children
t in mischief.^
109. I am not able to say with whom, in Britain, the
ction first begins, — but certainly not in painting until
er Wilkie, in all whose works there is not a single
imple of a beautiful Scottish boy or girl. I imagine
literature, we may take the Cottar's Saturday Night "
1 the "toddlin' wee things" as the real beginning of
Id benediction; and I am disposed to assign in England
ich value to the widely felt, though little acknowledged,
luence of an authoress now forgotten — Mary Russell
tford.^ Her village children in the Lowlands — in the
Ighlands, the Lucy Grays and Alice Fells of Words-
^^|rth — brought back to us the hues of Fairy Land ; and
bough long by Academic art denied or resisted, at last
; charm is felt in London itself, — on pilgrimage in whose
mrbs you find the Little Nells and boy David Copper-
ds ; and in the heart of it. Kit's baby brother at Astley's,
[See above, pp. 285, 300; and for Frere, Vol. XIV. pp. 142, 174, 347.]
[Compare Ruskin's notes on Bewick's Birds at vol. i. p. 82 (Vol. XXX.
83).]
[Compare "My First Editor," § 15 (Vol. XXXIV. p. 103).]
340
THE ART OF ENGLAND
indenting his cheek with an oyster-shell to the admiratior
of all beholders ; ^ till at last, bursting out like one of the
sweet Surrey fountains, all dazzling and pure, you hav(
the radiance and innocence of reinstated infant divinit)
showered again among the flowers of English meadows bj
Mrs. AUingham and Kate Greenaway.
110. It has chanced strangely, that every one of th(
artists to whom in these lectures I wished chiefly to direc
your thoughts, has been insufficiently, or even disadvan
tageously, represented by his work in the exhibitions o
the season.^ But chiefly I have been disappointed in find
ing no drawing of the least interest by Mrs. AUingham ii
the room of the Old Water- Colour Society. And let m(
say in passing, that none of these new splendours anr
spaces of show galleries, with attached restaurants to sup
port the cockney constitution under the trial of getting
from one end of them to the other, will in the least m&h
up to the real art-loving public for the loss of the goo>
fellowship of our old societies, every member of which sen
everything he had done best in the year into the room
for the May meetings : shone with his debited measure o
admiration in his accustomed corner ; supported his asso
ciates without eclipsing them ; supplied his customers with
out impoverishing them ; and was permitted to sell a pictur
to his patron or his friend, without paying fifty guinea
commission on the business to a dealer.^
111. Howsoever it may have chanced, Mrs. AUinghan
has nothing of importance in the water-colour room ; an(
I am even sorrowfully compelled to express my regre
that she should have spent unavailing pains in finishing
single heads, which are at the best uninteresting miniatures
instead of fulfilling her true gift, and doing what (in Mis
^ [See ch. xxxix. of The Old Curiosity Shop.]
2 [Compare what Ruskin said (in the lecture as delivered) of Leighton ; abov(
p. 318 n.]
3 [Compare what Ruskin says, in the Notes on Prout and Hunt, on the room (
the Old Water-Colour Society " in Mays of long ago," and on the prices of thos
days: Vol. XIV. pp. 389-390, 403.]
i
IV. FAIRY LAND
341
exanders words) "the Lord made her for"^ — in repre-
iting the gesture, character, and humour of charming
ildren in country landscapes. Her "Tea Party," in last
ar's exhibition,^ with the little girl giving her doll its
^ad and milk, and taking care that she supped it with
^priety, may be named as a most lovely example of her
ling and her art ; and the drawing which some years ago
eted, and ever since has retained, the public admiration,
'.he two deliberate housewives in their village toy-shop,
it on domestic utilities and economies, and proud in the
pisition of two flat irons for a farthing,^ — has become,
1 rightly, a classic picture, which will have its place
ong the memorable things in the art of our time, when
ny of its loudly trumpeted magnificences are remem-
ed no more.
112. I must not in this place omit mention, with sin-
e gratitude, of the like motives in the paintings of
'. Birket Foster ; but with regret that in too equal,
. incomplete, realization of them, mistaking, in many
tances, mere spotty execution for finish, he has never
en the high position that was open to him as an illus-
tor of rustic life.
And I am grieved to omit the names of many other
ists who have protested, with consistent feeling, against
misery entailed on the poor children of our great
^: es, — by painting the real inheritance of childhood in
tl- meadows and fresh air. But the graciousness and sen-
tiient of them all is enough represented by the hitherto
tl
[For the phrase, see Miss Alexander's Preface to Roadside Soiigs of Tuscany
XXXII. p. 58).]
["The Children's Tea/' No. 248 in the Summer Exhibition of 1882 at the
Water-Colour Society. The drawing is reproduced in colours at p. 86 of
py England as painted by Helen Allingham, by Marcus B. Huish^ 1903.J
[This is the drawing called " Young Customers " exhibited at the Old Water-
)ur Society in 1875 : see Ruskin's Academy Notes in that year (Vol. XIV,
64). The picture secured her election as a member of the Society ; it was
ided on a black-and-white drawing made to illustrate Mrs. Ewing's A Flat Iron
a Farthing. It is reproduced in colours at p. 50 of Happy England.^
[For other references to him, see Vol. XIV. p. 299, and Vol. XXII.
92 n.]
342
THE ART OF ENGLAND
undreamt-of, and, in its range, unrivalled, fancy, which
now re-establishing throughout gentle Europe, the manne
and customs of fairyland.
113. I may best indicate to you the grasp which tl
genius of Miss Kate Greenaway has taken upon the spirit ;
foreign lands, no less than her own, by translating the la;
paragraph of the entirely candid, and intimately observar'
review of modern English art, given by Monsieur Erne]
Chesneau, in his small volume. La Peinture Anglaise} i
which I will only at present say, that any of my pupil
who read French with practice enough to recognize tl'
finesse of it in exact expression, may not only accept \
criticism as my own, but will find it often more care!
than mine, and nearly always better expressed ; becau
French is essentially a critical language, and can say thini|
in a sentence which it would take half a page of Englii
to explain.
114. He gives first a quite lovely passage (too long ^
introduce now) upon the gentleness of the satire of Jol
Leech, as opposed to the bitter malignity of former caric
ture. Then he goes on : ^ " The great softening of t)
English mind, so manifest already in John Leech, shov
itself in a decisive manner by the enthusiasm with whi
the public have lately received the designs of Mr. Walt
Crane, Mr. Caldecott, and Miss Kate Greenaway. The t\>
first named artists began by addressing to children tl
stories of Perrault and of the Arabian Nights, translat<
and adorned for them in a dazzling manner; ... an
in the works of all these three artists, landscape pla
an important part ; — familiar landscape, very English, int(
preted with a 'bonhomie savante'" (no translating tha,
"spiritual, decorative in the rarest taste, — strange and pi
cious adaptation of Etruscan art, Flemish and Japane.s
^ [A volume (1883) in the Bibliotheque de P Enseignement des Beaux-Arts. 1^
book was afterwards (1885) translated into English, with a Preface by Ruskin (:"
which see Vol. XXXIV.).]
2 [Ruskin translates (with some re-arrangement) from pp. 832, 884, 835.]
IV. FAIRY LAND
34a
aching, together with the perfect interpretation of nature,
> incomparable chords of colour harmony. . . . These
)wers are found in the work of the three, but Miss
reenaway, with a profound sentiment of love for children,
its the child alone on the scene, companions him in his
vn solitudes, and shows the infantine nature in all its
iivete, its gaucherie, its touching grace, its shy alarm,
s discoveries, ravishments, embarrassments, and victories;
le stumbhngs of it in wintry ways, the enchanted smiles
• its spring time, and all the history of its fond heart and
iiiltless egoism. . . .
"From the honest but fierce laugh of the coarse Saxon,
/'illiam Hogarth, to the delicious smile of Kate Green-
vay, there has past a century and a half. Is it the same
^ople which applauds to-day the sweet genius and tender
j.alices of the one, and which applauded the bitter genius
id slaughterous satire of the other ? After all, that is
)ssible, — the hatred of vice is only another manifestation
^ the love of innocence."
' Thus far M. Chesneau — and I venture only to take up
le admirable passage at a question I did not translate:
Ira-t-on au dela, fera-t-on mieux encore ? " — and to answer
•yfuUy, Yes, if you choose ; you, the British public, to en-
)urage the artist in doing the best she can for you. She
ill, if you will receive it when she does.
115. I have brought with me to-day in the first place
ime examples of her pencil sketches in primary design,
hese in general the public cannot see, and these, as is
ways the case with the finest imaginative work, contain
le best essence of it, — qualities never afterwards to be
icovered, and expressed with the best of all sensitive
istruments, the pencil point.^
You have here, for consummate example, a dance of
dries under a mushroom, which she did under challenge
) show me what fairies were like. "They 11 be very like
^ [Compare what Ruskin says of Turner's practice with the pencil point:
ol. XIII. p. 245.]
344
THE ART OF ENGLAND
children," she said; I answered that I didnt mind, andi
should like to see them, all the same; — so here they are,
with a dance, also of two girlies, outside of a mushroom i
and I don't know whether the elfins or girls are fairyJ
footedest: and one or two more subjects, which you may
find out ; ^ — but, in all, you will see that the line is in-
effably tender and delicate, and can't in the least be repre-
sented by the lines of a woodcut. But I have long since
shown you the power of line engraving as it was first used
in Florence ; ^ and if you choose, you may far recover the^
declining energies of line engraving in England, by en-j
couraging its use in the multiplication, whether of these,:
or of Turner outlines, or of old Florentine silver point
outlines, no otherwise to be possessed by you. I have given
you one example of what is possible in Mr. RofFe's engrav-'
ing of Ida;^ and, if all goes well, before the autumn fairy
rings are traced, you shall see some fairy Idas caught flying.*
116. So far of pure outline. Next, for the enrichment
of it by colour. Monsieur Chesneau doubts if the charm of
Miss Greenaway's work can be carried farther. I answer,!
with security, — yes, very much farther, and that in two
directions : first, in her own method of design ; and secondly,
the manner of its representation in printing. 1
First, her own design has been greatly restricted by being
too ornamental, or, in your modern phrase, decorative; — con-
tracted into any corner of a Christmas card, or stretched
like an elastic band round the edges of an almanack. Now,
her art is much too good to be used merely for illumina-J
tion; it is essentially and perfectly that of true colour-
picture, and that the most naive and delightful manner of
picture, because, on the simplest terms, it comes nearest
^ [The drawings here referred to were not left at Oxford. At p. 218 of Kate^
Greenaway, by M. H. Spielmann and G. S. Layard, will be found a reproduction
of a Fairies' Dance (though not the one here mentioned).]
2 [In the lectures of 1872, entitled Ariadne Florentina, Vol. XXII.]
3 [See Vol. XXXII. p. 3 (Plate I.) ; already referred to above, p. 283.]
* [Ruskin gave ejigravings from Miss Kate Greenaway's drawings in Letters
91-96 of Fors Clavigera; others, which he had prepared, are collected on Plate
XXXIX. here.]
XXXIX
I
I
I
I
IV. FAIRY LAND
345
ality. No end of mischief has been done to modern art
f the habit of running semi-pictorial illustration round the
largins of ornamental volumes, and Miss Greenaway has
sen wasting her strength too sorrowfully in making the
iges of her little birthday books, and the like, glitter with
iregarded gold, whereas her power should be concentrated
the direct illustration of connected story, and her pictures
lould be made complete on the page, and far more realistic
lan decorative. There is no charm so enduring as that
i the real representation of any given scene ; her present
esigns are like living flowers flattened to go into an her-
arium, and sometimes too pretty to be believed. We must
)k her for more descriptive reality,^ for more convincing
mplicity, and we must get her to organize a school of
)lourists by hand, who can absolutely facsimile her own
rst drawing.
117. This is the second matter on which I have to
isist. I bring with me to-day twelve of her original draw-
igs, and have mounted beside them, good impressions of
he published prints.
I may heartily congratulate both the publishers and pos-
pssors of the book on the excellence of these ; yet if you
jxamine them closely, you will find that the colour blocks
f the print sometimes slip a little aside, so as to lose the
recision of the drawing in important places ; ^ and in many
ther respects better can be done, in at least a certain
umber of chosen copies. I must not, however, detain you
3-day by entering into particulars in this matter. I am
1 [This was a request which Ruskin was constantly pressing upon Kate Green-
ivay : see his letters to her in a later volume of this edition, and compare
ol. XXX. p. 239.]
^ [To like effect, M. Chesneau said, in a note appended to the English transla-
on of his hook (p. 836): "The author has since seen at the Ruskin school at
>xford a whole set of original designs from the pencil of this charming artist, and
as had an opportunity of comparing them with the engravings in colour which
ave been made from them. He can only say now that the reproductions resemble
tie originals as the light of the moon does the sunlight ; they are a pale reflection."
m account of the methods employed by the late Mr. Edmund Evans in producing
is coloured prints from Kate Greenaway's designs will be found at pp. 64-65 of
lessrs. Spielmann and Layard's book.]
346 THE ART OF ENGLAND
content to ask your sympathy in the endeavour, if I ca
prevail on the artist to undertake it.
Only with respect to this and every other question c
method in engraving, observe farther that all the drawing
I bring you to-day agree in one thing, — minuteness an'
delicacy of touch carried to its utmost limit, visible in it
perfectness to the eyes of youth, but neither executed will
a magnifying glass, nor, except to aged eyes, needing oik
Even I, at sixty-four, can see the essential qualities of th
work without spectacles ; though only the youngest of m i
friends here can see, for instance, Kate's fairy dance, perl
fectly, but they can, with their own bright eyes.
118. And now please note this, for an entirely genert
law, again and again reiterated by me for many a year
All great art is delicate, and fine to the uttermost. Whei
ever there is blotting, or daubing, or dashing, there i
weakness, at least ; probably, affectation ; certainly, bluntnes
of feeling. But, all delicacy which is rightly pleasing t"
the human mind is addressed to the unaided human sigh
not to microscopic help or mediation.^
And now generalize that law farther. As all nobl
sight is with the eyes that God has given you, so all nobl
motion is with the limbs God has balanced for you, an(
all noble strength with the arms He has knit. Thougl
you should put electric coils into your high heels, an(
make spring-heeled Jacks and Gills of yourselves, you wil
never dance, so, as you could barefoot. Though you coul(
have machines that would swing a ship of war into thi
sea, and drive a railway train through a rock, all divin<
strength is still the strength of Herakles, a man's wrestle|
and a man's blow.
119. There are two other points I must try to enforce
in closing, very clearly. Landscape," says M. Chesneau
" takes great part in these lovely designs." He does noi
^ [See, for instance, Modern Painters, vol. iii. (Vol. V. p. 63), and Elements q
Drawing, Preface, § 7 (Vol. XV. p. 12).]
2 [Compare Vol. XV. p. 405; Vol. XXV. p. 469; Vol. XXVI. p. 114; am
Prceteritaf ii. § 200.]
IV. FAIRY LAND
847
ay of what kind; may I ask you to look, for yourselves,
nd think ?
^ I There are no railroads in it, to carry the children away
' vith, are there? no tunnel or pit mouths to swallow them
ip, no league-long viaducts— no blinkered iron bridges ?
There are only winding brooks, wooden foot-bridges, and
frassy hills without any holes cut into them !
Again — there are no parks, no gentlemen's seats with
' :]Lttached stables and offices ! — no rows of model lodging
' lOUses ! no charitable institutions ! I It seems as if none
)f these things which the English mind now rages after,
lossess any attraction whatever for this unimpressionable
)erson. She is a graceful Gallio — Gallia gratia plena, — and
^ares for none of those things/
And more wonderful still, — there are no gasworks ! no
vaterworks, no mowing machines, no sewing machines, no
elegraph poles, no vestige, in fact, of science, civilization,
1 economical arrangements, or commercial enterprise ! ! !
' 120. Would you wish me, with professorial authority,
,0 advise her that her conceptions belong to the dark ages,
iind must be reared on a new foundation? Or is it, on
:he other hand, recommendably conceivable by you, that
Derhaps the world we truly live in may not be quite so
jhangeable as you have thought it ; — that all the gold and
lilver you can dig out of the earth are not worth the
dngcups and the daisies she gave you of her grace; and
that all the fury, and the flutter, and the wonder, and the
wistfulness, of your lives, will never discover for you any
other than the ancient blessing: "He maketh me to lie
down in green pastures. He leadeth me beside the still
waters, He restoreth my soul"?^
121. Yet one word more. Observe that what this un-
impressionable person does draw, she draws as like it as
she can. It is true that the combination or composition
of things is not what you can see every day. You can't
1 [See Acts xviii. 17.]
^ [Psalms xxiii. 2.]
348
THE ART OF ENGLAND
every day, for instance, see a baby thrown into a basket
of roses ; but when she has once pleasantly invented that
arrangement for you, baby is as like baby, and rose as like
rose, as she can possibly draw them. And the beauty oj
them is in being like. They are blissful, just in the degree
that they are natural ; and the fairy land she creates for
you is not beyond the sky nor beneath the sea, but nigh
you, even at your doors.^ She does but show you how to^
see it, and how to cherish.
Long since I told you this great law of noble imagi-
nation. It does not create, it does not even adorn, it does
but reveal, the treasures to be possessed by the spirit. I
told you this^ of the work of the great painter whom,
in that day, every one accused of representing only the
fantastic and the impossible. I said forty years ago, and
say at this instant, more solemnly, All his magic is in'
his truth.
122. I show you, to-day, a beautiful copy made for
me by Mr. Macdonald, of the drawing which, of all the
Turners I gave you, I miss the most.^ I never thought it
could have been copied at all, and have received from Mr.j
Macdonald, in this lovely rendering of it, as much a lesson
as a consolation. For my purpose to-day it is just as good
as if I had brought the drawing itself.
It is one of the Loire series, which the engravers could
not attempt, because it was too lovely; or would not^
attempt, because there was, to their notion, nothing in it.
It is only a coteau, scarce a hundred feet above the river,
nothing like so high as the Thames banks between here
and Reading, only a coteau, and a recess of calm water,
and a breath of mist, and a ray of sunset. The simplest
things, the frequentest, the dearest; things that you may
see any summer evemng by a thousand thousand streams
1 [Mark xiii. 29.]
2 [Here the you " means Ruskin's readers generally, and the reference is to
Modern Painters, Preface to the Second Edition, § 46 (Vol. III. p. 51).]
2 [Standard Series No. 3 (Vol. XXI. p. 12). Mr. Macdonald's copy was placed
by Ruskin at Felstead House (Training School), Oxford.]
/
IV. FAIRY LAND
849
tnong the low hills of old familiar lands. Love them,
ad see them rightly, — Andes and Caucasus, Amazon and
fidus, can give you no more.
123. The danger imminent on you is the destruction
f what you have, I walked yesterday afternoon round
t. John's gardens, and found them, as they always are
I spring time, almost an ideal of earthly Paradise, — the
t. John's students also disporting themselves therein in
ames preparatory to the advent of the true fairies of
ommemoration. But, the afternoon before, I had walked
own St. John's Road, and, on emerging therefrom to
ross the railway, found on my left hand a piece of waste
round, extremely characteristic of that with which we now
ways adorn the suburbs of our cities, and of which it
m only be said that no demons could contrive, under the
irth, a more uncomfortable and abominable place of misery
)Y the condemned souls of dirty people, than Oxford thus
[lows the western light to shine upon — "nel aer dolce,
be dal sol s'allegra."^ For many a year I have now been
Jling you,^ and in the final words of this first course of
matures in which I have been permitted again to resume
ork among you, let me tell you yet once more, and if
ossible, more vehemently, that neither sound art, policy,
or religion, can exist in England, until, neglecting, if it
lUst be, your own pleasure gardens and pleasure chambers,
ou resolve that the streets which are the habitation of the
cor, and the fields which are the playgrounds of their
hildren, shall be again restored to the rule of the spirits,
fhosoever they are in earth, and heaven, that ordain, and
iward, with constant and conscious felicity, all that is
ecent and orderly, beautiful and pure.
^ [Inferno, vii. 122 : quoted also in Vol. V. p. 311, and Vol. X. p. 381.]
' [Compare Lectures on Art, § 116 (Vol. XX. p. 107).]
LECTURE V
THE FIRESIDE
JOHN LEECH AND JOHN TENNIEL
{Delivered 1th and 10th November 1883) |
124. The outlines of the schools of our National Art which
I attempted in the four lectures given last spring, had led
us to the point where the, to us chiefly important, and, it
may perhaps be said, temporarily, all important questions
respecting the uses of art in popular education, were intro-
duced to us by the beautiful drawings of Miss Alexander
and Miss Greenaway. But these drawings, in their digni-
fied and delicate, often reserved, and sometimes severe
characters, address themselves to a circle, which however
large, — or even (I say it with thankfulness) practically
infinite, yet consists exclusively of persons of already culti-
vated sensibilities, and more or less gentle and serious
temper. The interests of general education compel our
reference to a class entirely beneath these, or at least dis-
tinct from them ; and our consideration of art-methods to
which the conditions of cheapness, and rapidity of multipli-
cation, are absolutely essential.
125. I have stated, and it is one of the paradoxes of
my political economy which you will find on examination
to be the expression of a final truth, that there is no such
thing as a just or real cheapness, but that all things have
their necessary price : ^ and that you can no more obtain
them for less than that price, than you can alter the course
of the earth. When you obtain anything yourself for half-
price, somebody else must always have paid the other half.|
1 [See, for instance, Munera PulveHs, § 62 n. (Vol. XVII. p. 185).]
350
V. THE FIRESIDE
351
ut, in the sense either of having cost less labour, or of
eing the productions of less rare genius, there are, of
mrse, some kinds of art more generally attainable than
:hers; and, of these, the kinds which depend on the use
? the simplest means are also those which are calculated
) have most influence over the simplest minds. The dis-
plined qualities of line-engraving will scarcely be relished,
id often must even pass unperceived, by an uneducated
^ careless observer; but the attention of a child may be
^cited, and the apathy of a clown overcome, by the blunt
nes of a vigorous woodcut.
i 126. To my own mind, there is no more beautiful proof
• benevolent design in the creation of the earth, than the
^act adaptation of its materials to the art-power of man.^
he plasticity and constancy under fire of clay ; the ductility
id fusibility of gold and iron; the consistent softness of
larble; and the fibrous toughness of wood, are in each
laterial carried to the exact degree which renders them
rovocative of skill by their resistance, and full of reward
)r it by their compliance ; so that the delight with which,
'ter sufldciently intimate study of the methods of manual
ork, the student ought to regard the excellence of a
lasterpiece, is never merely the admiration of difficulties
/ercome, but the sympathy, in a certain sense, both with
le enjoyment of the workman in managing a substance so
liable to his will, and with the worthiness, fitness, and
bedience of the material itself, which at once invites his
uthority, and rewards his concessions.
127. But of all the various instruments of his life and
enius, none are so manifold in their service to him as
lat which the forest leaves gather every summer out of
le air he breathes. Think of the use of it in house and
irniture alone. I have lived in marble palaces, and under
-escoed loggie, but have never been so comfortable in
ither as in the clean room of an old Swiss inn, whose
^ [On this subject, see Vol. VI. p. 143, and the other passages there noted
specially Vol. XII. p. 200).]
352 THE ART OF ENGLAND
walls and floor were of plain deal. You will find also, i
the long run, that none of your modern eesthetic upholster
can match, for comfort, good old English oak wainscot
and that the crystalline magnificence of the marbles c
Genoa and the macigno of Florence can give no morj
pleasure to daily life than the carved brackets and trefoile
gables which once shaded the busy and merry streets, an.
lifted the chiming carillons above them, in Kent ani
Picardy.
128. As a material of sculpture, wood has hitherto bee]
employed chiefly by the less cultivated races of Europel
and we cannot know what Orcagna would have made o
his shrine, or Ghiberti of his gates, if they had worked ii
olive wood instead of marble and bronze. But even a
matters now stand, the carving of the pinnacled stalls ii
our northern cathedrals, and that of the foliage on th(
horizontal beams of domestic architecture, gave rise to i
school of ornament of which the proudest edifices of th(|
sixteenth century are only the translation into stone ; amj
to which our somewhat dull respect for the zigzags and
dog-teeth of a sterner time has made us alike neglectful
and unjust.'"' j
129. But it is above all as a medium of engraving thai
the easy submission of wood to the edge of the chisel, — j
will use this plain word, if you please, instead of burin,—
and the tough durability of its grain, have made it s(
widely serviceable to us for popular pleasure in art; bui
mischievous also, in the degree in which it encourages th^
cheapest and vilest modes of design. The coarsest scraw
with a blunt pen can be reproduced on a wood-block wit!
perfect ease by the clumsiest engraver; and there are tern
of thousands of vulgar artists who can scrawl with a bluni
pen, and with no trouble to themselves, something thai
will amuse, as I said, a child or a clown. But there ii
not one artist in ten thousand who can draw even simple
* Compare Bible of Amiens^ ch. iv. § 10, '^aisles of aspen, orchards ot
apple, clusters of vine" [above, p. 131].
V. THE FIRESIDE
353
.)jects rightly with a perfectly pure line; when such a line
drawn, only an extremely skilful engraver can reproduce
on wood; when reproduced, it is liable to be broken at
e second or third printing; and supposing it permanent,
;)t one spectator in ten thousand would care for it.
130. There is, however, another temptation, constant in
1 e practice of woodcutting, which has been peculiarly harm-
]1 to us in the present day. The action of the chisel on
ood, as you doubtless are aware, is to produce a white
luch on a black ground; and if a few white touches can
15 so distributed as to produce any kind of effect, all the
lack ground becomes part of the imagined picture, with
] t trouble whatever to the workman : so that you buy in
;»ur cheap magazine a picture, — say four inches square, or
Kteen square inches of surface,^ — in the whole of which
lere may only be half an inch of work. Whereas, in
lie engraving, every atom of the shade has to be worked
jr, and that with extreme care, evenness and dexterity of
I nd; while even in etching, though a great quantity of
ie shade is mere burr and scrabble and blotch, a certain
(lantity of real care and skill must be spent in covering
1e surface at first. Whereas the common woodcut requires
larcely more trouble than a schoolboy takes with a scrawl
( . his slate, and you might order such pictures by the cart-
lid from Coniston quarries, with only a clever urchin or
1^0 to put the chalk on.
131. But the mischief of the woodcut, considered simply
1 a means in the publisher's hands of imposing cheap work
(I the purchaser, is trebled by its morbid power of ex-
jessing ideas of ugliness or terror. While no entirely
l;autiful thing can be represented in a woodcut, every form
< vulgarity or unpleasantness can be given to the life;
ad the result is, that, especially in our popular scientific
l>oks, the mere effort to be amusing and attractive leads
1 the publication of every species of the abominable.^ No
1 [Compare Aratra Pentelici, § 101 n. (Vol. XX. p. 267).]
XXXIII. z
354
THE ART OF ENGLAND
microscope can teach the beauty of a statue, nor can an
woodcut represent that of a nobly bred human form ; bu
only last term we saw the whole Ashmolean Society ^ hel
in a trance of rapture by the inexplicable decoration c
the posteriors of a flea ; and I have framed for you here
around a page of the scientific journal which styles itsel
Knowledge, a collection of woodcuts out of a scientifi
survey of South America,^ presenting collectively to you, iij
designs ignorantly drawn and vilely engraved, yet with thi
peculiar advantage belonging to the cheap woodcut, what!
ever, through that fourth part of the round world, frorij
Mexico to Patagonia, can be found of savage, sordid
vicious, or ridiculous in humanity, without so much as on
exceptional indication of a graceful form, a true instinci
or a cultivable capacity. I
132. The second frame is of French scientific art, anc
still more curiously horrible. I have cut these examples
not by any means the ugliest, out of Les Pourquoi di\
Mademoiselle Suzanne,^ a book in which it is proposed t(!
instruct a young lady of eleven or twelve years old, amus
ingly, in the elements of science.
In the course of the lively initiation, the young ladj
has the advantage of seeing a garde chavipetre struck deac
by lightning; she is par parenthese entertained with th(
history and picture of the suicide of the cook Vatel; some
body's heart, liver, and forearm are dissected for her; al
the phenomena of nightmare are described and pourtrayed
and whatever spectres of monstrosity can be conjured int(
the sun, the moon, the stars, the sky, the sea, the railway
^ [The Ashmolean Natural History Society of Oxfordshire.]
^ [The examples described in § 131 are in the Ruskin Drawing School a
Oxford, Reference Series No. 164 (Vol. XXI. p. 42). The frame of "French cuts'
{§ 132) is no longer in the school. "1 shall place them/' said Ruskin in the lectur
as delivered, '*^next to some scientific studies by Tintoret, in which you can sc
all that is graceful in form, true in instinct, and cultivated in capacity" {Pall Mai
Gazette, November 8).]
^ [By E. Desbeaux, with preface bv Xavier Marmier of the Academie Fran9aise
Paris, 1881. For Ruskin's references' here, see pp. 242; 34, 35; 69, 70, 72; 213
and {e.g.) 93, 112, 179.]
V. THE FIRESIDE
355
id the telegraph, are collected into black company by the
leap engraver. Black company is a mild word: you will
id the right phrase now instinctively adopted by the very
arsons who are most charmed by these new modes of
nsation. In the Century magazine for this month, the
viewer of some American landscape of this class tells us
lat Mr. — — , whoever he is, by a series of bands of black
id red paint, has succeeded in entirely reproducing the
Demoniac'' beauty of the sunset/
133. I have framed these French cuts, however, chiefly
»r purposes of illustration in my last lecture of this year,
r they show you in perfect abstract all the wrong, —
rong unquestionably, whether you call it Demoniac, Dia-
)lic, or JUsthetic, — against which my entire teaching, from
s first syllable to this day, has been straight antagonist,
f this, as I have said, in my terminal address : ^ the first
ame is for to-day enough representation of ordinary Eng-
:h cheap-trade woodcutting in its necessary limitation to
Tly subject, and its disrespect for the very quality of the
aterial on which its value depends, elasticity. There is
is great difference between the respect for his material
oper to a workman in metal or marble, and to one
orking in clay or wood, that the former has to ex-
bit the actual beauty of the substance itself, but the
tter only its special capacity of answering his purpose. A
ulptor in marble is required to show the beauty of marble
urface, a sculptor in gold its various lustre, a worker in
on its ductile strength. But the woodcutter has not to
chibit his block, nor the engraver his copperplate. They
ive only to use the relative softness and rigidity of those
ibstances to receive and multiply the lines drawn by the
iman hand; and it is not the least an admirable quahty
wood that it is capable of printing a large blot; but
1 entirely admirable one that by its tough elasticity it
1 [See vol. 27, p. 15, in an article by M. G. Van Rensselaer on " An American
tist in England" (Mr. Winslow Homer).]
2 [See below, § 184 (p. 888).]
356
THE ART OF ENGLAND
can preserve through any number of impressions the di
tinctness of a well-cut line.
134. Not admirable, I say, to print a blot; but to prir;
a pure line unbroken, and an intentionally widened spac
or spot of darkness, of the exact shape wanted. In m
former lectures on Wood Engraving^ I did not enoug'
explain this quite separate virtue of the material. Neitht
in pencil nor pen drawing, neither in engraving nor etchinf
can a line be widened arbitrarily, or a spot enlarged t
ease. The action of the moving point is continuous ; yo;
can increase or diminish the line's thickness gradually, bt'
not by starts ; you must drive your plough-furrow, or k
your pen glide, at a fixed rate of motion ; nor can yo
afterwards give more breadth to the pen line without ovei,
charging the ink, nor by any labour of etching tool dij
out a cavity of shadow such as the wood engraver leavd
in an instant. 1
135. Hence, the methods of design which depend o'
irregularly expressive shapes of black touch, belong to woo
exclusively ; and the examples placed formerly in yo4
school from Bewick's cuts of speckled plumage, and Burgl<
mair's heraldry of barred helmets and black eagles,^ wei
intended to direct your attention to this especially inteii
lectual manner of work, as opposed to modern scribblin
and hatching. But I have now removed these old-fashione
prints, (placing them, however, in always accessible reserve
because I found they possessed no attraction for inexper]
enced students, and I think it better to explain the qualitiel
of execution of a similar kind, though otherwise directec
which are to be found in the designs of our living master:
— addressed to existing tastes, — and occupied with familia
scenes.
136. Although I have headed my lecture only with th
1 [Ariadne Fiorentina, § 81 (Vol. XXII. p. 351).] J
^ [An example of Bewick, of the kind referred to, is No. 4 in No. 188 of tli
Educational Series (Vol. XXI. p. 91). Examples of Burgkmair are in the Rud
meutary Series (ibid., p. 177). For other references to Bewick's plumage, see Lai
of Feso'le (Vol. XV. p. 410), and Cestus of Aglaia, § 110 (Vol. XIX. p. 155).]
V. THE FIRESIDE
357
ames of Leech and Tenniel, as being the real founders of
^unch, and by far the greatest of its illustrators, both in
)rce of art and range of thought, yet in the precision of
le use of his means, and the subtle boldness to which
s has educated the interpreters of his design, Mr. Du
laurier is more exemplary than either ; ^ and I have there-
•re had enlarged by photography, — your thanks are due
) the brother of Miss Greenaway for the skill with which
le proofs have been produced, — for first example of fine
oodcutting, the heads of two of Mr. Du Maurier's chief
3roines, Mrs. Ponsonby de Tomkyns, and Lady Midas, in
le great scene where Mrs. Ponsonby takes on herself the
Iministration of Lady Midas's " at home." ^
You see at once how the effect in both depends on the
)agulation and concretion of the black touches into masses
|;lieved only by interspersed sparkling grains of incised
^ht, presenting the realistic and vital portraiture of both
dies with no more labour than would occupy the draughts-
lan but a few minutes, and the engraver perhaps an hour
^ two. It is true that the features of the elder of the
vo friends might be supposed to yield themselves without
fficulty to the effect of the irregular and blunt lines
hich are employed to reproduce them; but it is a matter
" no small wonderment to see the delicate profile and
>ftly rounded features of the younger lady suggested by
1 outline which must have been drawn in the course of a
w seconds, and by some eight or ten firmly swept parallel
^strokes riglit across the cheek.
137. I must ask you especially to note the successful
;sult of this easy method of obtaining an even tint, be-
luse it is the proper, and the inexorably required, method
P shade in classic wood-engraving. Recently, very remark-
3le and admirable efforts have been made by American
' [For other references to George Du Maurier (1834-1896), see Vol. XV. p. 374 ;
A. XVI. p. 297 ; Vol. XXII. p. 468 ; Vol. XXV. p. 128 (where particular drawings
e mentioned as typical) ; and Vol. XXIX. p. 439.]
^ ["Mistress and Pupil/' in Punch, July 7, 1883; reprinted in vol. ii. p. 107,
Society Pictures drawn by George Du Maurier, 1891.]
358 THE ART OF ENGLAND
artists to represent flesh tints with fine textures of crossec
white fines and spots. But all such attempts are futile; i
is an optical law that transparency in shadows can only b(
obtained by dark lines with white spaces, not white line;!
with dark spaces. For what we feel to be transparency ir
any colour or any atmosphere, consists in the penetratior
of darkness by a more distant light, not in the subduind
of light by a more distant darkness. A snowstorm seer
white on a dark sky gives us no idea of transparency, but
rain between us and a rainbow does ; and so throughout al
the expedients of chiaroscuro drawing and painting, trans
parent effects are produced by laying dark over light, anc
opaque by laying light over dark. It would be tedious ii
a lecture to press these technical principles farther ; it if
enough that I should state the general law, and its practica
consequence, that no wood engraver need attempt to copji
Correggio or Guido ; his business is not with complexions
but with characters ; and his fame is to rest, not on tht^
perfection of his work, but on its propriety. i
138. I must in the next place ask you to look at th(
aphorisms given as an art catechism in the second chaptei
of the Laws of Fcsole} One of the principal of these give
the student, as a test by which to recognize good colour
that all the white in the picture is precious, and all the blacU
co7ispicuous ; not by the quantity of it, but the impassable
difference between it and all the coloured spaces.
The rule is just as true for woodcutting. In fine
examples of it, the black is left for local colour only — foij
dark dresses, or dark patterns on light ones, dark hair, oi
dark eyes ; it is never left for general gloom, out of whicK
the figures emerge like spectres. •
139. When, however, a number of Mr. Du Maurier's
compositions are seen together, and compared with the
natural simplicity and aerial space of Leech's, they will
be felt to depend on this principle too absolutely and:
^ [Vol. XV. pp. 359-864. The particular aphorism here cited, however, is given!
not in the Laws of Fesole, but in the Elements of Drawing, ^ 176 (Vol. XV. p. 164).
Compare Lectures on Landscape^ § 73 (Vol. XXII. p. 55).]
V. THE FIRESIDE
359
adisguisedly ; so that the quarterings of black and white in
lem sometimes look more like a chess board than a picture,
ut in minor and careful passages, his method is wholly
cemplary, and in the next example I enlarge for you, —
iderman Sir Robert admiring the portraits of the Duchess
id the Colonel,^ — he has not only shown you every prin-
ple of woodcutting, but abstracted for you also the laws
f beauty, whose definite and every year more emphatic
>sertion in the pages of Punch is the ruling charm and
lost legitimate pride of the im.mortal periodical. Day
y day the search for grotesque, ludicrous, or loathsome
ibject which degraded the caricatures in its original, the
liarivari, and renders the dismally comic journals of Italy
le mere plagues and cancers of the State, became, in our
Inglish satirists, an earnest comparison of the things which
'^ere graceful and honourable, with those which were grace-
3ss and dishonest, in modern life. Gradually the kind
nd vivid genius of John Leech, capable in its bright-
ess of finding pretty jest in everything, but capable in
:s tenderness also of rejoicing in the beauty of every-
hing, softened and illumined with its loving wit the entire
cope of English social scene ; the graver power of Tenniel
Tought a steady tone and law of morality into the licence
f political contention ; and finally the acute, highly trained,
nd accurately physiologic observation of Du Maurier traced
or us, to its true origin in vice or virtue, every order of
xpression in the mixed circle of metropolitan rank and
wealth : and has done so with a closeness of delineation
he like of which has not been seen since Holbein, and
ieserving the most respectful praise in that, whatever power
»f satire it may reach by the selection and assemblage of
ailing points of character, it never degenerates into carica-
ure. Nay, the terrific force of blame which he obtains by
oUecting, as here in the profile of the Knight- Alderman,
eatures separately faultful into the closest focus, depends
>n the very fact that they are not caricatured.
^ [" Lights and Shadows of Portrait-Painting/' Punch, August 25, 1883.]
360 THE ART OF ENGLAND
140. Thus far, the justice of the most careful criticisii
may gratefully ratify the applause with which the works c
these three artists have been received by the British publici
Rapidly I must now glance at the conditions of defec
which must necessarily occur in art primarily intended t
amuse the multitude, and which can therefore only be fa
moments serious, and by stealth didactic. !
In the first place, you must be clear about Ptmch'i
politics. He is a polite Whig, with a sentimental respec
for the Crown, and a practical respect for property. Ht
steadily flatters Lord Palmerston, from his heart adorei
Mr. Gladstone ; steadily, but not virulently, caricatures Mr
D'Israeli ; violently and virulently castigates assault upoi
property, in any kind, and holds up for the general idea
of perfection, to be aimed at by all the children of heavei
and earth, the British Hunting Squire, the British Colonel
and the British Sailor. i
141. Primarily, the British Hunting Squire, with hil
family. The most beautiful sketch by Leech throughoui'
his career, and, on the whole, in all Punch, I take to bt
Miss Alice on her father's horse ; ^ — her, with three or foui
more young Dians, I had put in one frame for you, bul
found they ran each other too hard, — being in each case
typical of what Punch thinks every young lady ought tc
be. He has never fairly asked how far every young lady
can be like them; nor has he in a single instance endea-
voured to represent the beauty of the poor.
On the contrary, his witness to their degradation, as
inevitable in the circumstances of their London life, is
constant, and for the most part, contemptuous ; nor can I
more sternly enforce what I have said at various times on
that subject^ than by placing permanently in your schools
1 [^^Miss Alice" appears to be a slip for Miss Ellen." See the sketch (entitled
^^Gone Away !") at p. 80 in vol. iii. of John Leech's Pictures of Life and Character
from the Collection of Mr. Punch. Other " young Dians " may be seen at pp. 102^
175, 181 ; and at p. 152 of vol. i.]
2 [See, for instance, Queen of the Air, § 121 (Vol. XVIII. p. 401) ; Mornings in
Florence, § 95 (Vol. XXIII. pp. 388-389); and Fiction, Fair and Foul, §§ 1-7,
(Vol. XXXIV.).j
V. THE FIRESIDE
361
he cruelly true design of Du Maurier, representing the
^ondon mechanic with his family, when Mr. Todeson is
sked to amuse "the dear creatures" at Lady Clara's
■arden tea/
142. I show you for comparison with it, to-day, a little
>ainting of a country girl of our Westmoreland type,
7hich I have given to our Coniston children's school,^ to
how our hill and vale-bred lassies that God will take care
f their good looks for them, even though He may have
ppointed for them the toil of the women of Sarepta and
>amaria, in being gatherers of wood and drawers of water.^
143. I cannot say how far with didactic purpose, or
ow far in carelessly inevitable satire, Punch contrasts with
be disgrace of street poverty the beauties of the London
rawing-room, — the wives and daughters of the great upper
liddle class, exalted by the wealth of the capital, and of
le larger manufacturing towns.
These are, with few exceptions, represented either as
iceiving company, or reclining on sofas in extremely ele-
ant morning dresses, and surrounded by charming children,
jith whom they are usually too idle to play. The children
e extremely intelligent, and often exquisitely pretty,^ yet
ependent for great part of their charm on the dressing of
leir back hair, and the fitting of their boots. As they
'ow up, their girlish beauty is more and more fixed in an
ipression of more or less self-satisfied pride and practised
3athy. There is no example in Punch of a girl in society
hose face expresses humility or enthusiasm — except in mis-
iken directions and foolish degrees. It is true that only
! ^ [The drawing, called " Unsettled Political Convictions/' appeared in Punch,
btober 16, 1880. The same drawing is referred to in Loves Meinie^ § 136
ol. XXV. p. 128).]
^ [This painting cannot certainly be identified. Ruskin sent it to the school
November 4, 1881, and it is described in the log-book as ^''portrait of a little
.'1 carrying a bundle of sticks." This may be a misdescription of the '^Country
rl," by Gainsborough, reproduced as the frontispiece to Vol. XXII. Ruskin's
■t to the school was only temporary; the picture, whatever it was, was subse-
ently withdrawn by him,]
^ [1 Kings xvii. 9, 10 (compare for Sarepta, Luke iv. 26); John iv. 7.]
^ [For a reference to this passage, see Fors Clavigera, Letter 91 (Vol. XXIX.
. 442).]
362
THE ART OF ENGLAND
in these mistaken feelings can be found palpable materia)
for jest, and that much of Punch's satire is well intendeds j
and just. i
144. It seems to have been hitherto impossible, when ;l
once the zest of satirical humour is felt, even by so kind ;
and genial a heart as John Leech's, to restrain it, and to i
elevate it into the playfulness of praise. In the designs of I
Richter, of which I have so often spoken,^ among scenes of i
domestic beauty and pathos, he continually introduces little (
pieces of play, — such, for instance, as that of the design of [
the Wide, Wide World," in whiclv the very young puppy^ ^
with its paws on its — relatively as young — master's shoulder, j
looks out with him over the fence of their cottage garden, i
And it is surely conceivable that some day the rich power| |
of a true humorist may be given to express more vividty' {
the comic side which exists in many beautiful incidents of n
daily life, and refuse at last to dwell, even with a smile,i i
on its follies. t
145. This, however, must clearly be a condition of p
future human development, for hitherto the perfect power >
of seizing comic incidents has always been associated with
some liking for ugliness, and some exultation in disaster.
The law holds — and holds with no relaxation — even in the
instance of so wise and benevolent a man as the Swiss
schoolmaster, Topffer, whose death, a few years since,^ left ^
none to succeed him in perfection of pure linear caricature.! jf
He can do more with fewer lines than any draughtsman ,j
known to me, and in several plates of his Histoire d' Albert]^ j|
has succeeded in entirely representing the tenor of conver-ij ^
sation with no more than half the profile and one eye of
the speaker.
He generally took a walking tour through SwitzerlandJ i
with his pupils, in the summer holidays, and illustrated hiS'
exquisitely humorous diary of their adventures with pen
1 [See above, pp. 285, 800, 339.]
2 [Rodolfe Topifer (born at Geneva in 1799) died, however, in 1846. His
Histoire d' Albert was one of his latest works.] '
V. THE FIRESIDE
363
ketches/ which show a capacity of appreciating beautiful
mdscape as great as his grotesque faculty; but his mind
; drawn away from the most sublime scene, in a moment,
3 the difficulties of the halting-place, or the rascalities of
lie inn ; and his power is never so marvellously exerted as
1 depicting a group of roguish guides, shameless beggars,
r hopeless cretins.
146. Nevertheless, with these and such other materials
s our European masters of physiognomy have furnished
1 portraiture of their nations, I can see my way to the
rrangement of a very curious series of illustrations of
haracter, if only I could also see my way to some place
^herein to exhibit them.
I said in my opening lecture^ that I hoped the studies
f the figure initiated by Mr. Richmond might be found
onsistent with the slighter practice in my own schools ;
ad I must say, in passing, that the only real hindrance
3 this, but at present an insuperable one, is want of
3om. It is a somewhat characteristic fact, expressive of
le tendencies of this age, that Oxford thinks nothing of
oending £150,000 for the elevation and ornature, in a style
> inherently corrupt as it is un-English, of the rooms for
lie torture and shame of her scholars,^ which to all practical
urposes might just as well have been inflicted on them
I her college halls, or her professors' drawing-rooms ; but
lat the only place where her art -workmen can be taught
3 draw, is the cellar of her old Taylor buildings, and the
ply place where her art professor can store the cast of a
tatue, is his own private office in the gallery above.*
147. Pending the now indispensable addition of some
^ [For other references to the Voyages en Zigzag; ou, Excursions d'un Pensionnat
's les Cantons Suisses et sur le revers Italien des Alpes (Paris, 1843 ; a second
)llected series, 1853), see Vol. XXV. p. 115 n.]
2 [See above, p. 268.]
3 [The New Examination Schools in the High Street, erected 1876-1882 from
jsigns, in the Renaissance style, by T. G. Jackson, R.A. Compare below, p. 476.]
* [Compare the Introduction; above, p. Ivi. The Taylor Buildings," which
mtain the University Galleries as well as the Taylor Institution, are so called
om the bequest of Sir Robert Taylor (1788).]
364 THE ART OF ENGLAND
rude workroom to the Taylor galleries, in which study oi
the figure may be carried on under a competent master, Ii
have lent, from the drawings belonging to the St. George's!
Guild, such studies of Venetian pictures as may form the
taste of the figure- student in general composition,^ and l|
have presented to the Ruskin schools twelve principal draw-
ings out of Miss Alexander's Tuscan book,^ which may be
standards of method, in drawing from the life, to students
capable of as determined industry. But, no less for the
better guidance of the separate figure class in the room
which I hope one day to see built, than for immediate
help in such irregular figure study as may be possible
under present conditions, I find myself grievously in want
of such a grammar of the laws of harmony in the human
form and face as may be consistent with whatever accurate
knowledge of elder races may have been obtained by recent
anthropology, and at the same time authoritative in its
statement of the effect on human expression, of the various
mental states and passions. And it seems to me that by
arranging in groups capable of easy comparison, the examples
of similar expression given by the masters whose work we
have been reviewing, we may advance further such a science
of physiognomy as will be morally useful, than by any
quantity of measuring of savage crania: and if, therefore,
among the rudimentary series in the art schools you find,
before 1 can get the new explanatory catalogues printed,^
some more or less systematic groups of heads collected out
of Punch, you must not think that I am doing this merely
for your amusement, or that such examples are beneath
the dignity of academical instruction. My own belief is
that the difference between the features of a good and a
bad servant, of a churl and a gentleman, is a much more j
useful and interesting subject of inquiry than the gradations
1 [See Vol. XXI. p. 306 (in the ''Long Cabinet").] j
2 lUd., p. 306 (the ''Francesca Cabinet").]
^ [The new catalogues were never prepared. There is a bundle of cartoons from
Tunch in the Ruskin Drawing School (see Vol. XXI. p. 308), but Ruskin did not
arrange or frame them.] j
V. THE FIRESIDE 365
)f snub nose or flat forehead which became extinct with
he Dodo, or the insertions of muscle and articulations of
oint which are common to the flesh of all humanity.
148. Returning to our immediate subject, and consider-
ng Punch as the expression of the popular voice, which
le virtually is, and even somewhat obsequiously, is it not
sronderful that he has never a word to say for the British
aanufacturer, and that the true citizen of his own city is
epresented by him only under the types, either of Sir
^ompey BedelP or of the more tranquil magnate and
)otentate, the bulwark of British constitutional principles
nd initiator of British private enterprise, Mr. John Smith,
/hose biography is given with becoming reverence by Miss
ngelow, in the last but one of her Stories told to a Child ? ^
Ind is it not also surely some overruling power in the
iature of things, quite other than the desire of his readers,
/hich compels Mr. Punch, when the squire, the colonel,
nd the admiral are to be at once expressed, together with
11 that they legislate or fight for, in the symbolic figure
»f the nation, to represent the incarnate John Bull always,
s a farmer, — never as a manufacturer or shopkeeper, and
0 conceive and exhibit him rather as paymaster for the
aults of his neighbours, than as watching for opportunity
f gain out of their follies ?
149. It had been well if either under this accepted,
bough now antiquated, type, or under the more poetical
ymbols of Britannia, or the British Lion, Punch had ven-
ured oftener to intimate the exact degree in which the
ation was following its ideal; and marked the occasions
/hen Britannia's crest began too fatally to lose its resem-
lance to Athena's, and liken itself to an ordinary cocks-
omb, — or when the British lion had — of course only for
moment, and probably in pecuniary difliculties — dropped
is tail between his legs.
^ [A favourite character in Du Maurier's Society Pictures : see, for instance,
uwc/fc, April 28 and November 10, 1883.]
2 ["The Life of Mr. John Smith," pp. 367-879 in Stories told to a Child, "By
16 author of 'Studies for Stories/" 1865.]
366 THE ART OF ENGLAND
150. But the aspects under which either British lion
GaUic eagle, or Kussian bear have been regarded by ouii
contemplative serial, are unfortunately dependent on the
fact that all his three great designers are, in the most
narrow sense, London citizens. I have said that everj
great man belongs not only to his own city, but to hh
own village.^ The artists of Punch have no village tc
belong to; for them, the street corner is the face of the
whole earth, and the two only quarters of the heavenlj
horizon are the east and west — End. And although Leeeh'si
conception of the Distinguished Foreigner, Du Maurier'sl
of the Herr Professor,^ and TennieFs of La Liberte, or Lai
France, are all extremely true and delightful, — to the super
ficial extent of the sketch by Dickens in Mrs, LiiTiper^^
Lodgings,^ — they are, effectively, all seen with Mrs. Lirri
pers eyes; they virtually represent of the Continent littk
more than the upper town of Boulogne ; nor has anything
yet been done by all the wit and all the kindness of thest
great popular designers to deepen the reliance of any
European nation on the good qualities of its neighbours. I
151. You no doubt have at the Union the most inte-
resting and beautiful series of the Tenniel cartoons whicl^
have been collectively published, with the explanation oi
their motives. If you begin with No. 38, you will find t
consecutive series of ten extremely forcible drawings, castf
ing the utmost obloquy in the power of the designer upon
the French Emperor, the Pope, and the Italian clergy, and
alike discourteous to the head of the nation which had
fought side by side with us at Inkerman, and impious inj
its representation of the Catholic power to which Italy
owed, and still owes, whatever has made her glorious
* Above, § 65 [p. 311].
1 [For another reference to this type, see Vol. XVI. p. 277 n.]
2 [For other references to the French sketches in Mrs. Lirripers Legacy (the
sequel to Mrs. Lirripers Lodgings), see Proserpina, Vol. XXV. p. 455 n. ; and se*
also Vol. XXIX. p. 475.]
V. THE FIRESIDE
367
mong the nations of Christendom, or happy among the
amiUes of the earth.^
Among them you will find other two, representing our
fa.rs with China, and the triumph of our missionary manner
f compelling free trade at the point of the bayonet:
/hile, for the close and consummation of the series, you
/ill see the genius and valour of your country figuratively
ammed in the tableau, subscribed, —
"John Bull defends his pudding."
s this indeed then the final myth of English heroism,
ito which King Arthur, and St. George, and Britannia,
nd the British Lion are all collated, concluded, and per-
^cted by Evolution, in the literal words of Carlyle, "like
}ur whale cubs combined by boiling"?^ Do you wish
our Queen in future to style herself Placentae, instead of
'idei, Defensor ? ^ and is it to your pride, to your hope,
r even to your pleasure, that this once sacred as well
3 sceptred island* of yours, in whose second capital city
■onstantine was crowned ; ^ — to whose shores St. Augustine
ad St. Columba brought benediction ; — who gave her Lion-
earts to the Tombs of the East, — her Pilgrim Fathers to
le Cradle of the West \ — who has wrapped the sea round
1 [Cartoons from Punch, by John Tenniel^ First Series. The subjects referred
are : —
No. 88, *^^New Elgin Marbles" (Lord Elgin compelling the Emperor of China
• pay the indemnity for the last China war — November 1860). No. 39, " St. George
id the Chinese Dragon."
No. 40, "The Eldest Son of the Church" (the Pope in bed in a night-cap,
ie Emperor Napoleon trying on the Papal Crown— December 1860). No. 43, A
ood Offer" (Garibaldi offering a cap of Liberty to " Papa Pius "—September 1860).
0. 44, "The Hero and the Saint" (the latter, a ruffianly priest carrying a bottle
belled " Blood of St. Januarius " and a canvas labelled " Winking Picture " ;
aribaldi, in heroic attitude, bidding him be gone — September 1860).
No. 45, "The Two Sick Men" (the Emperor Napoleon offering gruel to the
3pe and the Sultan — August 1860).
No. 47, "John Bull guards his Pudding" (the Volunteer movement and anti-
•ench feeling— December 31, 1859). For another reference to this last, see Fors
'avigera, Letter 93 (Vol. XXIX. p. 469).]
2 [See below, p. 426.]
^ Compare above, p. 209.]
^ Richard 11. j Act ii. sc. 1.]
^ [See above, p. 225.]
368
THE ART OF ENGLAND
her for her mantle, and breathes with her strong bosom th
air of every sign in heaven ; — is it to your good plea
sure that the Hero-children born to her in these latte
days should write no loftier legend on their shields thai
" John Bull defends his pudding " ?
152. 1 chanced only the other day on a minor, yet
to my own mind, very frightful proof of the extent t(
which this caitiff symbol is fastening itself in the popula
mind. I was in search of some extremely pastoral musicai
instrument, whereby to regulate the songs of our Conis
ton village children, without the requirement of peculia*'
skill either in master or monitor. But the only means o
melody offered to me by the trade of the neighbourhoocf
was this so-called harmonicon," — purchaseable, according
to your present notions, cheaply, for a shilling; and wit!
this piece of cheerful mythology on its lid gratis, whereir
you see what '* Gradus ad Parnassum " we prepare foi
the rustic mind, and that the virtue and the jollity on
England are vested only in the money-bag in each haiK^j
of him. I shall place this harmonicon lid in your schools,'
among my examples of what we call liberal education,—
and, with it, what instances I can find of the way Florence
Siena, or Venice taught their people to regard themselves
153. For, indeed, in many a past year, it has ever}
now and then been a subject of recurring thought to me
what such a genius as that of Tenniel would have done
for us, had we asked the best of it, and had the feeling
of the nation respecting the arts, as a record of its honourj
been like that of the Italians in their proud days.^ Tq
some extent, the memory of our bravest war has beer
preserved for us by the pathetic force of Mrs. Butler;'
but her conceptions are realistic only, and rather of thrill-
ing episodes than of great military principle and thought.
1 [This, however, was not done.]
2 [Punch, November 17, 1883, had a skit, following up this suggestion, entitled
''The 'Fireside' at Venice; or. How would it have been?"]
3 [For a reference to the picture of ''Quatre Bras" by Miss Elizabeth Thompson
(now Lady Butler), see Vol. XIV. pp. 307, 308.]
V. THE FIRESIDE
369
n the contrary, Tenniel has much of the largeness and
j mbolic mystery of imagination which belong to the
.•eat leaders of classic art: in the shadowy masses and
i/eeping lines of his great compositions, there are ten-
(mcies which might have won his adoption into the school
< Tintoret; and his scorn of whatever seems to him dis-
])nest or contemptible in religion, would have translated
j elf into awe in the presence of its vital power.
I gave you, when first I came to Oxford, Tintoret's
jcture of the Doge Mocenigo, with his divine spiritual
{tendants, in the cortile of St. Mark's.^ It is surely our
(7n fault, more than Mr. Tenniel's, if the best portraits
] can give us of the heads of our English government
jould be rather on the occasion of their dinner at Green-
^ ch than their devotion at St. Paul's.
154. My time has been too long spent in carping; — but
yt the faults which I have pointed out were such as could
sircely occur to you without some such indication, and
nich gravely need your observance, and, as far as you are
{countable for them, your repentance. I can best briefly,
i conclusion, define, what I would fain have illustrated at
Iigth, the charm, in this art of the Fireside, which you
t^itly feel, and have every rational ground to rejoice in.
^ ith whatever restriction you should receive the flattery,
ed with whatever caution the guidance, of these great
i istrators of your daily life, this at least you may thank-
f'ly recognize in the sum of their work, that it contains
te evidence of a prevalent and crescent beauty and energy
il the youth of our day, which may justify the most dis-
catented "laudator temporis acti"^ in leaving the future
Ippily in their hands. The witness of ancient art points
c:en to a general and equal symmetry of body and mind
i well-trained races ; but at no period, so far as I am
ale to gather by the most careful comparison of existing
p'traiture, has there ever been a loveliness so variably
^ [The picture was, however, afterwards removed: see Vol. XXI. p. 170.]
* [Horace, Ars Poetica, 173.]
XXXIII. 2 A
370 THE ART OF ENGLAND
refined, so modestly and kindly virtuous, so innocently fai
tastic, and so daintily pure, as the present girl-beauty ('
our British Islands : and whatever, for men now enterir
on the main battle of life, may be the confused temptatioi
or inevitable errors of a period of moral doubt and soci
change, my own experience of help already received froi
the younger members of this University,^ is enough ij
assure me that there has been no time, in all the pride |
the past, when their country might more serenely trust
the glory of her youth ; — when her prosperity was mojj
secure in their genius, or her honour in their hearts. '
^ [For a reference to one of the pupils referred to here, see Ruskin's Intii
duction to W. G. Collingwood's Limestone Alps of Savoy (Vol. XXVI. p. 568).] f
i
LECTURE VI
THE HILL-SIDE
GEORGE ROBSON AND COPLEY FIELDING
(Delivered 17 tk and 2181 November 1883)
1). In the five preceding lectures given this year, I have
e leavoured to generalize the most noteworthy facts respect-
ii the religious, legendary, classic, and, in two kinds,
nestic, art of England. There remains yet to be defined
% far-away, and, in a manner, outcast, school, which
ongs as yet wholly to the present century ; and which,
were to trust to appearances, would exclusively and
ever belong to it, neither having been known before
time, nor surviving afterwards, — the art of landscape.
Not known before, — except as a trick, or a pastime ;
surviving afterwards, because we seem straight on the
V to pass our lives in cities twenty miles wide, and to
7el from each of them to the next, underground: out-
t now, even while it retains some vague hold on old-
fa lioned people's minds, since the best existing examples
it are placed by the authorities of the National Gallery
a cellar^ lighted by only two windows, and those at the
b(tom of a well, blocked by four dead brick walls fifty
fet high.
156. Notwithstanding these discouragements, I am still
ided to carry out the design in which the so-called
w.
[Ruskin's statement that the Turner water-colours are consigned to a cellar "
tie National Gallery (compare above, p. 290) has often been challenged as iu-
rate ; the rooms in which drawings are exhibited to the public being on the
iid floor and not ill-lighted. He refers^ however, not to those rooms, but to
uner room at the back, where many other drawings by Turner are still (1907)
sd. Of this room, Ruskin's description is precisely accurate.]
371
I
372
THE ART OF ENGLAND
Ruskin Schools were founded, that of arranging in themi
code of elementary practice, which should secure the sH
of the student in the department of landscape before i
entered on the branches of art requiring higher genii.
Nay, I am more than ever minded to fulfil my forirr
purpose now, in the exact degree in which I see
advantages of such a method denied or refused in otrr
academies ; and the beauty of natural scenery increasing r
in danger of destruction by the gross interests and d-
quieting pleasures of the citizen. For indeed, as I befc;
stated to you,^ when first I undertook the duties of tl'j
professorship, my own personal liking for landscape maj
me extremely guarded in recommending its study. I orjjr
gave three lectures on landscape in six years, and I ne^'
published them ; ^ my hope and endeavour was to conne|;
the study of Nature for you with that of History; i
make you interested in Greek legend as well as in Gre:
lakes and limestone ; to acquaint you with the relations f
northern hills and rivers to the schools of Christian Tt-
ology ; and of Renaissance town-life to the rage of its il-
fidelity. But I have done enough, — and more than enou i
— according to my time of life, in these directions; a I
now, justified, I trust, in your judgment, from the charj
of weak concession to my own predilections, I shall arranj
the exercises required consistently from my drawing-class ,
with quite primary reference to landscape art; and teai
the early philosophy of beauty, under laws liable to no d-
pute by human passion, but secure in the grace of Ear1,
and light of Heaven.
157. And I wish in the present lecture to define to yi
the nature and meaning of landscape art, as it arose i
England eighty years ago, without reference to the gre|t
master whose works have been the principal subject of
own enthusiasm. I have always stated distinctly that t3
1 [See above, § 2, p. 268.]
2 [The Lectures on Landscape (delivered in 1871) were ultimately published r
Ruskin in 1898 : see now Vol. XXII. pp. 1 seq.']
1
VI. THE HILL-SIDE
373
inius of Turner was exceptional, both in its kind and in
5 height:^ and although his elementary modes of work
e beyond dispute authoritative, and the best that can be
,ven for example and exercise, the general tenor of his
(jsign is entirely beyond the acceptance of common know-
dge, and even of safe sympathy. For in his extreme
• dness, and in the morbid tones of mind out of which it
;ose, he is one with Byron ^ and Goethe; and is no more
i be held representative of general English landscape art
1an Childe Harold or Faust are exponents of the total
]ve of Nature expressed in English or German literature.
take a single illustrative instance, there is no foreground
( Turner's in which you can find a flower.^
158. In some respects, indeed, the vast strength of this
iifoUowable Eremite of a master was crushing, instead of
rifying, to the English schools. All the true and strong
len who were his contemporaries shrank from the slightest
J tempt at rivalry with him on his own lines ; — and his
im lines were cast far. But for him, Stanfield might
Ive sometimes painted an Alpine valley, or a Biscay
5 3rm; but the moment there was any question of render-
i y magnitude, or terror, every effort became puny beside
'irner, and Stanfield meekly resigned himself to potter all
h life round the Isle of Wight, and paint the Needles on
(6 side, and squalls off Cowes on the other. In like
1 inner, Copley Fielding in his young days painted vigor-
( sly in oil, and showed promise of attaining considerable
canity in classic composition; but the moment Turner's
(irden of Hesperides and Building of Carthage appeared
i the Academy,* there was an end to ambition in that
c^ection; and thenceforth Fielding settled down to his
ciet presidency of the old Water-Colour Society,^ and
^ [See, for instance. Vol. V. p. 353, and Vol. XXVII. p. 150 ; and compare
tow, p. 532.]
2 [Compare Vol. XIII. p. 14-3 ; Fiction, Fair and Foul, § 73 (Vol. XXXIV.).]
' [Compare below, § 196 (p. 396), and Vol. XIII. pp. 519, 520.]
* [In 1806 (at tlie British Institution) and 1815 (R.A.) respectively.]
^ [From 1831 to 1855 : compare Prceterita, i. § 238.]
374
THE ART OF ENGLAND
painted, in unassuming replicas, his passing showers in tl
Highlands, and sheep on the South Downs. <
159. Which are, indeed, for most of us, much mo'
appropriate objects of contemplation; and the old wate
colour room at that time, adorned yearly with the comple
year's labour of Fielding, Robson, De Wint, Barret, Proi]
and William Hunt, presented an aggregate of unaffectc
pleasantness and truth, the like of which, if you could no
see, after a morning spent among the enormities of luscioi
and exotic art which frown or glare along your miles
exhibition wall, would really be felt by you to possess tl
charm of a bouquet of bluebells and cowslips, amidst a pri:
show of cactus and orchid from the hothouses of Kew.^
The root of this delightfulness was an extremely ra
sincerity in the personal pleasure which all these men too
not in their own pictures, but in the subjects of them—
form of enthusiasm which, while it was as simple, was al
as romantic, in the best sense, as the sentiment of a your
girl : and whose nature I can the better both define ar
certify to you, because it was the impulse to which I owe
the best force of my own life, and in sympathy with whi(
I have done or said whatever of saying or doing in it h.
been useful to others.
160. When I spoke, in this year's first lecture, '
Rossetti, as the chief intellectual force in the establishmei
of the modern Romantic School ; and again in the secor
lecture promised,- at the end of our course, the coUectic
of the evidence of Romantic passion in all our good Englij
art, you will find it explained at the same time that I c
not use the word Romantic as opposed to Classic, but ;
opposed to the prosaic characters of selfishness and stupidit
in all times, and among all nations. I do not think <
King Arthur as opposed to Theseus, or to Valerius, bi
to Alderman Sir Robert, and Mr. John Smith.^ An
therefore I opposed the child-like love of beautiful thing
^ [Compare Ruskiu's description of these exhibitions in Vol. XIV. pp. 389-39^
2 [See above, pp. 269, 291.1
3 [See above, pp. Po'd, 365.] '
VI. THE HILL-SIDE 375
i: even the least of our English Modern Painters, from the
fit page of the book I wrote about them to the last, —
Greek Art, to what seemed to me then (and in a certain
sise is demonstrably to me now) too selfish or too formal,
and in Teutonic Art, to what was cold in a far worse
ise, either by boorish dulness or educated affectation/
161. I think the two best central types of Non-Komance,
c the power of Absolute Vulgarity in selfishness, as dis-
t guished from the eternal dignity of Reverence and Love,
) stamped for you on the two most finished issues of
jur Enghsh currency in the portraits of Henry the Eighth^
d Charles the Second. There is no interfering element
the vulgarity of them, no pardon to be sought in their
v^erty, ignorance, or weakness. Both are men of strong
jwers of mind, and both well informed in all particulars
human knowledge possible to them. But in the one
J a see the destroyer, according to his power, of English
igion; and, in the other, the destroyer, according to his
jwer, of English morality: culminating types to you of
^latever in the spirit, or dis-spirit, of succeeding ages, robs
()d, or dishonours man.
162. I named to you, as an example of the unromantic
a; which was assailed by the pre-Raphaelites, Vandyke's
s itch of the " Miraculous Draught of Fishes." ^ Very near
ii in the National Gallery, hangs another piscatory sub-
j' t,^^ by Teniers, which I will ask you carefully also to
e amine as a perfect type of the Unromantic Art which was
;ailed by the gentle enthusiasm of the English School of
* No. 817, "Teniers* Chateau at Perck." The expressions touching
want of light in it are a little violent, being strictly accurate only of
h pictures of the Dutch school as Vanderneer's " Evening Landscape,"
I, and "Canal Scene," 732.
^ [See, for instance, — for the formalism of Greek art, Vol. V. p. 268 ; and for
boorishness and barren technique" of the Dutch, Flemish, and German art
:e collectivelv called Teutonic Vol. III. p. 90, Vol. V. p. 109, and
I. VIL p. 364.]
^ [Compare, for the coins of Henrv VIII, Ruskin's notes on the coins in the
ffield Museum : Vol. XXX. pp. 276-277.]
" ';See above, p. 289.]
The two pictures are now (1907) on opposite walls in Room xiii.J
= 0
376
THE ART OF ENGLAND
Landscape. It represents a few ordinary Dutch houses, ai
ordinary Dutch steeple or two, — some still more ordinary
Dutch trees, — and most ordinary Dutch clouds, assemblec!
in contemplation of an ordinary Dutch duck-pond; or, per-
haps, in respect of its size, we may more courteously cal;
it a goose-pond. All these objects are painted either gre}
or brown, and the atmosphere is of the kind which look;
not merely as if the sun had disappeared for the day, bull
as if he had gone out altogether, and left a stable lani
tern instead. The total effect having appeared, even to the|
painter s own mind, at last little exhilatory, he has enlivenedj
it by three figures on the brink of the goose-pond, — twc
gentlemen and a lady, — standing all three perfectly upright
side by side, in court dress, the gentlemen with expansivt
boots, and all with conical hats and high feathers. In
order to invest these characters with dramatic interest, a
rustic fisherman presents to them as a tribute, — or, perhaps.,
exhibits as a natural curiosity, a large fish, just elicited from
the goose-pond by his adventurous companions, who have
waded into the middle of it, every one of them, with sin-
gular exactitude, up to tlie calf of his leg. The principle.^
of National Gallery arrangement of course put this picture
on the line, while Tintoret* and Gainsborough are hung
out of sight ; but in this instance I hold myself fortunate
in being able to refer you to an example, so conveniently
examinable, of the utmost stoop and densest level of human
stupidity yet fallen to by any art in which some degree
of manual dexterity is essential.
163. This crisis of degradation, you will observe, takes
* The large new Tintoret wholly so, and the largest Gainsborough, the
best in England known to me, used merely for wall furniture at the top
of the room.i
1 [The ^Har^e new Tintoret" is No. 1180, "Christ washing His Disciples' Feet,"
acquired in 1882. It is now (1907) better shown— in the E. Hall, at the foot of
the stairs ; whilst another Tintoret (" The Milky Way," No. 1818), acquired since
Ruskin wrote, is on the line in Room vii. The "largest Gainsborough" is the
group of "The Baillie Family" (No. 789), now (1907) well seen in the Western
Vestibule of the Gallery ; for another reference to the picture, see the " Address to
Academy Girls" in Vol. XXXIV.]
1
VI. THE HILL-SIDE
877
lace at the historical moment when by the concurrent
ower of avaricious trade on one side, and unrestrained
ixury on the other, the idea of any but an earthly interest,
id any but proud or carnal pleasures, had been virtually
Ofaced throughout Europe ; and men, by their resolute self-
Peking, had literally at last ostracised the Spiritual Sun
cm Heaven, and Hved by little more than the snuff of
le wick of their own mental stable lantern.
164. The forms of romantic art hitherto described in
lis course of lectures, were all distinctly reactionary against
tie stupor of this Stygian pool, brooded over by Batavian
)g. But the first signs of re-awakening in the vital power
f imagination were, long before, seen in landscape art.
lot the utmost strength of the great figure painters could
reak through the bonds of the flesh. Reynolds vainly tried
) substitute the age of Innocence for the experience of
jleligion — the true genius at his side remained always Cupid
jnbinding the girdle of Venus.^ Gainsborough knew no god-
esses other than Mrs. Graham or Mrs. Siddons; Vandyke
nd Rubens, than the beauties of the court, or the graces
f its corpulent Mythology. But at last there arose, and
rose inevitably, a feeling that, if not any more in Heaven,
t least in the solitary places of the earth, there was a
leasure to be found based neither on pride nor sensuality.
165. Among the least attractive of the mingled examples
1 your school-alcove, you will find a quiet pencil-drawing
'f a sunset at Rome, seen from beneath a deserted arch,
whether of Triumph or of Peace.^ Its modest art-skill is
lestricted almost exclusively to the expression of warm light
|a the low harmony of evening; but it differs wholly from
he learned compositions and skilled artifices of former
)ainting by its purity of unaffected pleasure and rest in
he little that is given. Here, at last, we feel, is an honest
pnghshman, who has got away out of all the Camere, and
^ [For other references to the "Age of Innocence" (No. 307 in the National
lallery), see Vol. XIX. p. 250, and Vol. XXII. p. 379. "Love unbinding the
ione of Beauty" is otherwise known as "The Snake in the Grass" (No. 885 in
he National Gallery).]
[Reference Series, No. 117 (Vol. XXI. p. 88).]
378
THE ART OF ENGLAND
the Loggie, and the Stanze, and the schools, and the Dis
putas, and the Incendios, and the Battaghas, and bust
of this god, and torsos of that, and the chatter of th
studio, and the rush of the corso ; — and has laid himsel
down, with his own poor eyes and heart, and the sui
casting its light between ruins, — possessor, he, of so mucl
of the evidently blessed peace of things, — he, and the poo
lizard in the cranny of the stones beside him.
166. I believe that with the name of Richard Wilson,
the history of sincere landscape art, founded on a meditative
love of Nature, begins for England : and, I may add, foij
Europe, without any wide extension of claim ; for the onlV
continental landscape w^ork of any sterling merit with whicl
I am acquainted, consists in the old-fashioned drawings, madt
fifty years ago to meet the demand of the first influx o
British travellers into Switzerland after the fall of Napoleon.|
With Richard Wilson, at all events, our own true anci
modest schools began, an especial direction being presentl}
given to them in the rendering effects of aerial perspective
by the skill in water-colour of Girtin and Cozens. The
drawings of these two masters, recently bequeathed to the
British Museum,^ and I hope soon to be placed in a well-
lighted gallery, contain quite insuperable examples of skill
in the management of clear tints, and of the meditative
charm consisting in the quiet and unaffected treatment of
literally true scenes.
But the impulse to which the new school owed the
discovery of its power in colour was owing, I believe, to
the poetry of Scott and Byron. Both by their vivid passion
and accurate description, the painters of their day were
taught the true value of natural colour, while the love of
mountains, common to both poets, forced their illustrators
^ [For Wilson (1714-1782), as one of the " teachers of Turner/' see Modern
Painters, vol. iii. (Vol. V. p. 408), and Notes on the Turner Gallery^ Vol. XIII. p. 102.
For Ruskin's numerous references to him, Girtin, and Cozens, see the General Index.]
2 [Examples of such drawing^s were placed by Iluskin in his drawing school at
Oxford: see Vol. XXL pp. 129, 133.]
2 [The reference is to several drawings by each of these artists bequeathed by
Mr. John Henderson in 1878: see the Catalogue of Drawings by English Artists, by
Laurence Binyon, vols. i. and ii. (issued by the Trustees).]
\
VI. THE HILL-SIDE
379
into reverent pilgrimage to scenes which till then had been
thought too desolate for the spectators interest, or too
difficult for the painter's skill.
. 167. I have endeavoured, in the 92nd number of Fors
Clavigera,^ to give some analysis of the main character of
the scenery by which Scott was inspired ; but, in endeavour-
ing to mark with distinctness enough the dependence of all
its sentiment on the beauty of its rivers, I have not enough
•referred to the collateral charm, in a borderer's mind, of
I the very mists and rain that feed them. In the climates
of Greece and Italy, the monotonous sunshine, burning
away the deep colours of everything into white and grey,
and wasting the strongest mountain- streams into threads
among their shingle, alternates with the blue-fiery thunder-
cloud, with sheets of flooding rain, and volleying musquetry
of hail. But throughout all the wild uplands of the former
Saxon kingdom of Northumbria, from Edwin's crag to
Hilda's cliff, the wreaths of softly resting mist, and wander-
iing to and fro of capricious shadows of clouds, and droop-
ing swathes, or flying fringes, of the benignant western rain,
cherish, on every moorland summit, the deep-fibred moss, —
embalm the myrtle, — gild the asphodel, — enchant along the
valleys the wild grace of their woods, and the green elf land of
j their meadows ; and passing away, or melting into the trans-
I lucent calm of mountain air, leave to the open sunshine a
world with every creature ready to rejoice in its comfort, and
every rock and flower reflecting new loveliness to its light.
I 168. Perhaps among the confusedly miscellaneous ex-
jamples of ancient and modern, tropic or arctic art, with
! which I have filled the niches of your schools, one, hitherto
;of the least noticeable or serviceable to you, has been the
dark Copley Fielding drawing above the fireplace;^ — nor
1 [See Vol. XXIX. pp. 460-463.]
2 [of a view Between King's House and Inveroran, Argyllshire : see Vol. XXI.
p. 171, and Prceterita, i. § 238. The drawing was sent by Ruskin to Christie's in 1869,
! see Vol. XIII. p. 572, where it is marked as sold ; but it was bought in (see Red ford's
Art Sales, vol. ii. p. 149), and was placed by Ruskin at Oxford for several years
subsequently. He afterwards removed it, but not (as stated in Vol. XXI. p. 171 n.)
to Brantwood.]
1
380 THE ART OF ENGLAND
am I afraid of trusting your kindness with the confession,
that it is placed there more in memory of my old master,
than in the hope of its proving of any lively interest or'
use to you. But it is now some fifty years since it was
brought in triumph to Heme Hill, being the first picture]
my father ever bought, and in so far the foundation of the
subsequent collection, some part of which has been per-
mitted to become permanently national at Cambridge and
Oxford. The pleasure which that single drawing gave on
the morning of its installation in our home was greater
than to the purchaser accustomed to these times of limit-
less demand and supply would be credible, or even con-
ceivable ; — and our back parlour for that day was as full of
surprise and gratulation as ever Cimabue's joyful Borgo.^
The drawing represents, as you will probably — not —
remember, only a gleam of sunshine on a peaty moor,
bringing out the tartan plaids of two Highland drovers, and
relieved against the dark grey of a range of quite feature-
less and nameless distant mountains, seen through a soft
curtain of rapidly drifting rain.
169. Some little time after we had acquired this unob-
trusive treasure, one of my fellow students, — it was in my
undergraduate days at Christ Church — came to Herne Hill
to see what the picture might be which had afforded me
so great ravishment. He had himself, as afterwards King-
lake and Curzon,^ been urged far by the thirst of oriental
travel; — the chequer of plaid and bonnet had for him but
feeble interest after having worn turban and capote; and
the grey of Scottish hill-side still less, to one who had
climbed Olympus and Abarim. After gazing blankly for a
minute or two at the cheerless district through which lay the
drovers' journey, he turned to me and said, " But, Buskin,
what is the use of painting such very bad weather ? " ^ And
1 [See Vol. III. p. 644 w.]
2 [For references to Kinglake's Eothen, see Vol. VL p. 269, Vol. XV. p. 442,
and Vol. XIX. p. 108 ; for Curzon's Monasteries of the Levant, Vol. IX. p. 35.]
^ [Compare Modern Painters^ vol. iv. (Vol. VI. p. 88), where Ruskiu had already
given this remark.]
VI. THE HILL-SIDE
381
[ had no answer, except that, for Copley Fielding and for
ne, there was no such thing as bad weather, but only
iifFerent kinds of pleasant weather — some indeed inferring
:he exercise of a little courage and patience; but all, in
3very hour of it, exactly what was fittest and best, whether
•or the hills, the cattle, the drovers — or my master and me.
170. Be the case as it might, — and admitting that in a
certain sense the weather might be bad in the eyes of a
Sreek or a Saracen, — there was no question that to us it
»vas not only pleasant, but picturesque; and that we set
ourselves to the painting of it, with as sincere desire to re-
Dresent the — to our minds — beautiful aspect of a mountain
jhower, as ever Titian a blue sky, or Angelico a golden
;phere of Paradise. Nay, in some sort, with a more per-
fect delight in the thing itself, and less colouring of it by
)ur own thoughts or inventions. For that matter, neither
Yielding, nor Kobson, nor David Cox, nor Peter de Wint,
lor any of this school, ever had much thought or inven-
:ion to disturb them. They were, themselves, a kind of
contemplative cattle, and flock of the field, who merely
iked being out of doors, and brought as much painted
Tesh air as they could, back into the house with them.
171. Neither must you think that this painting of fresh
iir is an entirely easy or soon managed business. You
nay paint a modern French emotional landscape with a
Dail of whitewash and a pot of gas-tar in ten minutes, at
:he outside. I don't know how long the operator himself
takes to it — of course some little more time must be occu-
pied in plastering on the oil-paint so that it will stick, and
Qot run; but the skill of a good plasterer is really all that
is required, — the rather that in the modern idea of solemn
symmetry you always make the bottom of your picture, as
much as you can, like the top. You put seven or eight
streaks of the plaster for your sky, to begin with ; then
you put in a row of bushes with the gas-tar, then you rub
the ends of them into the same shapes upside down — you
put three or four more streaks of white, to intimate the
382
THE ART OF ENGLAND
presence of a pool of water — and if you finish off with a
log that looks something like a dead body, your picture
will have the credit of being a digest of a whole novel of
Gaboriau,^ and lead the talk of the season.
172. Far other was the kind of labour required of even
the least disciple of the old English water-colour school. '
In the first place, the skill of laying a perfectly even
and smooth tint with absolute precision of complex outhne
was attained to a degree which no amateur draughtsman
can have the least conception of. Water-colour, under the
ordinary sketcher's mismanagement, drops and dries pretty
nearly to its own fancy, — slops over every outline, clots in
every shade, seams itself with undesirable edges, speckles
itself with inexplicable grit, and is never supposed capable
of representing anything it is meant for, till most of it has
been washed out. But the great primary masters of the
trade could lay, with unerring precision of tone and equality
of depth, the absolute tint they wanted without a fiaw or
a retouch ; and there is perhaps no greater marvel of artistic i
practice and finely accurate intention existing, in a simple
kind, greater than the study of a Yorkshire waterfall, by
Girtin, now in the British Museum,^ in which every sparkle,
ripple, and current is left in frank light by the steady pencil
which is at the same instant, and with the same touch,
drawing the forms of the dark congeries of channelled rocks,
while around them it disperses the glitter of their spray.
173. Then further, on such basis of well-laid primary
tint, the old water-colour men were wont to obtain their f
effects of atmosphere by the most delicate washes of trans-
parent colour, reaching subtleties of gradation in misty
light, which were wholly unthought of before their time.
In this kind the depth of far-distant brightness, freshness,
and mystery of morning air with which Copley Fielding
used to invest the ridges of the South Downs, as they rose
^ [For other references to Gaboriau, see Vol. XXVIII. p. 118.]
2 [Not of a Yorkshire, but of a Welsh, waterfall ; if, as seems to be the case,
Riiskin refers to the lar^e drawing (^^ Cayne Waterfall") which is No. 55 in the
Catalogue of Drawings, vol. ii.]
VI. THE HILL-SIDE
383
ut of the blue Sussex champaign, remains, and I believe
lUst remain, insuperable, while his sense of beauty in the
loud-forms associated with higher mountains, enabled him
d invest the comparatively modest scenery of our own
iland, — out of which he never travelled, — with a charm
ddom attained by the most ambitious painters of Alp or
Lpennine.
174. I vainly tried in writing the last volume of Modern
^ainters^ to explain, even to myself, the cause or nature
f the pure love of mountains which in boyhood was the
iihng passion of my life, and which is demonstrably the
rst motive of inspiration with Scott, Wordsworth, and
Ijrron. The more I analyzed, the less I could either under-
tand, or justify, the mysterious pleasure we all of us, great
r small, had in the land's being up and down instead
f level; and the less I felt able to deny the claim of
rosaic and ignobly-minded^ persons to be allowed to like it
ivel, instead of up and down. In the end I found there
^as nothing for it but simply to assure those recusant and
rovelling persons that they were perfectly wrong, and that
othing could be expected, either in art or literature, from
eople who liked to live among snipes and widgeons.
175. Assuming it, therefore, for a moral axiom that the
we of mountains was a heavenly gift, and the beginning
f wisdom, it may be imagined, if we endured for their
ikes any number of rainy days with philosophy, with what
xpture the old painters were wont to hail the reappearance
f their idols, with all their cataracts refreshed, and all their
opse and crags respangled, flaming in the forehead of the
lorning sky. Very certainly and seriously there are no
Lich emotions to be had out of the hedged field or ditched
3n ; and I have often charitably paused in my insistences in
'^ors Clavigera ^ that our squires should live from year's end
0 year's end on their own estates, when I reflected how
nany of their acres lay in Leicestershire and Lincolnshire
1 [Really the last chapter of the fourth volume : see Vol. VI. pp. 418 seq.]
2 [See, for instance. Letters 9 and 10 (Vol. XXVII. pp. 161, 176).]
384
THE ART OF ENGLAND
or even on duller levels, where there was neither goo
hunting nor duck-shooting.
176. I am only able to show you two drawings h
illustration of these sentiments of the mountain school, an.
one of those is only a copy of a Robson,^ but one quit
good enough to represent his manner of work and tone o'
feeling. He died young,^ and there may perhaps be som
Hkeness to the gentle depth of sadness in Keats, trace
able in his refusal to paint any of the leaping streams Oj
bright kindling heaths of Scotland, while he dwells with ;l
monotony of affection on the clear repose of the northeri
twilight, and on the gathering of the shadow in the moun
tain gorges, till all their forms were folded in one kingl^
shroud of purple death. But over these hours and colour
of the scene his governance was all but complete ; and evei
in this unimportant and imperfectly rendered example, th<
warmth of the departing sunlight, and the depth of sof
air in the recesses of the glen, are given with harmon)
more true and more pathetic than you will find in anj
recent work of even the most accomplished masters.
177. But of the loving labour, and severely disciplinec
observation, which prepared him for the expression of thi;
feeling for chiaroscuro, you can only judge by examining
at leisure his outlines of Scottish scenery, a work of whos(
existence I had no knowledge, until the kindness of Mrs
Inge^ advised me of it, and further, procured for me the
loan of the copy of it laid on the table ; which you wil
find has marks placed in it at the views of Byron's Lachin|
y-Gair, of Scott's Ben Venue, and of all Scotsmen's Bar
Lomond, — plates which you may take for leading types o1
the most careful delineation ever given to mountain scenery
for the love of it, pure and simple.'^
1 [The copy was not left at Oxford.]
2 [At the age of forty-five (1788-1833).]
^ [Wife of the then Provost of Worcester College.]
* [Scenery of the Grampian Mountains ; illu-strated by Forty Etchings in the Soji
Ground . . . by George Fennell Rohson, 1814. Ben Lomond is Nos. 2-4 ; Ben Venue.
Nos. 8-10; and Lachin-y-gair, Nos. 31, 32. For Byron's Lachin-v-Gair," coni-
pare Fiction, Fair and Foul, § 61 (Vol. XXXIV. p. 831).]
I
VL THE HILL-SIDE
385
178. The last subject has a very special interest to me ;
id— if you knew all I could tell you, did time serve, of
le associations connected with it— would be seen gratefully
Y you also. In the text descriptive of it, (and the text
[ this book is quite exceptionally sensible and useful, for
work of the sort,) Mr. Robson acknowledges his obliga-
on for the knowledge of this rarely discovered view of
en Lomond,^ to Sir Thomas Acland, the father of our
NYL Dr. Henry Acland, the strength of whose whole Hfe
therto has been passed in the eager and unselfish service
I' the University of Oxford. His father was, of all amateur
tists I ever knew, the best draughtsman of mountains,
)t with spasmodic force, or lightly indicated feeling, but
ith firm, exhaustive, and unerring delineation of their
lystalline and geologic form. From him the faith in the
)auty and truth of natural science in connection with art
as learned happily by his physician-son, by whom, almost
iiaided, the first battles were fought — and fought hard—
jfore any of you eager young physicists were born, in the
1en despised causes of natural science and industrial art.
'iiat cause was in the end sure of victory, but here in
<Kford its triumph would have been long deferred, had it
] t been for the energy and steady devotion of Dr. Acland.
'ithout him — little as you may think it — the great galleries
{ d laboratories of this building,^ in which you pursue your
] ysical science studies so advantageously, and so forgetfully
( their first advocate, would not yet have been in exist-
tce. Nor, after their erection, (if indeed in this there be
ly cause for your thanks,) would an expositor of the laws
( landscape beauty have had the privilege of addressing
3u under their roof.^
179. I am indebted also to one of my Oxford friends,
Ijiss Symonds, for the privilege of showing you, with entire
s:isfaction, a perfectly good and characteristic drawing by
^ Ben Lomond from the West," Plate IV.]
' [The Oxford Museum: see Vol. XVI.]
^ [Ruskin refers to the fact that Acland was one of the electors who appointed
hi to the professorship: see Vol. XX. p. xix.]
XXXIII. 2 B
386 THE ART OF ENGLAND
Copley Fielding, of Cader Idris, seen down the vale o
Dolgelly; in which he has expressed with his utmost skil,
the joy of his heart in the aerial mountain light, and tb,
iridescent wildness of the mountain foreground; nor couL^
you see enforced with any sweeter emphasis the truth oi
which Mr. Morris dwelt so earnestly in his recent addres;
to you ^ — that the excellence of the work is, cceteris paribus,
in proportion to the joy of the workman.^
180. There is a singular character in the colouring oj
Fielding, as he uses it to express the richness of beautify
vegetation ; he makes the sprays of it look partly as if the^
were strewn with jewels. He is of course not absolute!^
right in this ; to some extent it is a conventional exagger^
tion — and yet it has a basis of truth which excuses, if ii
does not justify, this expression of his pleasure ; for n»
colour can possibly represent vividly enough the charm o
radiance which you can see by looking closely at dewl
sprinkled leaves and flowers. i
181. You must ask Professor Clifton* to explain to yoil
why it is that a drop of water, while it subdues the hu| ^
of a green leaf or blue flower into a soft grey, and show
itself therefore on the grass or the dock-leaf as a lustrou
dimness, enhances the force of all warm colours, so thai ?
you never can see what the colour of a carnation or
wild rose really is till you get the dew on it. The efFeCj
is, of course, only generalized at the distance of a paintablf 1
foreground ; but it is always in reality part of the emotioil ^
of the scene, and justifiably sought in any possible similitude J
by the means at our disposal.
182. It is with still greater interest and reverence t<j i
be noted as a physical truth that in states of joyful ano ^
healthy excitement the eye becomes more highly sensitive |
to the beauty of colour,^ and especially to the blue and re( i
^ [See below, § 187 (p. 390).] \
2 [The report in the Pall Mall Gazette (November 19) has : "other things bein| |
granted, for very foolish persons often take the utmost delight in their work."]
[Compare A Joy for Ever, § 102 (Vol. XVI. p. 87).]
* [Then, as now (1907), Professor of Experimental Philosophy at Oxford.]
^ [Compare Eagles Nest, § 113 (Vol. XXII. p. 202).]
VI. THE HILL-SIDE
387
lys, while in depression and disease all colour becomes dim
) us, and the yellow rays prevail over the rest, even to
le extremity of jaundice. But while I direct your atten-
on to these deeply interesting conditions of sight, common
) the young and old, I must warn you of the total and
lost mischievous fallacy of the statements put forward a
iw years ago by a foreign oculist, respecting the changes
f sight in old age.^ I neither know, nor care, what states
f senile disease exist when the organ has been misused or
isused ; but in all cases of disciplined and healthy sight,
le sense of colour and form is absolutely one and the
ime from childhood to death.
183. When I was a boy of twelve years old, I saw
ature with Turner's eyes, he being then sixty; and I
lould never have asked permission to resume the guidance
f your schools, unless now, at sixty-four, I saw the same
ues in heaven and earth as when I walked a child by my
lother's side.
Neither may you suppose that between Turner s eyes,
nd yours, there is any difference respecting which it may
e disputed whether of the two is right. The sight of a
reat painter is as authoritative as the lens of a camera
ucida; he perceives the form which a photograph will
itify; he is sensitive to the violet or to the golden ray to
le last precision and gradation of the chemist's defining
ght and intervaled line. But the veracity, as the joy, of
jiis sensation, — and the one involves the other, — are depen-
|ent, as I have said, first on vigour of health, and secondly
1 the steady looking for and acceptance of the truth of
ature as she gives it you, and not as you like to have it
-to inflate your own pride, or satisfy your own passion.
I pursued in that insolence, or in that concupiscence, the
benomena of all the universe become first gloomy, and
jien spectral; the sunset becomes demoniac fire to you,
lid the clouds of heaven as the smoke of Acheron.
! ^ [For the reference here to Dr. Liebreich, see Ruskin's letter of March 15,
72, in Vol. X. p. 458 ; and compare Vol. XV. p. 357 n.]
388
THE ART OF ENGLAND
184. If there is one part more than another which ir
my early writing deservedly obtained audience and accept
ance, it was that in which I endeavoured to direct th
thoughts of my readers to the colours of the sky, and t
the forms of its clouds. But it has been my fate to liv
and work in direct antagonism to the instincts, and ye
more to the interests, of the age ; since I wrote that chap
ter ^ on the pure traceries of the vault of morning, the fur
of useless traffic has shut the sight, whether of morning
or evening, from more than the third part of England
and the foulness of sensual fantasy has infected the brigh
beneficence of the life-giving sky with the dull horrors o
disease, and the feeble falsehoods of insanity. In the boo^
professing to initiate a child in the elements of natura
science, of which I showed you the average character c
illustration at my last lecture,^ there is one chapter especiall;
given to aerial phenomena — wherein the cumulus cloud i|
asserted to occur " either under the form of a globe or ;]
half globe," and in such shape to present the most exeit
ing field for the action of imagination. AVhat the Franc)
artistic imagination is supposed to produce, under the in
fluence of this excitement, we find represented by a wood
cut, of which Mr. Macdonald has reproduced for you th
most sublime portion.^ May I, for a minute or two, delay
and prepare you for, its enjoyment by reading the lines ii
which Wordsworth describes the impression made on a cul
tivated and pure-hearted spectator, by the sudden opening
of the sky after storm ? — j
"A single step, that freed me from the skirts
Of the blind vapour, opened to my view
Glory beyond all glory ever seen
By waking sense or by the dreaming soul !
The appearance, instantaneously disclosed, ^
^ [Part ii. sec. iii. ch. i. (^^The Open Sky") in vol. i. of Modem Painter
(Vol. III. pp. 343 seg.). See also Vol. VII. p. 179 (quoted in Vol. XXXIV
p. 44).]
2 [Above, § 132 (p. 354). The reference here is to p. 17 of Les Pourqm
de Mademoiselle Suzanne.]
^ [The example remains in the Ruskin Drawing School. The woodcut is O]
p. 18 of Les Pourquoi.']
VL THE HILL-SIDE
389
Was of a mighty city — boldly say
A wilderness of building, sinking far
And self- withdrawn into a boundless depth.
Far-sinking into splendour — without end !
Fabric it seemed of diamond and of gold.
With alabaster domes, and silver spires.
And blazing terrace upon terrace, high
Uplifted; here, serene pavilions bright,
In avenues disposed; there, towers begirt
With battlements that on their restless fronts
Bore stars — illumination of all gems !
By earthly nature had the effect been wrought
Upon the dark materials of the storm
Now pacified ; on them, and on the coves
And mountain-steeps and summits, whereunto
The vapours had receded, taking there
Their station under a cerulean sky." ^
185. I do not mean wholly to ratify this Words worthian
atement of Arcana Coelestia, since, as far as I know
jDuds myself, they look always like clouds, and are no
lore walled like castles than backed like weasels.^ And
jrther, observe that no great poet ever tells you that he
ilw something finer than anybody ever saw before. Great
]|)ets try to describe what all men see, and to express
hat all men feel; if they cannot describe it, they let it
;one; and what they say, say boldly" always, without
J ' vising their readers of that fact.
186. Nevertheless, though extremely feeble poetry, this
jece of bold Wordsworth is at least a sincere effort to
^ scribe what was in truth to the writer a most rapturous
'sion, — with which we may now compare to our edification
l!e sort of object which the same sort of cloud suggests
1| the modern French imagination.^
! ^ [The Excursion, Book ii. (towards the end).]
i ^ [See Hamlet, Act iii. sc. 2 : compare The Storm-Cloud, § 14 (Vol. XXXIV.
] 19).]
^ [The report has ; —
. . . rapturous vision. And now see what the modern French imagina-
tion makes of it"— and Mr. Macdonald's sketch disclosed the clouds
grouped into the face of a mocking and angry fiend. Mr. Macdonald
modestly proceeded to turn his sketch to the wall, but Mr. Ruskin inter-
posed : " Keep it there, and it shall permanently remain, too, in your
school, as a type of the loathsome and lying spirit of defamation which
studies men only in the skeleton and nature in ashes."
idl Mall Gazette, November 19.)]
390
THE ART OF ENGLAND
It would be surely superfluous to tell you that th
representation of cloud is as false as it is monstrous; bi
the point which I wish principally to enforce on yoi
attention is that all this loathsome and lying defacemer
of book pages, which looks as if it w^ould end in represem
ing humanity only in its skeleton, and nature only in
ashes, is all of it founded first on the desire to make th
volume saleable at small cost, and attractive to the greater
number, on whatever terms of attraction. |
187. The significant change which Mr. Morris made il
the title of his recent lecture, from Art and Democracy, t
Art and Plutocracy, strikes at the root of the whole matter
and with wider sweep of blow than he permitted himself tj
give his words. The changes which he so deeply deploref
and so grandly resented, in this once loveliest city, are du
wholly to the deadly fact that her power is now dependei
on the Plutocracy of Knowledge, instead of its Divinitjj
There are indeed many splendid conditions in the new iir
pulses with which we are agitated, — or it may be inspired,|
^ [Compare § 179 (above, p. 386). The lecture was given in connexion wit
the Russell Club in the hall of University College, Oxford, and was briefly reportt
in the Times, and more fully in the Pall Mall Gazette, of November 15, 1883.
excited much notice and some anger (see a letter in the Times of November 19
as Morris avowed his Socialist opinions (compare J. W. MackaiFs Life of Morri
vol. ii. pp. 117-120). The lecture covered much the same ground as that of tl
one published two months later — Art and Socialism : a Lecture delivered {January 2
1884) before the Secular Society of Leicester, by William Morris, 1884. It appeal
from the report that Morris explained at the outset of his lecture that its tn
subject was art under a plutocracy." Some of the College and University auth(
rities, who were present at the lecture, rose at its conclusion to dissociate themselv(
from the lecturer's political views. Ruskin followed in an impromptu and uureporte
speech, chaffing these grave and reverend siguiors freely, and ending up, by som
transition of thought no longer recoverable, with a description of a sunset. "M;
Ruskin," says the report in the Pall Mall, ''whose appearance was the signal fo
immense enthusiasm, speaking of the lecturer as '^the great couceiver and doei
the man at once a poet, an artist, and a workman, and his old and dear friend
said that he agreed with him in 'imploring the young men who were bein
educated here to seek in true unity and love one for another the best direction fo
the great forces which, like an evil aurora, were lighting the world, and thus t
bring about the peace which passeth all understanding.' " Morris in the cours
of his lecture had said " Oxford itself, which should have been left as a preciou
jewel by us, the trustees of prosperity, has been treated as a stone in the highway
wherever a tree falls, a worse is planted in its place." Referring to this passage
Ruskin said in the present lecture (compare § 188): "The defilement of our ow)
Oxford, which Mr. Morris so grandly described to you and so bitterly resented, ha
been mostly due to the plutocracy of learning" {Pall Mall Gazette, November 19).
VI. THE HILL-SIDE
391
jnt against one of them, I must warn you, in all affection
md in all duty.
188. So far as you come to Oxford in order to get
four living out of her, you are ruining both Oxford and
^rourselves. There never has been, there never can be, any
3ther law respecting the wisdom that is from above, than
:his one precept, — "Buy the Truth, and sell it not."^ It
s to be costly to you — of labour and patience; and you
are never to sell it, but to guard, and to give.
Much of the enlargement, though none of the deface-
ment, of old Oxford is owing to the real life and the
rionest seeking of extended knowledge. But more is owing
to the supposed money value of that knowledge; and
exactly so far forth, her enlargement is purely injurious to
:he University and to her scholars.
189. In the department of her teaching, therefore, which
IS entrusted to my care, I wish it at once to be known
that I will entertain no question of the saleability of this
or that manner of art; and that I shall steadily discourage
:he attendance of students who propose to make their skill
1 source of income. Not that the true labourer is unworthy
of his hire, but that, above all in the beginning and first
Ichoice of industry, his heart must not be the heart of an
hireling.^
You may, and with some measure of truth, ascribe this
determination in me to the sense of my own weakness
and want of properly so-called artistic gift. That is indeed
so: there are hundreds of men better qualified than I to
Iteach practical technique: and, in their studios, all persons
I desiring to be artists should place themselves. But I never
would have come to Oxford, either before or now, unless
in the conviction that I was able to direct her students
precisely in that degree and method of application to art
which was most consistent with the general and perpetual
functions of the University.
^ [Proverbs xxiii. 23.]
2 [Lui^e X. 7 ; John x. 13. Compare Crown of Wild Olive, §§ 32, 33 (Vol. XVIII.
pp. 412-414).]
392 THE ART OF ENGLAND
190. Now, therefore, to prevent much future disappoint-^
ment and loss of time both to you and to myself, let mt-
forewarn you that I will not assist out of the schools, nor
allow in them, modes of practice taken up at each student's*
fancy. ^
In the classes, the modes of study will be entirely
fixed; and at your homes I cannot help you, unless you
work in accordance with the class rules, — ^which rules,
however, if you do follow, you will soon be able to judge
and feel for yourselves, whether you are doing right andi
getting on, or otherwise. This I tell you with entire con-|
fidence, because the illustrations and examples of the modes
of practice in question, which I have been showing you
in the course of these lectures, have been furnished to
me by young people like yourselves ; like, in all things,
except only, — so far as they are to be excepted at all, — in
the perfect repose of mind, which has been founded on a
simply believed, and unconditionally obeyed, religion.
191. On the repose of mind, I say; and there is a
singular physical truth illustrative of that spiritual life and
peace which I must yet detain you by indicating in the
subject of our study to-day. You see how this foulness
of false imagination represents, in every line, the clouds
not only as monstrous, — but tumultuous. Now all lovely
clouds, remember, are quiet clouds,^ — not merely quiet in
appearance, because of their greater height and distance,
but quiet actually, fixed for hours, it may be, in the same
form and place. I have seen a fair-weather cloud high
over Coniston Old Man, — not ou the hill, observe, but a
vertical mile above it, — stand motionless, — changeless, — for
twelve hours together. From four o'clock in the afternoon
of one day I watched it through the night by the north
twilight, till the dawn struck it with full crimson, at four
of the following July morning. What is glorious and good
in the heavenly cloud, you can, if you will, bring also into
1 [Compare The Storm-Cloudy § 5 (Vol. XXXIV. p. 11).]
VI. THE HILL-SIDE
393
our lives, — which are indeed Hke it, in their vanishing,
ut how much more in their not vanishing, till the morn-
ig take them to itself. As this ghastly phantasy of death
i to the mighty clouds of which it is written, "The
harlots of God are twenty thousand, even thousands of
ngels,"^ are the fates to which your passion may condemn
ou, — or your resolution raise. You may drift with the
hrenzy of the whirlwind, — or be fastened for your part in
be pacified effulgence of the sky. Will you not let your
ves be lifted up, in fruitful rain for the earth, in scathe-
ijss snow to the sunshine, — so blessing the years to come,
hen the surest knowledge of England shall be of the
ill of her heavenly Father, and the purest art of England
e the inheritance of her simplest children?
The following letter appeared in the Pall Mall Gazette of April 22,
584 (where "A. P. Newton" was misprinted ''G. S. Newton"): —
I To the Editor of the Pall Mall Gazette "
I Sir, — Will you permit me, so far as I may, to rectify in your
columns the faultful omission in my last Oxford lectures of the
name of Mr. A. P. Newton as one of the chief, and the last,
representatives of the old English water-colour landscape school?
My own personal associations with the works of Copley Fielding
and Robson led me to dwell on them at so great length that 1
had no time for the just analysis of Mr. Newton's especial power
in rendering effects of light, or for the expression of my deep re-
spect for his sincere love of mountain scenery and his conscientious
industry in its unaffected delineation. It is, I ti'ust, by this time
well enough known that I never write for money interests; but it
is only just to Mr. Newton's widow that, on the occasion of the
approaching sale of many of her husband's most beautiful works,
such weight as may be attached to my estimate of them should not
be lost by my inability to introduce due notice of them in the short
time of a school lecture. — I am. Sir, your obedient servant,
J. RUSKIN.
Brantwood, April 21.
3r Ruskin's notice of A. P. Newton (1830-1883), see Academy Notes,
ol. XIV. pp. 201, 249.
^ [Psalms Iviii. 17.]
APPENDIX
192. The foregoing lectures were written, among othe
reasons, with the leading object of giving some permanently
rational balance between the rhapsodies of praise and blam'
which idly occupied the sheets of various magazines la^
year on the occasion of the general exhibition of Rossetti
works ; ^ and carrying forward the same temperate estimat
of essential value in the cases of other artists — or artistes-
of real, though more or less restricted, powers, whose work
were immediately interesting to the British public, I hav
given this balance chiefly in the form of qualified, thougii
not faint ^ praise, which is the real function of just criti)
cism;^ for the multitude can always see the faults of gooj
work, but never, unaided, its virtues : on the contrary, it i
equally quick-sighted to the vulgar merits of bad workj
but no tuition will enable it to condemn the vices witl
which it has a natural sympathy ; and, in general, the blam
of them is wasted on its deaf ears.
When the course was completed, I found that m;
audiences had been pleased by the advisedly courteous ton<
of comment to which I had restricted myself: and I re
ceived not a few congratulations on the supposed improve
ment of my temper, and manners, under the stress of ag<
and experience. The tenor of this terminal lecture maj
perhaps modify the opinion of my friends in these respects
but the observations it contains are entirely necessary ii|
order to complete the serviceableness, such as it may be
of all the preceding statements.
' [ITie exhibition of Old Masters" at the Academy, 1883.]
f Damn with faint praise " : Pope, Prologue to the Satires, 201.]
2 [For other passages in which Ruskin discusses the functions of criticism, se<
Vol. XIV. pp. 5, 45, 256, 262 ; Vol. XVI, p. 32 ; Vol. XXIX. p. 585 ; and severa
letters in Arrows of the Chace (Vol. XXXIV.). For a more detailed list, see th(
General Index.]
394
1
APPENDIX
395
193. In the first place, may I ask the reader to consider
vith himself why British painters, great or small, are never
ight altogether ? Why their work is always, somehow,
lawed, — never in any case, or even in any single picture,
borough ? Is it not a strange thing, and a lamentable,
■hat no British artist has ever lived, of whom one can say
.0 a student, ''Imitate him — and prosper"; while yet the
Treat body of minor artists are continually imitating the
inaster who chances to be in fashion; and any popular
nistake will carry a large majority of the Britannic mind
nto laboriously identical blunder, for two or three artistic
venerations ?
194. I had always intended to press this question home
)n my readers in my concluding lecture ; but it was pressed
nuch more painfully home on myself by the recent exhibi-
don of Sir Joshua at Burlington House and the Grosvenor.
There is no debate that Sir Joshua is the greatest figure-
painter whom England has produced, — Gainsborough being
sketchy and monotonous in comparison, and the rest
virtually out of court. But the gathering of any man's
^ork into an unintending mass, enforces his failings in
uckening iteration, while it levels his merits in monotony ; ^
—and after shrinking, here, from affectation worthy only of
:he Bath Parade, and mourning, there, over ''negligence
8t for a fool to fall by,"^ I left the rooms, really caring to
remember nothing, except the curl of hair over St. Cecilia's
left ear, the lips of Mrs. Abington, and the wink of Mrs.
Nesbitt's white cat.f
195. It is true that I was tired, and more or less vexed
with myself, as well as with Sir Joshua; but no bad
I * " How various the fellow is ! " Gainsborough himself, jealous of Sir
jJoshua at the ^' private view." ^
t The pictures were Mrs. Sheridan as St. Cecilia (Lord Lansdowne),
No. 209 in the R.A. ; Mrs. Abington as Miss Prue (Sir C. Miles), and
jMrs. Nesbitt as Circe, Nos. 7 and 11 in the Grosvenor Gallery.
j 1 [So Ruskin says also in Fors Clavigera, Letter 79 (Vol. XXIX. p. 158) but
for a statement of another side, see Vol. XIII. p. 177-]
2 [Henry VIIL, Act iii. sc. 2, lines 213-214.]
^ [See Fulcher's Life of Gainsborough, 1856, p. 151.]
396
THE ART OF ENGLAND
humour of mine alters the fact, that Sir Joshua wa^
always affected, — often negligent, — sometimes vulgar, — and
never sublime; and that, in this collective representation oi
English Art under highest patronage and of utmost value,
it was seen, broadly speaking, that neither the painter knew
how to paint, the patron to preserve, nor the cleaner to
restore.
If this be true of Sir Joshua, and of the pubUc ofi
Lords and Ladies for whom he worked, — what are we to
say of the multitude of entirely uneducated painters, com-!
peting for the patronage of entirely uneducated people ; and
filling our annual exhibitions, no more with what Carlyle
complains of as the Correggiosities of Correggio,^ but with
what perhaps may be enough described and summed under
the simply reversed phrase — the Incorreggiosities of In-
correggio ?
196. And observe that the gist of this grievous question
is that our English errors are those of very amiable and
worthy people, conscientious after a sort, working under
honourable encouragement, and entirely above the tempta-
tions which betray the bulk of the French and Italian
schools into sharing or consulting the taste only of the
demi-monde. ^
The French taste in this respect is indeed widely and
rapidly corrupting our own, but such corruption is recogniz- 1
able at once as disease : it does not in the least affect
the broad questions concerning all English artists that
ever were or are, — why Hunt can paint a flower, but not
a cloud ; Turner, a cloud, but not a flower ; ^ — Bewick, a
pig, but not a girl ; ^ and Miss Greenaway a girl, but not
a pig. '
As I so often had to say in my lecture on the inscruta-
bility of Clouds, I leave the question with you, and pass on.*
^ [For the reference, see Vol. XX. p. 106.]
2 [See above, § 157 (p. 373).]
3 [Compare Vol. XIV. p. 494 ; Vol. XXII. p. 399 ; and Pleasures of England,
§118 (below, p. 509).]
* [The first lecture on The Storm-Cloud of the Nineteenth Century: see §§ 13,
14, 15 (Vol. XXXIV. pp. 18, 19, 20).]
APPENDIX
397
197. But, extending the inquiry beyond England, to the
causes of failure in the art of foreign countries, I have
bspecially to signalize the French contempt for the *'Art
le Province," and the infectious insanity for centralization,
hroughout Europe, which collects necessarily all the vicious
elements of any country's life into one mephitic cancer in
ts centre.
All great art, in the great times of art, is provincial,
howing its energy in the capital, but educated, and chiefly
i)roductive, in its own country town.^ The best works of
borreggio are at Parma, but he lived in his patronymic
illage ; the best works of Cagliari at Venice, but he learned
0 paint at Verona; the best works of Angelico are at
lome, but he lived at Fesole ; the best works of Luini
X Milan, but he lived at Luino. And, with still greater
jiecessity of moral law, the cities which exercise forming
!)ower on style, are themselves provincial. There is no
|ittic style, but there is a Doric and Corinthian one.
There is no Roman style, but there is an Umbrian, Tuscan,
Lrombard, and Venetian one. There is no Parisian style,
)ut there is a Norman and Burgundian one. There is no
^ondon or Edinburgh style, but there is a Kentish and
Northumbrian one.
198. Farther, — the tendency to centralization, which has
)een fatal to art in all times, is, at this time, pernicious
|Q totally unprecedented degree, because the capitals of
Surope are all of monstrous and degraded architecture. An
iirtist in former ages might be corrupted by the manners,
Dut he was exalted by the splendour, of the capital ; and
perished amidst magnificence- of palaces : but now — the
iBoard of Works is capable of no higher skill than drainage,
jind the British artist floats placidly down the maximum
!urrent of the National Cloaca, to his Dunciad rest,^ con-
ent, virtually, that his life should be spent at one end of
1 cigar, and his fame expire at the other.
* [See above, § 65 (p. Sll).]
2 [See Book ii. of Pope's Dunciad for Cloacina, and the end of Book iv. for
he final rest, when "Art after art goes out, and all is night."]
398
THE ART OF ENGLAND
In literal and fatal instance of fact — think what ruin it
is for men of any sensitive faculty to live in such a city
as London is now!^ Take the highest and lowest state of j
it: you have, typically, Grosvenor Square, — an aggregation j
of bricks and railings, with not so much architectural faculty j
expressed in the whole cumber of them as there is in a i
wasp s nest or a worm-hole ; — and you have the rows of' j
houses which you look down into on the south side of t
the South- Western line, between Vauxhall and Claphami i
Junction. Between those two ideals the London artisti
must seek his own; and in the humanity, or the vermin, i }
of them, worship the aristocratic and scientific gods of i
living Israel. l
199. In the chapter called "The Two Boyhoods" ol j
Modern Painters,^ I traced, a quarter of a century ago, the I
difference between existing London and former Venice, in|
their effect, as schools of art, on the minds of Turner and
Giorgione. I would reprint the passage here : but it needs j
expansion and comment, which I hope to give, with other i
elucidatory notes on former texts, in my October lectures.^ \
But since that comparison was written, a new element of
evil has developed itself against art, which I had not then s
so much as seen the slightest beginnings of. The descrip- j
tion of the school of Giorgione ends {Modern Painters, \
vol. V. p. 291^) with this sentence: —
"Ethereal strength of Alps, dreamlike, vanishing in high procession ,
beyond the Torcellan shore ; blue islands of Paduan hills, poised in the
golden west. Above, free winds and Jlery clouds ranging at their will;
brightness out of the north, and balm from the south, and the Stars of the j
Evening and Morning clear in the limitless light of arched heaven and
circling sea."
^ [Compare above, pp. 361-362, and below, p. 531.]
2 [Ch. ix. part ix. vol. v. (Vol. VII. p. 374).]
^ [The lectures in the October term 1884, on "The Pleasures of England,"
glanced at the subject only : see p. 424. Ruskin had, however, already reprinted
the passage in 1881 in a chapter (" Castelfranco ") added to The Stones of Venice:
see Vol. XI. p. 244.]
* [The reference is to the original editions ; see now Vol. VII. p. 375. The
italics were here introduced by Ruskin.]
1
APPENDIX
399
I Now, if I had written that sentence with foreknowledge
|[ the approach of those maUgnant aerial phenomena which,
l-ginning ten years afterwards, were to induce an epoch of
)ntinual diminution in the depth of the snows of the Alps,
id a parallel change in the relations of the sun and sky
j) organic life, I could not have set the words down with
hove concentrated precision, to express the beautiful and
aalthy states of natural cloud and light, to which the
lague-cloud and plague-wind of the succeeding £era were
) be opposed. Of the physical character of these, some
3C0unt was rendered in my lectures at the London Institu-
on;^ of their effect on the artistic power of our time, I
ave to speak now; and it will be enough illustrated by
lerely giving an accurate account of the weather yesterday
iOth May, 1884).
! 200. Most people would have called it a fine day ; it was,
\i compared with other days of this spring, exceptionally
ear : Helvellyn, at a distance of fifteen miles, showing his
rassy sides as if one could reach them in an hour's walk,
he sunshine was warm and full, and I went out at three
I the afternoon to superintend the weeding a bed of wild
jispberries on the moor. 1 had put no upper coat on^ —
lad the moment I got out of shelter of the wood, found
lat there was a brisk and extremely cold wind biow-
ig steadily from the south-west — i.e., straight over Black
oomb from the sea. Now, it is perfectly normal to have
leen east wind with a bright sun in March, but to have
een south-west wind with a bright sun on the 20th of
lay is entirely abnormal, and destructive to the chief
eauty and character of the best month in the year.
I have only called the wind keen, — bitter, would have
leen nearer the truth ; even a young and strong man could
jot have stood inactive in it with safety for a quarter of
n hour; and the danger of meeting it full after getting
ot in any work under shelter was so great that I had
1 [On The Storm-Cloud of the Nineteenth Century: see Vol. XXXIV.]
400
THE ART OF ENGLAND
instantly to give up all idea of gardening, and went up t
the higher moor to study the general state of colour an'
light in the hills and sky.
201. The sun was — the reader may find how high fo
himself, three o'clock p.m., on 20th May, in latitude 55° : a
a guess 40 degrees ; and the entire space of sky under hir
to the horizon — and far above him towards the zenith — sa;
40 degrees all round him, was a dull pale grey, or dirt
white — very full of light, but totally devoid of colour o
sensible gradation. Common flake-white deadened with ;
little lampblack would give all the colour there was in it,—
a mere tinge of yellow ochre near the sun. This lifeles'
stare of the sky changed gradually towards the zenith int(
a dim greyish blue, and then into definite blue, — or at leas
what most people w^ould call blue, opposite the sun answer
ing the ordinary purpose of blue pretty well, though realh
only a bluish grey. The main point was to ascertain a*
nearly as possible the depth of it, as compared with othei
tints and lights.
202. Holding my arm up against it so as to get the
shirt sleeve nearly in full sunlight, but with a dark side ol
about a quarter its breadth, I found the sky quite vigor
ously dark against the white of the sleeve, yet vigorous!)
also detached in light beyond its dark side. Now the dark
side of the shirt sleeve was pale grey compared to the
sun-lighted colour of my coat-sleeve. And that again was
luminous compared to its own dark side, and that dark side
was still not black. Count the scale thus obtained. You
begin at the bottom with a tint of russet not reaching
black ; you relieve this distinctly against a lighter russet,
you relieve that strongly against a pale warm grey, you
relieve that against the brightest white you can paint.
Then the sky-blue is to be clearly lighter than the pale
warm grey, and yet as clearly darker than the white.
203. Any landscape artist will tell you that this opposi-
tion cannot be had in painting with its natural force; —
and that in all pictorial use of the efFect, either the dark
APPENDIX
401
de must be exaggerated in depth, or the rehef of the
lue from it sacrificed. But, though I began the study
f such gradation just half a century ago, carrying my
cyanometer" as I called it^ — (a sheet of paper gradated
cm deepest blue to white), with me always through a
immer's journey on the Continent in 1835, I never till
issterday felt the full difficulty of explaining the enormous
bwer of contrast which the real light possesses in its most
blicate tints. I note this in passing for future inquiry ; ^ at
l^esent I am concerned only with the main fact that the
cirkest part of the sky-blue opposite the sun was lighter, by
luch, than pure white in the shade in open air — (that is
t say, lighter by much than the margin of the page of
lis book as you read it) — and that therefore the total
feet of the landscape was of diffused cold light, against
jhich the hills rose clear, but monotonously grey or dull
l-een — while the lake, being over the whole space of it
[dtated by strong wind, took no reflections from the shores,
id was nothing but a flat piece of the same grey as the
y, traversed by irregular blackness from more violent
^ualls. The clouds, considerable in number, were all of
em alike shapeless, colourless, and lightless, like dirty
ts of wool, without any sort of arrangement or order of
tion, yet not quiet ; — touching none of the hills, yet not
1 gh above them ; and whatever character they had, enough
(pressible by a little chance rujbbing about of the brush
( arged with cleanings of the palette.
204. Supposing now an artist in the best possible frame
(I mind for work, having his heart set on getting a good
il)niston subject ; and any quantity of skill, patience, and
viatsoever merit you choose to grant him, — set, this day,
1 make his study; what sort of a study can he get? In
ie first place, he must have a tent of some sort — he
(anot sit in the wind — and the tent will be always un-
]gging itself and flapping about his ears— (if he tries to
1 [See Vol. I. pp. XXX., xxxi.]
2 [To this subject, however, Ruskin did not revert.]
XXXIII. 2 C
402
THE ART OF ENGLAND
sketch quickly, the leaves of his sketch-book will all bloi
up into his eyes ^) ; — next, he cannot draw a leaf in
foreground, for they are all shaking like aspens ; nor tli
branch of a tree in the middle distance, for they are a
bending like switches; nor a cloud, for the clouds have
outline; nor even the effect of waves on the lake surface
for the catspaws and swirls of Avind drive the dark spac^'
over it like feathers. The entire form-value of the reflec
tions, the colour of them and the sentiment, are lostj
(were it sea instead of lake, there would be no waves, t!
call waves, but only dodging and swinging lumps of wate
— dirty or dull blue according to the nearness to coast
The mountains have no contrast of colour, nor any positiv|
beauty of it : in the distance they are not blue, and thoug
clear for the present, are sure to be dim in an hour c.
two, and will probably disappear altogether towards evenini
in mere grey smoke.^ r I
What sort of a study can he make ? What sort of I
picture ? He has got his bread to win, and must make hi!
canvas attractive to the public — somehow. What resourc'
has he, but to try by how few splashes he can produc
something like hills and water, and put in the vegetable^
out of his head ? — according to the last French fashion.
205. Now, consider what a landscape painter's worl
used to be, in ordinary spring weather of old times. Yoi
put your lunch in your pocket, and set out, any fia
morning, sure that, unless by a mischance which needn'|
be calculated on, the forenoon, and the evening, would b<:i
fine too. You chose two subjects handily near each othei||
one for a.m., the other for p.m. ; you sate down on th(
grass where you liked, worked for three or four hour|
serenely, with the blue shining through the stems of thf
trees like painted glass, and not a leaf stirring ; the grasss;
hoppers singing, flies sometimes a little troublesome, ants
* No artist who knows his business ever uses a block book.
1 [For a reference to § 204 here, see The Storm-Cloudy § 54 (Vol. XXXIV. p. 51).i
APPENDIX
403
ilso, it might be. Then you ate your lunch — lounged a
ittle after it — perhaps fell asleep in the shade, woke in a
Iream of whatever you liked best to dream of,— set to
vork on the afternoon sketch, — did as much as you could
)efore the glow of the sunset began to make everything
)eautiful beyond painting: you meditated awhile over that
mpossible, put up your paints and book, and walked home,
)roud of your day's work, and peaceful for its future, to
upper.
This is neither fancy, — nor exaggeration. I have myself
;pent literally thousands of such days in my forty years of
lappy work between 1830 and 1870.
206. I say nothing of the gain of time, temper, and
teadiness of hand, under such conditions, as opposed to
existing ones; but we must, in charity, notice as one in-
l^vitable cause of the loose and flimsy tree-drawing of the
noderns, as compared with that of Titian or Mantegna,^
he quite infinite difference between the look of blighted
bliage quivering in confusion against a sky of the colour
)f a pail of whitewash with a little starch in it; and the
notionless strength of olive and laurel leaf, inlaid like the
vreaths of a Florentine mosaic on a ground of lapis-lazuli.
I have, above, supposed the effects of these two different
rinds of weather on mountain country, and the reader
night think the difference of that effect would be greatest
n such scenery. But it is in reality greater still in low-
ands; and the malignity of climate most felt in common
jcenes. If the heath of a hill-side is blighted, — (or burnt
nto charcoal by an improving farmer,) the form of the
'ock remains, and its impression of power. But if the
ledges of a country lane are frizzled by the plague wind
nto black tea,— what have you left? If the reflections
n the lake are destroyed by wind, its ripples may yet
be graceful, — or its waves sublime;— but if you take the
reflections out of a ditch, what remains for you but —
1 [For other references to the foliage of Titian, see Vol. VII. pp. 52, 56;
md to that of Mantegna, Vol. XXI. p. 140, and Vol. XXXIV. p 132.]
404
THE ART OF ENGLAND
ditch-water ? Or again, if you take the sunshine from
ravine or a cliff*; or flood with rain their torrents (
waterfalls, the sublimity of their forms may be increase*
and the energy of their passion; but take the sunshii
from a cottage porch, and drench into decay its hollyhoc
garden, and you have left to you — how much less, ho^^
much worse than nothing?
207. Without in the least recognizing the sources (
these evils, the entire body of English artists, through th
space now of some fifteen years, (quite enough to paralyz(
in the young ones, what in their nature was most sensitive
had been thus afflicted by the deterioration of climat
described in my lectures given this last spring in London
But the deteriorations of noble subject induced by th
progress of manufactures and engineering are, though als
without their knowledge, deadlier still to them.
208. It is continually alleged in Parliament by the rail
road, or building, companies, that they propose to rende
beautiful places more accessible or habitable,^ and tha
their works" will be, if anything, decorative rather thai
destructive to the better civilized scene. But in all thest
cases, admitting, (though there is no ground to admit) tha
such arguments may be tenable, I observe that the questioi
of sentiment proceeding from association is always omitted
And in the minds even of the least educated and leas
spiritual artists, the influence of association is strong beyonc
all their consciousness, or even belief.
Let me take, for instance, four of the most beautifuj^,
and picturesque subjects once existing in Europe, — Furnes^
Abbey, Conway Castle, the Castle of Chillon, and thd
Falls of Schafl*hausen.^ A railroad station has been set up
within a hundred yards of the Abbey, — an iron railroad
bridge crosses the Conway in front of its castle ; a stonei
one crosses the Rhine at the top of its cataract, and the
^ [See, again, The Storm-Cloud of the Nineteenth Century (Vol. XXXIV.).]
* [See Ruskin's reply to such allegations in his paper on Railways in the Lake
District (Vol. XXXIV. p. 140).]
3 [Compare Vol. III. p. 37, and Vol. XVIII. p. 89.]
APPENDIX 405
'J jreat Simplon line passes the end of the drawbridge of
J' 'hillon. Since these improvements have taken place, no
icture of any of these scenes has appeared by any artist of
^ minence, nor can any in future appear. Their portraiture
y men of sense or feeling has become for ever impossible.
)iscord of colour may be endured in a picture — discord of
3ntiment, never. There is no occasion in such matters
ir the protest of criticism. The artist turns unconsciously
-but necessarily — from the disgraced noblesse of the past,
D the consistent baseness of the present; and is content
0 paint whatever he is in the habit of seeing, in the
^ lanner he thinks best calculated to recommend it to his
astomers.
i; 1 209. And the perfection of the mischief is that the very
^ 3W who are strong enough to resist the money tempta-
on, (on the complexity and fatality of which it is not
ly purpose here to enlarge,) are apt to become satirists
^ tid reformers, instead of painters ; and to lose the indignant
assion of their freedom no less vainly than if they had sold
lemselves with the rest into slavery. Thus Mr. Herkomer,
hose true function was to show us the dancing of Tyrolese
easants to the pipe and zither, spends his best strength in
ainting a heap of promiscuous emigrants in the agonies
f starvation : ^ and Mr. Albert Goodwin, whom I have
len drawing, with Turnerian precision, the cliffs of Orvieto
ad groves of Vallombrosa,^ must needs moralize the walls
f the Old Water-Colour Exhibition with a scattering of
ieletons out of the ugliest scenes of the Pilgrim's Progress,
ad a ghastly sunset, illustrating the progress — in the con-
^ary direction — of the manufacturing districts.^ But in the
lurality of cases the metropolitan artist passively allows
imself to be metropolized, and contents his pride with the
^ [The picture called "Pressing West/' showing crowded emigrants at Castle
ardens,]
2 [In 1872, when Mr. Goodwin was in Italy with Ruskin : see Vol, XXII.
xxvi.]
[In the summer exhibition of the Royal Society of Painters in Water-Colour,
0. 69, "Giant Despair discovering the Pilgrims/' and No. 62, "A Sunset in the
anufacturing Districts."]
406 THE ART OF ENGLAND
display of his skill in recommending things ignoble. On-
of quite the best, and most admired, pieces of painting ii
the same Old Water-Colour Exhibition was Mr. Marshall'
fog effect over the Westminster cab-stand; while, in th*
Royal Institution, Mr. Severn in like manner spent all hi,
power of rendering sunset light in the glorification of th<
Westminster clock tower.^ And although some faint yearn
ings for the rural or marine are still unextinguished ir
the breasts of the elder academicians, or condescendingh
tolerated in their sitters by the younger ones, — thougl
Mr. Leslie still disports himself occasionally in a punt ai
Henley, and Mr. Hook takes his summer lodgings, as usual
on the coast, and Mr. Collier admits the suggestion of th(
squire's young ladies, that they may gracefully be paintec
in a storm of primroses, — the shade of the Metropoli;
never for an instant relaxes its grasp on their imagination
Mr. Leslie cannot paint the barmaid at the Angler s Rest
but in a pair of high-heeled shoes ; Mr. Hook never lifts f
wave which would be formidable to a trim-built wherry
and although Mr. Fildes brought some agreeable arrange
ments of vegetables from Venice ; and, in imitation of old
William Hunt, here and there some primroses in turn
biers carried out the sentiment of Mr. Collier's on the
floor, — not all the influence of Mr. Matthew Arnold anci
the Wordsworth Society together obtained, throughout tk
whole concourse of the Royal or plebeian salons of the
town, the painting of so much as one primrose nested in its
rock, or one branch of wind-tossed eglantine.
210. As I write, a letter from Miss Alexander is put
into my hands, of which, singularly, the closing passage
alludes to the picture of Giorgione's, which I had pro-
posed, in terminating this lecture, to give, as an instance
of the undisturbed art of a faultless master.^ It is dated
1 ["Sunset over Westminster," No. 1079 in the Royal Institute's summer
exhibition, 1884.]
2 [For a reference to it in one of Raskin's later lectures at Oxford, see below,
p. 503.]
APPENDIX
407
Bassano Veneto, May 27th," and a few sentences of the
i receding context will better present the words I wish to
uote : —
" I meant to have told you about the delightful old lady whose portrait
am taking. Edwige and I set out early in the morning, and have a
ilightful walk up to the city, and through the clean Httle streets with
,eir low Gothic arcades and little carved balconies full of flowers ; meeting
ibody but contadini, mostly women, who, if we look at them, bow, and
aile, and say * Serva sua/ The old lady told us she was always ready to
i 3gin her sitting by six o'clock, having then finished morning prayers and
•eakfast : pretty well for eighty-five, I think : (she says that is her age.)
had forgotten until this minute I had promised to tell you about our
sit to Castelfranco. We had a beautiful day, and had the good fortune
find a fair going on, and the piazza full of contadini, with fruit, chickens,
c, and many pretty things in wood and basket work. Always a pretty
ght ; but it troubled me to see so many beggars, who looked like
\ spectable old people. I asked Loredana about it, and she said they
-re contadini, and that the poverty among them was so great, that
though a man could live, poorly, by his work, he could never lay by
{lything for old age, and when they are past work they have to beg.
I cannot feel as if that were right, in such a rich and beautiful country,
id it is certainly not the case on the estate of Marina and Silvia ; ^ but
am afraid, from what I hear, that our friends are rather exceptional
eople. Count Alessandro, Marina's husband, always took an almost
aternal care of his contadini, but with regard to other contadini in these
arts, I have heard some heartbreaking stories, which I will not distress
ou by repeating. Giorgione's Madonna, whenever I see it, always appears
) me more beautiful than the last time, and does not look like the work
f a mortal hand. It reminds me of what a poor woman said to me once
I Florence, 'What a pity that people are not as large now as they used
) be ! ' and when I asked her what made her suppose that they were
rger in old times, she said, looking surprised, ' Surely you cannot think
lat the people who built the Duomo were no larger than we are.^'"^
Anima Toscana gentillissima, — truly we cannot think it,
)ut larger of heart than you, no; — of thought, yes.
211. It has been held, I believe, an original and valuable
liscovery of Mr. Taine's^ that the art of a people is the
latural product of its soil and surroundings.
Allowing the art of Giorgione to be the wild fruitage
►f Castelfranco, and that of Brunelleschi no more than the
1 [For various references to these ladies of Bassano, see the Index in Vol.
CXXII. (p. 336).]
2 [See also Edwige's "love of the Duomo," Vol. XXXII. p. SOL]
3 [See Vol. XXII. p. 313.]
THE ART OF ENGLAND
exhalation of the marsh of Arno; and perceiving as I dc
the existing art of England to be the mere effluence o
Grosvenor Square and Clapham Junction, — I yet trust tc
induce in my readers, during hours of future council, somt
doubt whether Grosvenor Square and Clapham Junction
be indeed the natural and divinely appointed produce of
the Valley of the Thames.^
Brantwood,
Whit-Tuesday, 1884.
1 [See The Pleasures of England, § 5 (below, p. 423).]
IV
THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
(1884)
1
HE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND.
LECTURES GIVEN IN OXFORD,
BY
JOHN RUSKIN, D.C.L., LL.D.,
)NORAKY STUDENT OF CHRIST CHURCH, AND HONORARY FELLOW OF CORPUS-CHRISTI COLLEGE,
DURING HIS
SECOND TENURE OF THE SLAVE PROFESSORSHIP.
GEORGE ALLEN,
SUNNYSIDE, ORPINGTON, KENT.
1884-5-
[Bibliographical Note. — The Lectures entitled The Pleasures of England were
delivered at Oxford, and announced in the University Gazette^ October 10,
1884, in the following terms : —
SLADE PROFESSOR OF FINE ART: JOHN RUSKIN, M.A.
The Professor will give a Course of Seven Lectures on "The Pleasures of England,"
in sequel to those on " The Art of England," in the Lecture Theatre, University-
Museum, at 2.30 P.M., on Saturdays and Mondays, repeating the Saturday's lecture
on the Monday, from October 18 to December 1, the Lectures being on the following
subjects : —
Lecture I. — Bertha to Osburga. "The Pleasures of Learning." October 18
and 20.
Lecture II. — Alfred to the Confessor. " The Pleasures of Faith." October 25
and 27.
Lecture III. — The Confessor to Cceur de Lion. " The Pleasures of Deed." Novem-
j ber 1 and 3.
Lecture IV. — Coeur de Lion to Elizabeth. " The Pleasures of Fancy." November 8
and 10.
Lecture V. — Protestantism. " The Pleasures of Truth." November 15 and 17.
Lecture VI. — Atheism. "The Pleasures of Sense." November 22 and 24.
Lecture VII. — Mechanism. "The Plea.sures of Nonsense." November 29 and
December 1.
j An '^amended notice" (in the Gazette of October 14, 1884), while repeat-
! ing the above, added that " Admission will be by Ticket, which may
j be obtained on application at the Ruskin School, Beaumont Street. . . .
Tickets for the Saturday's Lecture are reserved for Members of the
University."
Of the lectures thus announced, only the iirst five were delivered, and
only the first four were published by Ruskin.
In place of Lectures VI. and VII., which were postponed, Ruskin
delivered three others, as follow : —
"A Lecture on Patience" (Readings from The Cestus of Aglaia and
8t. Mark's i^e^O-— November 22 and 24.
''Birds and How to Paint Them."— November 29 and December 1.
" Landscape." December 6 and 8.
For a bibliographical note on these substituted lectures, see below,
p. 522.
In the University Gazette of March 10, 1885, the postponed lectures
were thus announced : —
SLADE PROFESSOR OF FINE ART: J. RUSKIN, M.A.
Subject. The Pleasures of England (continued).
Time. Early in May.
Place. The Ruskin School.
There will be only two Lectures, once given : —
Lecture VI. Atheism. The Pleasures of Sense.
Lecture VII. Mechanism. The Pleasures of Nonsense,
The exact dates of delivery will be arranged with the concurrence of the otner
Professors,
This notice was repeated on April 17, but on April 28 the following
intimation appeared : —
"Mr, Ruskin having sent in his resignation of the Professorship, the announcs-
ment of the Course of Lectures which was reprinted in the Gazette of April 17 is
withdrawn."
413
THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
Lectures I. to V. were reported (by E. T. Cook) in the Pall Mall Gazette
of October 20 and 27, November 3, 10, and 17 respectively.
They were reprinted by him in Studies in Ruskin, 1890 (and again in
the second edition of that work, 1891), pp. 211-268, with the following
introductory remarks :—
"The course bad clearly not been so carefully prepared, nor was the lecturer's line
of thought so closely reasoned, as in 'The Art of England.' My reports took the
form, therefore, of 'digested plans' (so Mr. Ruskin was kind enough to call them),
'summarizing a line of thought not always by me enough expressed, and completinj^
and illustrating it from other parts of my books, often more fully than, against time",
I could do myself.' Accordingly I reprint these reports here in their original form^
in the hope that they may be found by a reader here and there to serve as useful
companions to the printed lectures."
The following letter from Ruskin (referred to in the preceding remarks)
appeared in the Pall Mall Gazette of November 19 : —
To the Editor of the ''Pall Mall Gazette"
Sir, — I have seldom had occasion to pay either compliments or
thanks to the British reporter ; but 1 must very seriously acknowledge
the help now afforded me by the digested plans of my Oxford lectures
drawn up for the Pall Mall Gazette — very wonderful pieces of work,
it seems to me, not only in summarizing, without any help from me
whatever, a Une of thought not always by me enough expressed ; but
in completing and illustrating it from other parts of my books — often
more fully than, against time, I could do myself. Hitherto, there have
been only two errata worth correction : in last Monday's (November 10),
2nd page, 32 lines up, for "Barbara" read '^Athena"; and in report
of former lecture (November 3, 2nd page, 33 lines up), for '' Athena
Regina" read "Athena of -^gina." This erratum should have caught
the reporter's eye ; for he ought to have known by his evident fami-
liarity with my books that I never use a Latin adjunct to a Greek
noun ; but, as it happens, the mistake exactly illustrates the confused
Damascus signature of the Saxon language. Edgar of England writes,
as before noted, his own name in Saxon, his kingdom's in Latin, and
his authority's in Greek ; " F^go Edgar, totius Albionis — BASILEUS,"
and his queen would have written " Basilissa." And herein is to be
observed the advantage of a mixed language in conveying complete
definition. The Roman word " imperator " expressed only the extending
of Roman moral law, or imperium, over subject States. But "Basileus"
means the extension of Christ's inevitable and irresistible law over
them, in an entirely despotic manner. — I am, Sir, your obedient
servant,
John Ruskin.
Oxford, Nov. 14.
Lectures as thus reported, often differ from the text as after-
wards printed by Ruskin, and the additional passages are now quoted from
the reports in footnotes (see, e.g., pp. 462, 478, 481).
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
ISSUE IN PARTS
As already stated, only Lectures l.-IV. of The Pleasures of England were
published by Ruskin. They appeared in four separate Parts :—
. Part /., containing Lecture L (October 1884). The title-page was as
shown here (p. 411), except for the words "Lecture L | The Pleasures of
Learning," and the date ^^1884."
Small quarto (uniform with The Art of England) , pp. ii. +36. Title-page
(with imprint in the centre of the reverse — "Printed by | Hazell, Watson
and Viney, Limited, | London and Aylesbury"), pp. i.-ii. Fly-title to
Lecture I. (with blank reverse), pp. 1-2 ; text of the Lecture, pp. 3-36.
Part IL, containing Lecture II. (November 1884). The title-page of
this and the succeeding Parts was changed, thus : —
The Pleasures of England. | Lectures given in Oxford, j by | John
Ruskin, D.C.L., LL.D. | in Michaelmas Term, | 1884. | Lecture Ii. |
The Pleasures of Faith. | George Allen, | Sunnyside, Orpington, Kent,
I 1884.
Title-page (with imprint on the reverse), pp. i.-ii. ; fly-title to Lecture II.,
pp. 37-38 ; lecture, pp. 39-80.
Part in., containing Lecture III. (February 1885). Title-page as in
Part II., with alteration of lecture and date.
Title-page (with blank reverse), pp. i.-ii. ; fly-title to Lecture III.,
pp. 81-82 ; lecture, pp. 83-121 ; p. 122 is blank.
This lecture had been announced as "The Confessor to Coeur de Lion,"
but as printed (in this and the later editions) it was entitled "Alfred to
Coeur de Lion." In the present edition, the original title has been restored.
Part IV., containing Lecture IV. (April 1885). — Title-page as in Part III.,
with alteration of lecture.
Title-page (with the imprint again on the reverse), pp. i.-ii. ; fly-title
to Lecture IV., pp. 123-124; lecture, pp. 125-160. Following p. 160 is an
unnumbered page (with blank reverse), containing the following : —
NOTES
i 1. The Five Christmas Days. (These were drawn out on a large and conspicuous
I diagram. )
These days, as it happens, sum up the History of their Five Centuries.
Christmas Day, 49(5. Clovis baptized.
,, 800. Charlemagne crowned.
,, 1041. Vow of the Count of Aversa (§ 77).
,, ,, 1066. The Conqueror crowned.
,, ,, 1130. Eoger JI. crowned King of the Two Sicilies.
2. For conclusion of the whole matter two pictures were shown and commented
on — the two most perfect pictures in the world.
(1) A small piece from Tintoret's Paradiso in the Ducal Palace, representing the
group of St. Ambrose, St. Jerome, St. Gregory, St. Augustine, and behind St. Augustine
his mother watching him, her chief joy even in Paradise.
(2) The Arundel Society's reproduction of the Altar-piece by Giorgione in his
native hamlet of Castel Franco. The Arundel Society has done more for us than we
have any notion of.
416 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
These Notes were taken from the reports in the Pall Mall Gazette, and
are now printed (with additions, in the first case, from Ruskin's MS., and
in the second, from the report) in their proper places (see pp. 480,
503 n.).
Each of the four Parts was issued in buff-coloured paper wrappers, with
the title-page (enclosed in a plain ruled frame) reproduced upon the front ;
the words ''Price One Shilling" being added at the foot, below the rule.
4000 copies. All the Parts are still current.
No more Parts were issued, and no preliminary matter was supplied;
nor were the Parts ever issued by the publisher in volume form, though
the remaining Parts were for some time announced as being in pre-
paration.
ISSUE WITH "THE ART ENGLAND"
In 1898 the four lectures were issued in a volume together with The
Art of England (see above, p. 262).
The Pleasures of England occupied pp. 261-41 5 of that volume, thus :
Half-title (with blank reverse), pp. 261-262 ; lectures, pp. 263-397 ; notes,
p. 398; fiy-title ('^ Index," with blank reverse), pp. 399-400; index (by
Mr. Wedderburn), pp. 401-415.
In this edition, the sections were numbered.
For re-issues of it and for the Pocket Edition, see above, pp. 262, 263.
Reviews of, or articles upon, Ruskin's lectures appeared (among other
places) in the Saturday Review, October 25, 1884 {" Professor Ruskin's
Pleasures of Learning"); the Spectator, November 1, 1884 ("Mr. Ruskin
on ' The Pleasures of Faith ' ") ; the St. James's Gazette, November 17,
1884 ; the World, November 19, 1884 ; and the Morning Post, November
25, 1884.
VaricB Lectiones. — Between the edition in Parts and that issued with
The Art of England, there are the following differences (besides those
already mentioned): —
The dates of delivery are added after the titles of the several lectures
in the later issue.
The sections were not numbered in the earlier issue, except that in
Lecture I. §§ 1-3 were numbered.
In the later issue, notes were added (by the editor who saw the book
through the press for Ruskin) to §§ 5, 89 (the first note) ; whilst to the
second note in § 53, and to the note in § 80, references were added.
These added notes have now been revised with new references.
In the earlier issue, the fly-title to Lecture IV. added the dates
"(1189-1558)."
In the present edition, the following alterations have been made : —
§ 12. "Mr. Hodgetts's book" is a correction for "Mr. Hodgett's book."
§ 40, line 1, ^'word'^ has been corrected to ^'^ words."
§ 43, hitherto there have been inverted commas, thus, " The ancient
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
417
church, ^situated low/ indicated in this vision the one ... of St. Peter;"
(you must read that for yourselves;) *^but also because . . — The passage,
however, is not quoted textually from Stanley. The inverted commas
have been removed ; there were none in the first proof (for which see
above, p. Ixxii.).
§ 53, hitherto there has been the following footnote at '^This for the
philosophy"^" : —
^' Here one of the "Stones of Westminster" was shown aud commented on.
The note does not appear in the first proof, corrected by Ruskin himself.
It must have been added by some one else in preparing the lecture for
press, and ^v'as probably due to a misunderstanding of a fanciful headline
in the report of the lecture in the Pall Mall Gazette (^^ The Stones of
Westminster"). At any rate, Ruskin did not exhibit any piece of the
Abbey ; nor did he interrupt his readings from St. Augustine and Alfred
at this point by any comments on the architecture of the Abbey.
§ 53, hitherto the words now in the note — "Compare the legend . . .
sevum" — have been interpolated in the text, the note reading, "At Munich:
the leaf . . ." — Ruskin himself in a note to Lecture IV. (§ 110) called
attention to this as a mistake, but it has not hitherto been corrected.
§ 63, inverted commas have been inserted to indicate the limits of
the textual quotation from Carlyle.
§ 67, the section hitherto has been made to begin with the quotation.
§ 77, inverted commas have been removed from the passage, "The
Prince . . . commander-in-chief," as it is an abstract, and not a textual
quotation, from Sismondi.
§ 99, line 81, see p. 490 n.
The Notes at the end have been transferred (see above, pp. 415-416).]
XXXIIl.
CONTENTS
LECTURE I
PAGE
The Pleasures of Learning . . . . . .421
Bertha to Osburga
LECTURE II
The Pleasures of Faith ..... ... 439
Alfred to the Confessor
LECTURE III
The Pleasures of Deed ........ 458
The Confessor to Cceur de Lion
postscript : the five Christmas days ..... 480
LECTURE IV
The Pleasures of Fancy . . . . . . . ,481
C(EUR DE Lion to Elizabeth
(Added in this Edition)
LECTURE V
Protestantism : The Pleasures of Truth . . . . . 505
419
^HE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
LECTURE I
THE PLEASURES OF LEARNING
BERTHA TO OSBURGA
{Delivered I8th and 9.0th October 1884)
. In the short review of the present state of English Art,
iven you last year, I left necessarily many points untouched,
,nd others unexplained. The seventh lecture, which I did
lot think it necessary to read aloud, furnished you with
ome of the corrective statements of which, whether spoken
r not, it was extremely desirable that you should estimate
he balancing weight. These I propose in the present course
arther to illustrate, and to arrive with you at, I hope, a
ist — ^you would not wish it to be a flattering — estimate of
he conditions of our English artistic life, past and present,
Q order that with due allowance for them we may deter-
aine, with some security, what those of us who have
acuity ought to do, and those who have sensibility, to
dmire.
2. In thus rightly doing and feehng, you will find
ummed a wider duty, and granted a greater power, than
he moral philosophy at this moment current with you has
ver conceived ; and a prospect opened to you besides, of
uch a Future for England as you may both hopefully and
)roudly labour for with your hands, and those of you who
re spared to the ordinary term of human life, even see
422 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
with your eyes/ when all this tumult of vain avarice anc
idle pleasure, into which you have been plunged at birthi
shall have passed into its appointed perdition. '
3. I wish that you would read for introduction to the
lectures I have this year arranged for you, that on the
Future of England, which I gave to the cadets at Woolwich
in the first year of my Professorship here,**^ 1869 ; and which
is now placed as the main conclusion of The Crown of Wila
Olive :^ and with it, very attentively, the close of my in-j
augural lecture given here; for the matter, no less than
the tenor of which, I was reproved by all my friends, as
irrelevant and ill-judged ; — which, nevertheless, is of all the
pieces of teaching 1 have ever given from this chair, the
most pregnant and essential to whatever studies, whether
of Art or Science, you may pursue, in this place or else-|
where, during your lives. |
4. The opening words of that passage I will take leave
to read to you again, — for they must still be the ground
of whatever help I can give you, worth your acceptance: —
"There is a. destiny now possible to us — the highest ever set before a
nation to be accepted or refused. We are still undegenerate in race ; a
race mingled of the best northern blood. We are not yet dissolute in
temper, but still have the firmness to govern, and the grace to obey. We
have been taught a religion of pure mercy, which we must either now
betray, or learn to defend by fulfilling. And we are rich in an inherit-
ance of honour, bequeathed to us through a thousand years of noble history,
which it should be our daily thirst to increase with splendid avarice, so
that Englishmen, if it be a sin to covet honour, should be the most
offending souls alive. Within the last few years we have had the laws
of natural science opened to us with a rapidity which has been blinding
by its brightness ; and means of transit and communication given to us,
which have made but one kingdom of the habitable globe. One kingdom;
— but who is to be its king ? Is there to be no king in it, think you,
and every man to do that which is right in his own eyes.^ Or only
kings of terror, and the obscene empires of Mammon and Belial } Or will
you, youths of England, make your country again a royal throne of kings;
a sceptred isle, for all the world a source of light, a centre of peace;
1 [Matthew xiii. 15.]
^ [The MS. reads, "the year when I first accepted my Professorship." Though
appointed in 1869, Ruskin did not take up the duties till 1870.]
3 [Vol. XVIII. pp. 494-514.]
I. THE PLEASURES OF LEARNING 423
Distress of Learning and of the Arts ; — faithful guardian of great memories
n the midst of irreverent and ephemeral visions ; — faithful servant of time-
ried principles, under temptation from fond experiments and licentious
iesires ; and amidst the cruel and clamorous jealousies of the nations, wor-
hipped in her strange valour of goodwill towards men?"^
5. The fifteen years that have passed since I spoke these
vords must, I think, have convinced some of my immediate
learers that the need for such an appeal was more pressing
jhan they then imagined; — while they have also more and
nore convinced me myself that the ground I took for it
yas secure, and that the youths and girls now entering on
he duties of active life are able to accept and fulfil the
lope I then held out to them.^
In which assurance I ask them to-day to begin the
jxamination with me, very earnestly, of the question laid
before you in that seventh of my last year's lectures,^
vhether London, as it is now, be indeed the natural, and
herefore the heaven-appointed outgrowth of the inhabita-
tion, these 1800 years, of the valley of the Thames by a
progressively instructed and disciplined people ; or if not, in
jvhat measure and manner the aspect and spirit of the great
iity may be possibly altered by your acts and thoughts.
6. In my introduction to The Economist of Xenophon
[ said that every fairly educated European boy or girl
)ught to learn the history of five cities, — Athens, Rome,
iV'enice, Florence, and London ; * that of London including,
3r at least compelling in parallel study, some knowledge
also of the history of Paris.
I A few words are enough to explain the reasons for this
johoice. The history of Athens, rightly told, includes all
jthat need be known of Greek religion and arts. That of
|Rome, the victory of Christianity over Paganism; those of
!\^enice and Florence sum the essential facts respecting the
Christian arts of Painting, Sculpture, and Music; and that
1 ^Lectures on Art, § 28 (Vol. XX. pp. 41-42).]
* [Compare Art of England, % 154 (above, p. 370).]
[The Art of England, § 198 (above, p. 398).]
* [Vol. XXXI. p. 6.]
424 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
of London, in her sisterhood with Paris, the development oli
Christian Chivahy and Philosophy, with their exponent art
of Gothic architecture.
Without the presumption of forming a distinct design,;
I yet hoped at the time when this division of study was
suggested, with the help of my pupils, to give the out-
lines of their several histories during my work in Oxford.
Variously disappointed and arrested, ahke by difficulties of
investigation and failure of strength, I may yet hope to lay
down for you, beginning with your own metropolis, some
of the lines of thought in following out which such a task
might be most effectively accomplished.
7. You observe that I speak of architecture as the chief
exponent of the feelings both of the French and English
races. Together with it, however, most important evidence j
of character is given by the illumination of manuscripts, I
and by some forms of jewellery and metallurgy : ^ and my
purpose in this course of lectures is to illustrate by all these
arts the phases of national character which it is impossible
that historians should estimate, or even observe, with accu-l
racy, unless they are cognizant of excellence in the aforesaid
modes of structural and ornamental craftmanship.^
8. In one respect, as indicated by the title chosen for
this course, I have varied the treatment of their subject
from that adopted in all my former books. Hitherto, I
have always endeavoured to illustrate the personal temper
and skill of the artist ; holding the wishes or taste of his
» [The MS. adds :— '
. . metallurg-y ; but as all the most beautiful forms of writing belong
to religious service, and of craftmanship to knightly dress and armour,
if V7e associate the scriptorium with the minster, and the armoury with the
castle, you will find that the history of London would virtually crystallize
itself round that of two buildings, old H^estminster Abbey and the Tower,
down to the time of the fall of the Norman dynasty."]
^ [The MS. here adds a passage of some autobiographical interest: —
"You may perhaps be surprised at my speaking of illumination and
metal works as subjects which have engaged so much of my time and
thought, because I have never written anything of importance about either
of them. But I have learned far more in past years than 1 ever wrote.
On one occasion I examined, without missing a volume, every illuminated
manuscript in the British Museum, and the lecture given thirty years
ago on iron-work was the beginning of a course of study which enabled
I. THE PLEASURES OF LEARNING 425
pectators at small account, and saying of Turner " you ought
0 like him," and of Salvator, "you ought not," etc., etc.,
nthout in the least considering what the genius or instinct
f the spectator might otherwise demand, or approve. But
1 the now attempted sketch of Christian history, I have
pproached every question from the people's side, and ex-
mined the nature, not of the special faculties by which
le work was produced, but of the general instinct by
rhich it was asked for, and enjoyed. Therefore I thought
le proper heading for these papers should represent them
s descriptive of the Pleasures of England, rather than of
s Arts,
9. And of these pleasures, necessarily, the leading one
'as that of Learning, in the sense of receiving instruction ;
-a pleasure totally separate from that of finding out things
)r yourself, — and an extremely sweet and sacred pleasure,
rhen you know how to seek it, and receive.
On which I am the more disposed, and even compelled
ere to insist, because your modern ideas of Development
nply that you must all turn out what you are to be, and
nd out what you are to know, for yourselves, by the
levitable operation of your anterior affinities and inner
onsciences: — whereas the old idea of education was that
le baby material of you, however accidentally or inevitably
orn, was at least to be by external force, and ancestral
nowledge, bred; and treated by its Fathers and Tutors as
plastic vase, to be shaped or mannered as they chose,
me by one section of it to place before you, in Aratra Pentelici, the prin-
ciples of rise and decline in the merit of Greek coinage, with a security
which you will find no subsequent criticism will ever be able to controvert.
"I' think it not unbecoming, or, even if unbecoming, nevertheless
necessary, to assert of myself thus much, because in this habit of working
long at 'things without speaking of them, I have left the system of my
teaching widely scattered and broken, hoping always to bind it together
some day, when this or that point was farther investigated. I may,
perhaps, now in my effort to accomplish a better unity appear to generalize
too boldly, but I trust to your own future work, if I only strike my out-
lines clearly enough, for the modification of their rudeness, with all neces-
sary detail or exception."
3r Ruskin's study of the illuminated MSS. in the British Museum, see V ol. XII.
Ixyiii. In the same volume (pp. 474 seq.), see his Lectures on Illumination. For
e lecture on iron-work (1858), see Two Paths, §§ 140 seq. (Vol. XVI. pp. 875 seq.).\
426 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
not as it chose, and filled, when its form was well finished !
and baked, with sweetness of sound doctrine, as with Hybla'
honey, or Arabian spikenard. i
10. Without debating how far these two modes of j
acquiring knowledge — finding out, and being told — may,
severally be good, and in perfect instruction combined, 1\
have to point out to you that, broadly, Athens, Rome, and|
Florence are self-taught, and internally developed; while ij
all the Gothic races, without any exception, but especially j
those of London and Paris, are afterwards taught by j
these ; and had, therefore, when they chose to accept it, 1
the delight of being instructed, without trouble or doubt,
as fast as they could read or imitate ; and brought forward
to the point where their own northern instincts might
wholesomely superimpose or graft some national ideas upon
these sound instructions. Read over what I said on this
subject in the third of my lectures last year (§ 62 et j
seqq.),^ and simplify that already brief statement further, by
fastening in your mind Carlyle's general symbol of the
best attainments of northern religious sculpture, — "three
whale-cubs combined by boiling,"^ and reflecting that the
mental history of all northern European art is the modi- ,^
fication of that graceful type, under the orders of the I
Athena of Homer and Phidias. f
11. And this being quite indisputably the broad fact of
the matter, I greatly marvel that your historians never, so
far as I have read, think of proposing to you the question
— what you might have made of yourselves without the
help of Homer and Phidias : what sort of beings the Saxon
and the Celt, the Frank and the Dane, might have been
by this time, untouched by the spear of Pallas, unruled by
^ [See above, pp. 808 seq. In the lecture as reported {Studies in Buskin,
p. 216), Ruskin read the passages, and added an explanation which has been given
above, p. 309 7z.]
2 [Friedrich, Bk. ii. ch. iii. : " On the top of the Harlungsberg the Wends |
set up (1023) their god Triglaph ; a three-headed monster of which I have seen i
prints, beyond measure ugly. Something like three whales' cubs combined by t
boiling, or a triple porpoise dead-drunk." See above, p. 367, and below, p. 459.J I
1. THE PLEASURES OF LEARNING 427
fie rod of Agricola, and sincerely the native growth, pure
f root, and ungrafted in fruit of the clay of Isis, rock of
)ovrefeIdt,^ and sands of Elbe? Think of it, and think
hiefly what form the ideas, and images, of your natural
3ligion might probably have taken, if no Roman missionary
ad ever passed the Alps in charity, and no English king
1 pilgrimage.
12. 1 have been of late indebted more than I can
impress to the friend who has honoured me by the dedi-
|ition of his recently published lectures on Older England;'^
lid whose eager enthusiasm and far collected learning have
labled me for the first time to assign their just meaning
id value to the ritual and imagery of Saxon devotion,
ut while every page of Mr. Hodgetts's book, and, I may
■ratefuUy say also, every sentence of his teaching, has in-
reased and justified the respect in which I have always
een by my own feeling disposed to hold the mythologies
>unded on the love and knowledge of the natural world ,^
have also been led by them to conceive, far more forcibly
lan hitherto, the power which the story of Christianity
3ssessed, first heard through the wreaths of that cloudy
iperstition, in the substitution for its vaporescent allegory
■ a positive and literal account of a real Creation, and
1 instantly present, omnipresent, and compassionate God.*
Observe, there is no question whatever in examin-
g this influence, how far Christianity itself is true, or
1 [Compare Vol. XXVI. p. 23.]
^ [Older England, illustrated hy the Anglo-Saxon Antiquities in the British Museum
I a Course of Six Lectures, by J. Frederick Hodgetts, Second Series, 1884, ^^aifec-
•nately dedicated" to Ruskin. The author in a "Prefatory Letter" refers to
e encouragement he received from Ruskin in his studies. Mr. Hodgetts had in
83 given a course of lectures at the British Museum on the Anglo-Saxon anti-
jities. Ruskin, who attended the first lecture, being called upon to make some
[Harks, ^' observed that Mr. Hodgetts had overthrown some of his most dearly-
erished ideas, but had at the same time opened a new world of light and
etry, from which he hoped to derive much benefit and pleasure. He had con-
rsed on two or three occasions with Mr. Hodgetts on the Odinic world, in which
i seemed to be so mucli at home, and he had begun to see that there was much
I the glory of poetry in our Saxon myths, which we had much neglected and
ight to know" {Times, November 20).]
' [See Art of England, § 43 (above, p. 294).]
* [See below, § 91 (pp. 483-484).]
428 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
the transcendental doctrines of it intelligible. Those
brought you the story of it believed it with all their sou
to be true, — and the effect of it on the hearts of yoij I
ancestors was that of an unquestionable, infinitely luci ^
message straight from God, doing away with all difiicu
ties, grief, and fears for those who willingly received i
nor by any, except wilfully and obstinately vile, person
to be, by any possibility, denied or refused.
13. And it was precisely, observe, the vivacity and jo^^ it
with which the main fact of Christ's life was acceptc '
which gave the force and wrath to the controversies in-
stantly arising about its nature.
Those controversies vexed and shook, but never undei
mined, the faith they strove to purify, and the miraculou
presence, errorless precept, and loving promises of thei
Lord were alike undoubted, alike rejoiced in, by everV
nation that heard the word of Apostles. The Pelagian'i i
assertion that immortality could be won by man's will
and the Arian's that Christ possessed no more than man'
nature, never for an instant — or in any countr}^ — hindere(
the advance of the moral law and intellectual hope o
Christianity. Far the contrary ; the British heresy concern
ing Free Will,^ though it brought bishop after bishop int(
England to extinguish it, remained an extremely healthj ti
and active element in the British mind down to th(
days of John Bunyan and the guide Great Heart,^ anc
the calmly Christian justice and simple human virtue o
Theodoric were the very roots and first burgeons of th(
regeneration of Italy. ^ But of the degrees in which it wa^
Gibbon, in his 37th chapter, makes Ulphilas also an Arian, bujj H
might have forborne, with grace, his own definition of orthodoxy : ^ — anc
you are to observe generally that at this time the teachers who admittec, a
^ [For the three heresies here mentioned, compare Candida Cam, § 8 n. (above
p. 210).] "
2 [Compare above, p. 42.] ^ •
2 [Ruskin presumably refers to the definition of orthodoxy implied in Gibbon's t
description of the heresy : Whatever might be the early sentiments of Ulphilas^
his connections with the Emi)ire and the Church were formed during the reign oi
Arianism. The apostle of the Goths subscribed the creed of Rimini ; professed
I. THE PLEASURES OF LEARNING 429
ossible for any barbarous nation to receive during the
rst five centuries, either the spiritual power of Christianity
:self, or the instruction in classic art and science which
ccompanied it, you cannot rightly judge, without taking
he pains, and they will not, I think, be irksome, of notic-
ig carefully, and fixing permanently in your minds, the
aparating characteristics of the greater races, both in those
ho learned and those who taught.
14. Of the Huns and Vandals we need not speak,
'hey are merely forms of Punishment and Destruction,^
'ut them out of your minds altogether, and remember
nly the names of the immortal nations, which abide on
leir native rocks, and plough their unconquered plains, at
lis hour.^
Briefly, in the north, — Briton, Norman, Frank, Saxon,
)strogoth, Lombard ; briefly, in the south, — Tuscan, Roman,
rreek, Syrian, Egyptian, Arabian.
I 15. Now of these races, the British (I avoid the word
Teltic, because you would expect me to say Keltic ; and I
on't mean to, lest you should be wanting me next to call
le patroness of music St. Kekilia), the British, including
jlreton, Cornish, Welsh, Irish, Scot, and Pict, are, I believe,
f all the northern races, the one which has deepest love
f external nature; — and the richest inherent gift of pure
le inferiority of Christ to the P'ather as touching his Manhood, were
ften counted among Arians, but quite falsely. Christ's own words, ''My
ather is greater than I," ^ end that controversy at once. Arianism con-
sts not in asserting the subjection of the Son to the Father, but in
enying the subjected Divinity.
ith freedom, and perhaps with sincerity, that the Son was not equal, or cousub-
cautial to the Father ; communicated these errors to the clergy and people ; and
ifected the Barbaric world with heresy." Ruskin's account of Arianism is hardly
onsistent with the epistles of Arius himself. Readers unfamiliar with the subject
lay be referred to the chapters on the Council of Nic»a in Dean Stanley 's Xt^c-
ires on the History of the Eastern Church. For an interesting discussion of the
easons which may have inclined Theodoric and the other Barbarian invaders to
i^rianism, see T. Hodgkin's Theodoric^ p. 178.]
1 [Compare Grown of Wild Olive, § 9o (Vol. XVIII. p. 464).]
[Compare Vol. XXIV. p. 456.]
3 [Matthew xiv. 28.]
430 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
music and song, as such; separated from the intellectuj
gift which raises song into poetry. They are naturally als
religious, and for some centuries after their own conversio
are one of the chief evangelizing powers in Christendoir
But they are neither apprehensive nor receptive ; — the
cannot understand the classic races, and learn scarcely any
thing from them ; perhaps better so, if the classic races hm
been more careful to understand them,
16. Next, the Norman is scarcely more apprehensiv<
than the Celt, but he is more constructive, and uses U
good advantage what he learns from the Frank. His maiij
characteristic is an energy, which never exhausts itself ii;
vain anger, desire, or sorrow, but abides and rules, like
living rock : — where he wanders, he flows like lava, an(
congeals like granite.
17. Next, I take in this first sketch the Saxon anc|
Frank together, both pre-eminently apprehensive, both dociltj
exceedingly, imaginative in the highest, but in life active
more than pensive, eager in desire, swift of invention
keenly sensitive to animal beauty, but with difficulty
rational, and rarely, for the future, wise. Under the con-ij
elusive name of Ostrogoth, you may class whatever tribe^
are native to central Germany, and develop themselves, a^l
time goes on, into that power of the German Csesars whicK
still asserts itself as an empire against the licence and
insolence of modern republicanism, — of which races, thougl^
this general name, no description can be given in rapid
terms.
18. And lastly, the Lombards, who, at the time
have to deal with, were sternly indocile, gloomily imagi-l
native, — of almost Norman energy, and differing from all
the other western nations chiefly in this notable parti-l
cular, that while the Celt is capable of bright wit and
happy play, and the Norman, Saxon, and Frank all alike
delight in caricature, the Lombards, like the Arabians,!
never jest.
19. These, briefly, are the six barbaric nations who are.
I. THE PLEASURES OF LEARNING 431
0 be taught : and of whose native arts and faculties, before
hey receive any tutorship from the south, I find no well-
iffced account in any history:— but thus much of them,
oUecting your own thoughts and knowledge, you may
asily discern— they were all, with the exception of the
Icots, practical workers and builders in wood; and those
f them who had coasts, first-rate sea-boat builders,^ with
ine mathematical instincts and practice in that kind far
eveloped, necessarily good sail-weaving, and sound fur-
titching, with stout ironwork of nail and rivet ; rich copper
nd some silver work in decoration — the Celts developing
eculiar gifts in linear design, but wholly incapable of
rawing animals or figures ; — the Saxons and Franks having
nough capacity in that kind, but no thought of attempting
the Normans and Lombards still farther remote from
ny such skill. More and more, it seems to me wonderful
hat under your British block-temple, grimly extant on its
astoral plain, or beside the first crosses engraved on the
ock of Whithorn — you English and Scots do not oftener
onsider what you might or could have come to, left to
ourselves.
20. Next, let us form the list of your tutor nations, in
;rhom it generally pleases you to look at nothing but the
orruptions. If we could get into the habit of thinking
lore of our own corruptions and more of theii^ virtues, we
hould have a better chance of learning the true laws alike
f art and destiny. But the safest way of all is to assure
urselves that true knowledge of any thing or any creature
5 only of the good of it ; ^ that its nature and life are in
hat, and that what is diseased, — that is to say, unnatural
nd mortal, — you must cut away from it in contemplation,
s you would in surgery.
Of the six tutor nations, two, the Tuscan and Arab,
lave no effect on early Christian England. But the Roman,
ireek, Syrian, and Egyptian act together from the earliest
1 [Compare Candida Casa^ § 18 (above, p. 217).]
2 [Compare the Preface to Bible of Amiens; above, p. 24.]
432 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
times; you are to study the influence of Rome upon Eiig
land in Agricola, Constantius, St. Benedict, and St. Gregory] 1
of Greece upon England in the artists of Byzantium am j
Ravenna ; of Syria and Egypt upon England in St. Jerome ;i
St. Augustine, St. Chrysostom, and St. Athanase.
21. St. Jerome, in central Bethlehem; St. August I
tine, Carthaginian by birth, in truth a converted Tyriani u
Athanase, Egyptian, symmetric and fixed as an Egyptian i
aisle ; Chrysostom, golden mouth of all ; these are, indeed i
every one teachers of all the western world, but St! \
Augustine especially of lay, as distinguished from monastic] i
Christianity to the Franks, and finally to us. His rule) t
expanded into the treatise of the City of God, is taker| i
for guide of life and policy by Charlemagne, and becomesj j
certainly the fountain of Evangelical Christianity, distinci i
tively so called, (and broadly the lay Christianity of EuropeJ
since, in the purest form of it, that is to say, the most; j
merciful, charitable, variously applicable, kindly wise.) The
greatest type of it, as far as I know, is St. Martin oil i
Tours, whose character is sketched, I think in the maiiJ |
rightly, in The Bible of A miens ;^ and you may bind togethetj f
your thoughts of its course by remembering that AlcuinI j
born at York, dies in the Abbey of St. Martin, at Tours;
that as St. Augustine was in his writings Charlemagne's n
Evangelist in faith, Alcuin was, in living presence, hi^
master in rhetoric, logic, and astronomy, with the other) „
physical sciences.
22. A hundred years later than St. Augustine, comesj
the rule of St. Benedict — the Monastic rule, virtually, ofj \
European Christianity, ever since — and theologically thei;
Law of Works, as distinguished from the Law of Faith.
St. Augustine and all the disciples of St. Augustine tell
Christians what they should feel and think: St. Benedict
and all the disciples of St. Benedict tell Christians what
they should say and do.
In the briefest, but also the perfectest distinction, thCj :
1 [See above, pp. 40-46.]
I. THE PLEASURES OF LEARNING 433
iscipies of St. Augustine are those who open the door to
hrist — "If any man hear my voice"; but the Benedic-
jnes those to whom Christ opens the door — "To him that
nocketh it shall be opened."^
23. Now, note broadly the course and action of this
ale, as it combines with the older one. St. Augustine's,
pcepted heartily by Clovis, and, with various degrees of
nderstanding, by the kings and queens of the Merovingian
ynasty, makes seemingly little difference in their conduct,
3 that their profession of it remains a scandal to Chris-
anity to this day ; and yet it lives, in the true hearts
oiong them, down from St. Clotilde to her great grand-
aughter Bertha, who in becoming Queen of Kent, builds
nder its chalk downs her own little chapel to St. Martin,^
ad is the first effectively and permanently useful missionary
1 the Saxons, the beginner of English Erudition,^ — the
rst laid corner stone of beautiful English character.
24. I think henceforward you will find the memorandum
f dates which I have here set down for my own guidance
lore simply useful than those confused by record of unim-
ortant persons and inconsequent events, which form the
idices of common history.
From the year of the Saxon invasion 449, there are
xactly 400 years to the birth of Alfred, 849. You have
0 difficulty in remembering those cardinal years. Then,
ou have Four great men and great events to remember,
t the close of the fifth century. Clovis, and the founding
f Frank Kingdom; Theodoric and the founding of the
xothic Kingdom ; Justinian and the founding of Civil law ;
It. Benedict and the founding of Religious law.
25. Of Justinian, and his work, I am not able myself
0 form any opinion— and it is, I think, unnecessary for
tudents of history to form any, until they are able to
^ [Revelation iii. 20 ; Matthew vii. 8.] ti i v •
2 [See Stanley's Historical Memorials of Canterbury, 1855, p. 14. Bede, who is
!he authority on the subject, does not say, however, that Bei-tha built her own
ttle chapel, but that a little chapel already existing from Roman times was given
)r her usa.'j
3 [See above, p. 202.]
434 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
estimate clearly the benefits, and mischief, of the civil laMj i|
of Europe in its present state. But to Clovis, Theodorici ^
and St. Benedict, without any question, we owe more thar
any English historian has yet ascribed, — and they are easil} i
held in mind together, for Clovis ascended the Frank throne t
in the year of St. Benedict's birth, 481. Theodoric fought t
the battle of Verona, and founded the Ostrogothic Kingdom' i
in Italy twelve years later, in 493, and thereupon married!
the sister of Clovis.^ That marriage is always passed in a $
casual sentence, as if a merely political one, and while page t
after page is spent in following the alternations of furious
crime and fatal chance, in the contests between Fredegonde
and Brunehaut, no historian ever considers whether the
great Ostrogoth who wore in the battle of Verona the! -v
dress which his mother had woven for him,^ was likely toi '
have chosen a wife without love ! — or how far the per- ^
fectness, justice, and temperate wisdom of every ordinance j «"
of his reign was owing to the sympathy and counsel oft "
his Frankish queen. ^
26. You have to recollect, then, thus far, only three j i
cardinal dates : —
449. Saxon invasion.
481. Clovis reigns and St. Benedict is born.
493. Theodoric conquers at Verona.
Then, roughly, a hundred years later, in 590, Ethelbert, n
the fifth from Hengist, and Bertha, the third from Clotilde, f
are king and queen of Kent. I cannot find the date of t
their marriage, but the date, 590, which you must recollect j
for cardinal, is that of Gregory's accession to the pontifi- n
cate, and I believe Bertha was then in middle life, having i
persevered in her religion firmly, but inoffensively, and o
made herself beloved by her husband and people. She, in i
1 [This is the historical conjunction which Ruskin describes in The Bible oj
Amiens, ch. ii. § 54 (above, pp. 84-85).]
2 [See again Bible of Amiens (above, p. 85).]
^ [For the silence of contemporary authorities on Angofleda (or Albofleda, above,
p. 81), wife of Theodoric, see Hodg-kin's Theodoric, pp. 188, 189.]
1. THE PLEASURES OF LEARNING 435
i^ngland, Theodolinda in Lombardy, and St. Gregory in
:lome : — in their hands virtually lay the destiny of Europe.
Then the period from Bertha to Osburga, 590 to 849 —
ay 250 years — is passed by the Saxon people in the daily
nore reverent learning of the Christian faith, and daily
nore peaceful and skilful practice of the humane arts and
luties which it invented and inculcated.
27. The statement given by Sir Edward Creasy of the
esult of these 250 years of lesson is, with one correction,
[he most simple and just that I can find : —
"A few years before the close of the sixth century, the country was
ttle more than a wide battle-field, where gallant but rude warriors fought
nth. each other, or against the neighbouring Welsh or Scots ; unheed-
ag and unheeded by the rest of Europe, or, if they attracted casual
ttention, regarded with dread and disgust as the fiercest of barbarians
nd the most untameable of pagans. In the eighth century, England was
3oked up to with admiration and gratitude, as superior to all the other
ountries of Western Europe in piety and learning, and as the land
whence the most zealous and successful saints and teachers came forth to
onvert and enlighten the still barbarous regions of the continent." i
28. This statement is broadly true; yet the correction
t needs is a very important one. England, — under her first
ilfred of Northumberland, and under Ina of Wessex, is
Indeed during these centuries the most learned, thoughtful,
nd progressive of European states. But she is not a mis-
ionary power. The missionaries are always to her, not
rom her: — for the very reason that she is learning so
eagerly, she does not take to preaching. Ina founds his
5axon school at Rome not to teach Rome, nor convert
-he Pope, but to drink at the source of knowledge, and to
eceive laws from direct and unquestioned authority,^ The
jnissionary power was wholly Scotch and Irish,^ and that
)ower was wholly one of zeal and faith, not of learning.
will ask you, in the course of my next lecture, to regard
^ [^History of England, eh. iii. ; vol. i. jjp. 113-114.]
2 [For Ina's abdication, and retirement to Rome, etc., see Sharon Turner's Anglo-
saxons, Bk. iii. cli. ix. (vol. ii. pp. 398-399).]
2 [Compare Ruskin's mapping out of an leniic period " in Candida Casa, § 5
above, p. 207).]
436 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
it attentively;^ to-day, I must rapidly draw to the conclu
sions I would leave with you.
29. It is more and more wonderful to me as I think o
it, that no effect whatever was produced on the Saxon, noii .
on any other healthy race of the North, either by th^
luxury of Rome, or by her art, whether constructive ors
imitative. The Saxon builds no aqueducts — designs no]
roads, rounds no theatres in imitation of her, — envies none
of her vile pleasures, — admires, so far as I can judge, none
of her far-carried realistic art. I suppose that it needs!
intelligence of a more advanced kind to see the qualitiesj
of complete sculpture : and that we may think of the-
Northern intellect as still like that of a child, who cares toi
picture its own thoughts in its own way, but does not care
for the thoughts of older people, or attempt to copy what I
it feels too difficult. This much at least is certain, thatj
for one cause or another, everything that now at Paris orj
London our painters most care for and try to realize of
ancient Rome, was utterly innocuous and unattractive toj
the Saxon: while his mind was frankly open to the direct |
teaching of Greece and to the methods of bright decoration
employed in the Byzantine Empire: for these alone seemed
to his fancy suggestive of the glories of the brighter world j
promised by Christianity. Jewellery, vessels of gold and j
silver, beautifully written books, and music, are the gifts of ^
St. Gregory alike to the Saxon and Lombard ; ^ all these
beautiful things being used, not for the pleasure of the
present life, but as the symbols of another ; while the draw-
ings in Saxon manuscripts, in which, better than in any
other remains of their life, we can read the people's char-
acter, are rapid endeavours to express for themselves, and
convey to others, some likeness of the realities of sacred
event in which they had been instructed. They differ from
every archaic school of former design in this evident corre-
spondence with an imagined reality. All previous archaic
* [See below, p. 439.] '
' [Compare Ruskiii's Notes on the Priest's Office" in Roadside Songs of
Tuscany, Vol. XXXII. p. i21.]
I. THE PLEASURES OF LEARNING 437
rt whatsoever is symbolic and decorative — not realistic,
rhe contest of Herakles with the Hydra on a Greek vase
k a mere sign that such a contest took place, not a pic-
ure of it, and in drawing that sign the potter is always
|hinking of the effect of the engraved lines on the curves
)f his pot, and taking care to keep out of the way of
he handle; — but a Saxon monk would scratch his idea
f the Fall of the Angels or the Temptation of Christ
|ver a whole page of his manuscript in variously explana-
ory scenes, evidently full of inexpressible vision, and eager
0 explain and illustrate all that he felt or believed.
30. Of the progress and arrest of these gifts, I shall
lave to speak in my next address ; ^ but I must regretfully
onclude to-day with some brief warning against the com-
jjacency which might lead you to regard them as either at
hat time entirely original in the Saxon race, or at the
iresent day as signally characteristic of it. That form of
omplacency is exhibited in its most amiable but, therefore,
Qost deceptive guise, in the passage with which the late
3ean of Westminster concluded his lecture at Canterbury
a April 1854, on the subject of the landing of Augustine.^
31. I will not spoil the emphasis of the passage by
omment as I read, but must take leave afterwards to
Qtimate some grounds for abatement in the fervour of its
elf-gratulatory ecstasy
"Let any one sit on the hill of the little church of St. Martin, and
3ok on the view which is there spread before his eyes. Immediately
>elow are the towers of the great abbey of St. Augustine, where Christian
learning and civilization first struck root in the Anglo-Saxon race; and
/ithin which now, after a lapse of many centuries, a new institution has
risen, intended to carry far and wide, to countries of which Gregory and
i-Ugustine never heard, the blessings which they gave to us. Carry your
lew on — and there rises high above all the magnificent pile of our
athedral, equal in splendour and state to any, the noblest temple or
hurch that Augustine could have seen in ancient Rome, rising on the
ery ground which derives its consecration from him. And still more
han the grandeur of the outward buildings that rose from the little
^ [See below, pp. 441 seq.]
2 [Historical Memorials of Canterhury, 1856: "The Landing of Augustine,"
'p. 34-35.]
438 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
church of Augustine and the little palace of Ethelbert have been the
institutions of all kinds of which these were the earliest cradle. From
Canterbury;, the first English Christian city, — from Kent, the first English
Christian kingdom — has by degrees arisen the whole constitution of Church ^
and State in England which now binds together the whole British Empire. [
And from the Christianity here established in England has flowed, by \
direct consequence, first the Christianity of Germany ; then, after a long
interval, of North America ; and lastly, we may trust, in time, of all India \
and all Australasia. The view from St. Martin's Church is indeed one of
the most inspiriting that can be found in the world ; there is none to
which I would more willingly take any one who doubted whether a small
beginning could lead to a great and lasting good ; — none which carries
us more vividly back into the past, or more hopefully forward into the
future."
32. To this Gregorian canticle in praise of the British
constitution, I grieve, but am compelled, to take these ^
following historical objections. The first missionary to Ger- «
many was Ulphilas, and what she owes to these islands she »
owes to lona, not to Thanet. Our missionary offices to i
America as to Africa consist, I believe, principally in the «
stealing of land, and the extermination of its proprietors i
by intoxication. Our rule in India has introduced there,
Paisley instead of Cashmere shawls : in Australasia our i
Christian aid supplies, I suppose, the pious farmer with i
convict labour. And although, when the Dean wrote the n
above passage, St. Augustine's and the cathedral were — I i
take it on trust from his description — the principal objects I
in the prospect from St. Martin's Hill, I believe even i
the cheerfullest of my audience would not now think the i
scene one of the most inspiriting in the world. For recent \
progress has entirely accommodated the architecture of the i
scene to the convenience of the missionary workers above 1
enumerated ; to the peculiar necessities of the civilization i
they have achieved. For the sake of which the cathedral, I
the monastery, the temple, and the tomb, of Bertha, con-
tract themselves in distant or despised subservience under
the colossal walls of the county gaol.^
, 1
^ [For a few remarks, added by Ruskin after this lecture, see above, p. 284 w.J
I
LECTURE II
THE PLEASURES OF FAITH
ALFRED TO THE CONFESSOR
(Delivered 25th and 9.1th October 1884)
^8. I WAS forced in my last lecture to pass by altogether,
md to-day can only with momentary definition notice, the
jart taken by Scottish missionaries in the Christianizing of
*5ngland and Burgundy. I would pray you therefore, in
3rder to fill the gap which I think it better to leave dis-
tinctly, than close confusedly, to read the histories of St.
Patrick, St. Columba, and St. Col um ban, as they are given
^o\x by Montalembert in his Moines d'Occident. You will
ind in his pages all the essential facts that are known ,^
encircled with a nimbus of enthusiastic sympathy which
[ hope you will like better to see them through, than
distorted by the blackening fog of contemptuous ration-
alism.^ But although I ask you thus to make yourselves
iware of the greatness of my omission, I must also certify
you that it does not break the unity of our own immediate
jsubject. The influence of Celtic passion and art both on
iNorthumbria and the Continent, beneficent in all respects
jwhile it lasted, expired without any permanent share in
the work or emotion of the Saxon and Frank. The book
^ [In the first proof, the passage continued : —
. . known, related with an enthusiasm partly poetic, partly infan-
tine—in both characters pardonable, I hope, by those who know that
poetry does not necessarily mean falsehood, nor infancy ignorance of
heaven. But although . . ."
Ruskin refers to this passage lower down (p. 451), forgetting that he had struck it
out on revise.]
2 [For another appreciation of Montalembert, see above, p. 202.]
440 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND i
of Kells, and the bell of St. Patrick,^ represent sufficientl
the peculiar character of Celtic design ; and long since, ii
the first lecture of The Two Paths, I explained both th»
modes of skill, and points of weakness, which rendered sucl
design unprogressive.^ Perfect in its peculiar manner, anci
exulting in the faultless practice of a narrow skill, it re
mained century after century incapable alike of innei
growth, or foreign instruction; inimitable, yet incorrigible
marvellous, yet despicable, to its death. Despicable, I
mean, only in the limitation of its capacity, not in its
quality or nature. If you make a Christian of a lamb or
a squirrel — what can you expect of the lamb but jumping
— what of the squirrel, but pretty spirals, traced with his
tail ? He won't steal your nuts any more, and he'll say
his prayers like this — ^ ; but you cannot make a Beatrice's
griffin, and emblem of all the Catholic Church,^ out of him.
34. You will have observed, also, that the plan of these
lectures does not include any reference to the Roman Period
in England ; of which you will find all I think necessary to
say, in the part called ^"alle Crucis " of Our Fathers have
Told Us^ But I must here warn you, with reference to it,
of one gravely false prejudice of Montalembert.^ He is
entirely blind to the conditions of Roman virtue, which
existed in the midst of the corruptions of the Empire,
forming the characters of such Emperors as Pertinax, Carus,
Probus, the second Claudius, Aurelian, and our own Con-
stantius ; and he denies, with abusive violence, the power
for good, of Roman Law, over the Gauls and Britons.
35. Respecting Roman national character, I will simply
* Making a sign.
* [For other references to the Book of Kells (Trinitv College, Dublin), see
Vol. XIX. p. 258, Vol. XXI. p. 50 n., and Vol. XXVIII. p. 559; the Bell of
St. Patrick, the oldest relic ol Christian metal work in Ireland, preserved for
centuries in Armagh, is now in the National Museum in Dublin.]
2 [See Voh XVI. pp. 274 seq., and compare Vol. XVIII. pp. 171-172 n.]
^ [For the griffin in the mystical procession in the Terrestrial Paradise (sym-
bolical of Christ, the twofold nature of the griffin, half lion, half eag-le, repre-
senting the twofold nature of Christ), see Purgatorio, xxix. 108, etc.]
* rin the chapter entitled "Candida Casa," §§ 9-16: see above, pp. 210-217-]
^ [Here compare, above, p. 202.]
11. THE PLEASURES OF FAITH 441
beg you to remember, that both St. Benedict and St.
Gregory are Roman patricians, before they are either monk
or pope; respecting its influence on Britain, I think you
may rest content with Shakespeare's estimate of it. Both
Lear and CymbeUne belong to this time, so difficult to
our apprehension, when the Briton accepted both Roman
laws and Roman gods. There is indeed the born Kentish
gentleman's protest against them in Kent's—
"Now, by Apollo, king.
Thou swear'st thy gods in vain ; " ^
but both Cordelia and Imogen are just as thoroughly
Roman ladies, as Virgilia or Calphurnia.^
86. Of British Christianity and the Arthurian Legends,
I shall have a word or two to say in my lecture on
Fancy," in connection with the similar romance which
surrounds Theodoric and Charlemagne : ^ only the worst of
it is, that while both Dietrich and Karl are themselves
more wonderful than the legends of them, Arthur fades
into intangible vision : — this much, however, remains to this
day, of Arthurian blood in us, that the richest fighting
element in the British army and navy is British native, —
ithat is to say, Highlander, Irish, Welsh, and Cornish.
37. Content, therefore (means being now given you for
filling gaps,) with the estimates given you in the preceding
ilecture of the sources of instruction possessed by the Saxon
capital, I pursue to-day our question originally proposed,*
I'what London might have been by this time, if the nature
iof the flowers, trees, and children, born at the Thames-side,
had been rightly understood and cultivated.
1 [Act i. sc. 1.]
2 [For Cordelia and Imogen— Roman ladies, and "the standard of honour to
British maid and wife"— see "Candida Casa," § 8 (above, p. 209). For other refer-
ences to Virgilia, see Vol. XIV. p. 10, Vol. XVIII. p. 113, Vol. XIX. p. 102 ;
for Ruskin's study of Coriolaniis and Julius Cctmr, see Pretterita, ii. § 133.]
2 [This, however, was not done, though there is a passing reference to the
legends of Arthur in § 66. A full account of the romance of Theodoric ("Dietrich
of Bern," see Vol. XIX. p. 433) may be read in ch. xix. ("The Theodoric of
Saga") of T. Hodgkiii's Theodoric the Goth.]
4 [See § 5 ; above, p. 423.]
442 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
38. IVIany of my hearers can imagine far better than
I, the look that London must have had in Alfred's and
Canute's days.^ I have not, indeed, the least idea myself !
what its buildings were like, but certainly the groups of !
its shipping must have been superb ; small, but entirely I
seaworthy vessels, manned by the best seamen in the then
world. Of course, now, at Chatham and Portsmouth we
have our ironclads, — extremely beautiful and beautifully
manageable things, no doubt — to set against this Saxon
and Danish shipping; but the Saxon war-ships lay here at
London shore — bright with banner and shield and dragon
prow, — instead of these you may be happier, but are not
handsomer, in having, now, the coal-barge, the penny
steamer, and the wherry full of shop boys and girls. I
dwell however for a moment only on the naval aspect
of the tidal waters in the days of Alfred, because I can
refer you for all detail on this part of our subject to the
wonderful opening chapter of Dean Stanley's History of
Westminster Abbey, where you will find the origin of the
name of London given as The City of Ships." ^ He does
not, however, tell you, that there were built, then and
there, the biggest war-ships in the world. I have often said
to friends who praised my own books that I would rather
have written that chapter than any one of them ; yet if I
* Here Alfred's Silver Penny was shown and commented on, thus:
Of what London was like in the days of faith, I can show you one
piece of artistic evidence. It is Alfred's silver penny struck in London
mint. The character of a coinage is quite conclusive evidence in national
history, and there is no great empire in progress, but tells its story in
beautiful coins. Here in Alfred's penny, a round coin with L.O.N.D.LN.I.A.
struck on it, you have just the same beauty of design, the same enig-
matical arrangement of letters, as in the early inscription, which it is
*the pride of my life' to have discovered at Venice. This inscription
the first words that Venice ever speaks aloud ') is, it will be remembered,
on the Church of S. Giacomo di Rialto, and runs, being interpreted —
' Around this temple, let the merchant's law be just, his weights true,
and his covenants faithful.' *' ^
^ [Historical Memorials of Westminster Abbey, p. 3 (ed, 1882).]
^ [This note was added from the report in the Pall Mall Gazette, reprinted in
Studies in Raskin, p. 225. For another reference to the Venetian inscription, see
above, p. 232.]
II. THE PLEASURES OF FAITH
'lad been able to write the historical part of it, the con-
clusions drawn would have been extremely different. The
Dean indeed describes with a poet's joy the lliver of wells,
vvhich rose from those once consecrated springs which now
lie choked in Holywell and Clerkenwell, and the rivulet of
Ulebrig which crossed the Strand under the Ivy bridge";^
out it is only in the spirit of a modern citizen of Belgravia
^.hat he exults in the fact that **the great arteries of our
crowded streets, the vast sewers which cleanse our habita-
tions, are fed by the life-blood of those old and living
streams ; that underneath our tread the Tyburn, and the
Holborn, and the Fleet, and the Wall Brook, are still
pursuing their ceaseless course, still ministering to the good
of man, though in a far different fashion than when Druids
irank of their sacred springs, and Saxons were baptized in
their rushing waters, ages ago." '^
39. Whatever sympathy you may feel with these elo-
quent expressions of that entire complacency in the present,
past, and future, which peculiarly animates Dean Stanley's
writings, I must, in this case, pray you to observe that
the transmutation of holy wells into sewers has, at least,
destroyed the charm and utility of the Thames as a salmon
istream, and I must ask you to read with attention the
succeeding portions of the chapter which record the legends
of the river fisheries in their relation to the first Abbey of
Westminster ; dedicated by its builders to St. Peter, not
merely in his office of corner-stone of the Church, nor even
figuratively as a fisher of men,^ but directly as a fisher of
Ifish: — and which maintained themselves, you will see, in
lactual ceremony down to 1382, when a fisherman still
jannually took his place beside the Prior, after having
jbrought in a salmon for St. Peter, which was carried in
I state down the middle of the refectory.
40. But as I refer to this page for the exact words, my
1
2
3
Historical Memorials of Westminster Abbey, p. 4.]
Ibid., p. 5.]
'Matthew iv. 19.
444 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
eye is caught by one of the sentences of Londonian
thought which constantly pervert the well-meant books o
pious England. " We see also," says the Dean, the unior
of innocent fiction with worldly craft, which marks so mam
of the legends both of Pagan and Christian times." ^ ]
might simply reply to this insinuation that times which!
have no legends differ from the legendary ones merely by
uniting guilty, instead of innocent, fiction, with worldly
craft; but I must farther advise you that the legends ol
these passionate times are in no wise, and in no sense, fic-l
tion at all; but the true record of impressions made on the
minds of persons in a state of eager spiritual excitement,
brought into bright focus by acting steadily and frankly
under its impulses. I could tell you a great deal more
about such things than you would believe, and therefore,
a great deal more than it would do you the least good to
hear ; — but this much any who care to use their common
sense modestly, cannot but admit, that unless they choose^
to try the rough life of the Christian ages, they cannot
understand its practical consequences. You have all been
taught by Lord Macaulay and his school^ that because you
have Carpets instead of rushes for your feet; and Feather-
beds instead of fern for your backs; and Kickshaws instead
of beef for your eating; and Drains instead of Holy Wells
for your drinking ; — that, therefore, you are the Cream of
Creation, and every one of you a seven-headed Solomon.
Stay in those pleasant circumstances and convictions if you
please ; but don't accuse your roughly bred and fed fathers
of telling lies about the aspect the earth and sky bore to
thevi, — till you have trodden the earth as they, barefoot,
and seen the heavens as they, face to face. If you care to
see and to know for yourselves, you may do it with little
* Not Londinian.
^ [Hutorical Memorials of We.fiiuin.ster Abbey, p. 19.]
2 [See chapter iii. of the History of England. For other references in a like sense
to Macaulay, see A Joy for Ever, §" 168 (Vol. XVI. pp. 154, 155 n.) ; Vol. XXVI.
p. 560; and below, p. 510.]
II. THE PLEASURES OF FAITH
pains ; you need not do any great thing,^ you needn't keep
one eye open and the other shut for ten years over a
microscope, nor fight your way through icebergs and dark-
ness to knowledge of the celestial pole. Simply, do as much
as king after king of the Saxons did, — put rough shoes on
your feet and a rough cloak on your shoulders, and walk
to Rome and back. Sleep by the roadside, when it is fine,
—in the first outhouse you can find, when it is wet; and
live on bread and water, with an onion or two, all the
way; and if the experiences which you will have to relate
on your return do not, as may well be, deserve the name
of spiritual, at all events you will not be disposed to let
other people regard them either as Poetry or Fiction.
41. With this warning, presently to be at greater length
insisted on,^ I trace for you, in Dean Stanley's words, which
cannot be bettered except in the collection of their more
earnest passages from among his interludes of graceful but
dangerous qualification, — I trace, with only such omission,
the story he has told us of the foundation of that Abbey,
which, he tells you, was the Mother of London, and has ever
been the shrine and the throne of English faith and truth.
" The gradual formation of a monastic body, indicated in the charters
of Offa and Edgar, marks the spread of the Benedictine order throughout
England, under the influence of Dunstan. The ' terror ' of the spot, which
had still been its chief characteristic in the charter of the wild Offa, had,
in the days of the more peaceful Edgar, given way to a dubious 'renown.'
Twelve monks is the number traditionally said to have been established
by Dunstan. A few acres further up the river formed their chief property,
and their monastic character was sufficiently recognized to have given to the
old locality of the 'terrible place' the name of the 'Western Monastery/
!or 'Minster of the West/''^
The Benedictines then— twelve Benedictine monks— thus
begin the building of existent Christian London. You know
I told you the Benedictines are the Doing people, as the
disciples of St. Augustine the Sentimental people.* The
> [2 Kings v. 13.]
« [See below, p. 447.]
« [Historical Memorials of Westminster Ahhey, p. lO.J
* [See above, § 22, p. 432.]
446 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
Benedictines find no terror in their own thoughts — face the
terror of places — change it into beauty of places, — make
this terrible place, a Motherly Place — Mother of London.
42. This first Westminster, however, the Dean goes on
to say, seems to have been overrun by the Danes, and it
would have had no further history but for the combina-
tion of circumstances which directed hither the notice of
Edward the Confessor."
I haven't time to read you all the combination of cir-
cumstances. The last clinching circumstance was this —
" There was in the neighbourhood of Worcester, ' far from men in the
wilderness, on the slope of a wood, in a cave deep down in the grey
rock/ a holy hermit ^of great age, living on fruits and roots.' One night,
when, after reading in the Scriptures ' how hard are the pains of hell, and
how the enduring life of Heaven is sweet and to be desired,' he could
neither sleep nor repose, St. Peter appeared to him, 'bright and beautiful,
like to a clerk,' and warned him to tell the King that he was released from
his vow; that on that ver}^ day his messengers would return from Rome;"
(that is the combination of circumstances — bringing Pope's order to build
a church to release the King from his vow of pilgrimage); ''that 'at
Thorn ey, two leagues from the city,' was the spot marked out where, in
an ancient church, ' situated low,' he was to establish a perfect Benedictine
monastery, which should be * the gate of heaven, the ladder of prayer,
whence those v.ho serve St. Peter there, shall by him be admitted into
Paradise.' The hermit writes the account of the vision on parchment,
seals it with wax, and brings it to the King, who compares it with the
answer of the messengers, just arrived from Rome, and determines on
carrying out the design as the Apostle had ordered." ^
43. The ancient church, "situated low," indicated in
this vision the one whose attached monastery had been
destroyed by the Danes, but its little church remained,
and was already dear to the Confessor, not only from the
lovely tradition of its dedication by the spirit of St. Peter;
(you must read that for yourselves;) but also because of
two miracles happening there to the King himself.
"The first was the cure of a cripple, who sat in the road between the
Palace and ' the Chapel of St. Peter,' which was ' near,' and who explained
to the Chamberlain Hugolin that, after six pilgrimages to Rome in vain,
St. Peter had promised his cure if the King would, on his own royal
^ [Historical Memorials of Westminster Abbey, p. 17.]
I
II. THE PLEASURES OF FAITH
leck, carry him to the Monastery. The King immediately consented;
ind, amidst the scoffs of the court, bore the poor man to the steps of
he High Altar. There the cripple was received by Godric the sacristan,
md walked away on his own restored feet, hanging his stool on the wall
or a trophy.
« Before that same High Altar was also believed to have been seen
me of the Eucharistical portents, so frequent in the Middle Ages. A
;hild, *pm'e and bright like a spirit,' appeared to the King in the sacra-
aental elements. Leofric, Earl of Mercia, who, with his famous countess,
Todiva, was present, saw it also.
<'Such as these were the motives of Edward. Under their influence
\vas fixed what has ever since been the local centre of the English
nonarchy." ^
44. "Such as these were the motives of EdAvard," says
he Dean. Yes, certainly; but such as these also, first,
vere the acts and visions of Edward. Take care that you
lon't slip away, by the help of the glycerine of the word
• motives," into fancying that all these tales are only the
iter colours and pictorial metaphors of sentimental piety.
They are either plain truth or black lies ; take your choice,
—but don't tickle and treat yourselves with the prettiness
)r the grotesqueness of them, as if they were Andersen's
airy tales. Either the King did carry the beggar on his
)ack, or he didn't; either Godiva rode through Coventry,
>r she didn't ; either the Earl Leofric saw the vision of the
)right child at the altar — or he lied like a knave. Judge,
,s you will ; but do not Doubt.
45. "The Abbey was fifteen years in building. The King spent upon
t one-tenth of the property of the kingdom. It was to be a marvel of its
:ind. As in its origin it bore the traces of the fantastic and childish" (I
aust pause, to ask you to substitute for these blameful terms, "fantastic
|nd childish," the better ones of "imaginative and pure") "character of
|he King and of the age; in its architecture it bore the stamp of the
|>eculiar position which Edward occupied in English history between Saxon
|nd Norman. By birth he was a Saxon, but in all else he was a foreigner.
Accordingly the Church at Westminster was a wide-sweeping innovation on
11 that had been seen before. * Destroying the old building,' he says in
lis charter, *I have built up a new^ one from the very foundation.' Its
ame as a ' new style of composition ' lingered in the minds of men for
:enerations. It was the first cruciform church in England, from which all
he rest of like shape w^ere copied — an expression of the increasing hold
1 [Historical Memorials of Westminster Ahbey^ p. 20.]
448 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
which, in the tenth century, the idea of the Crucifixion had laid on tht
imagination of Europe. The massive roof and pillars formed a contrastj J
with the rude wooden rafters and beams of the common Saxon churches i
Its very size — occupying, as it did, almost the whole area of the present i
building — was in itself portentous. The deep foundations, of large square i
blocks of grey stone, were duly laid ; the east end was rounded into an !
apse ; a tower rose in the centre, crowned by a cupola of wood. At the t
western end were erected two smaller towers, with five large bells. The J
hard strong stones were richly sculptured ; the windows were filled with J
stained glass; the roof was covered with lead. The cloisters, chapter-house,
refectory, dormitory, the infirmary, with its spacious chapel, if not com-
pleted by Edward, were all begun, and finished in the next generation
on the same plan. This structure, venerable as it would be if it had
lasted to our time, had almost entirely vanished. Possibly one vast dark
arch in the southern transept, certainly the substructures of the dormitory,
with their huge pillars, ' grand and regal at the bases and capitals,' the
massive, low-browed passage leading from the great cloister to Little^ J
Dean's Yard, and some portions of the refectory, and of the infirmary
chapel, remain as specimens of the work which astonished the last age ol
the Anglo-Saxon and the first age of the Norman monarchy." ^
46. Hitherto I have read to you with only supplemental
comment. But in the next following passage, with which
I close my series of extracts, sentence after sentence occurs,
at which as I read, I must raise my hand, to mark it for
following deprecation, or denial.
" In the centre of Westminster Abbey thus lies its Founder, and such
is the story of its foundation. Even apart from the legendary elements in
which it is involved, it is impossible not to be struck by the fantastic
character of all its circumstances. We seem to be in a world of poetry."
(I protest. No.) ''Edward is four centuries later than Ethelbert and
Augustine ; but the origin of Canterbury is commonplace and prosaic com-
pared with the origin of Westminster." (Yes, that's true.) ''We can i |
hardly imagine a figure more incongruous to the soberness of later times I j
than the quaint, irresolute, wayward prince whose chief characteristics |
have just been described. His titles of Confessor and Saint belong not to
the general instincts of Christendom ; but to the most transitory feelings
of the age." (I protest. No.) "His opinions, his prevailing motives, were
such as in no part of modern Europe would now be shared by any
educated teacher or ruler." (That's true enough.) "But in spite of these
irreconcilable differences, there was a solid ground for the charm which he
exercised over his contemporaries. His childish and eccentric fancies have i ^
passed away;" (I protest. No;) "but his innocent faith and his sympathy » ,
with his people are qualities which, even in our altered times, may still
retain their place in the economy of the world. Westminster Abbey, so
^ [Historical Memorials of Westmimter Abbey, pp. 22-23.]
II. THE PLEASURES OF FAITH 449
ive hear it said, sometimes with a cynical sneer, sometimes with a timorous
icruple, has admitted within its walls many who have been great without
jeing good, noble with a nobleness of the earth earthy, worldly with the
wisdom of this world. But it is a counterbalancing reflection, that the
central tomb, round which all those famous names have clustered, contains
:he ashes of one who, weak and erring as he was, rests his claims of
nterment here, not on any act of power or fame, but only on his artless
liety and simple goodness. He, towards whose dust was attracted the
ierce Norman, and the proud Plantagenet, and the grasping Tudor, and
he fickle Stuart, even the Independent Oliver, the Dutch Wilham, and
he Hanoverian George, was one whose humble graces are within the
•each of every man, v/oman, and child of every time, if we rightly part
;he immortal substance from the perishable form." i
47. Now I have read you these passages from Dean
Stanley as the most accurately investigatory, the most gene-
•ously sympathetic, the most reverently acceptant account
)f these days, and their people, which you can yet find
n any English history. But consider now, point by point,
vhere it leaves you. You are told, first, that you are
iving in an age of poetry. But the days of poetry are
ihose of Shakespeare and Milton, not of Bede: nay, for
;heir especial wealth in melodious theology and beautifully
hythmic and pathetic meditation, perhaps the days which
lave given us Hiawatha,^ In Memoriam, The Christian Year,
aid the SouVs Diary of George Macdonald, may be not
vith disgrace compared with those of Caedmon. And
lothing can be farther different from the temper, nothing
ess conscious of the effort, of a poet, than any finally
iuthentic document to which you can be referred for the
elation of a Saxon miracle.'
48. I will read you, for a perfectly typical example, an
iccount of one from Bede's Life of St, Cuthbert} The
^ [Historical Memorials of Westminster Abbey j pp. 28-29.]
2 [For other references to Hiawatha, see Modern Painters, vol. ii. (Vol. IV.
». 355), and Elements of Prosody, § 38 (Vol. XXXI. p. 365). The book by George
►lacdonald is A Book of Strife, in the form of the Diary oj an Old Soul (Mr. Hughes :
ieaufort Street, Chelsea, London, 1880).]
3 [Compare, on this point, Ruskin's criticism of a similar passage in Milman ;
bove, p. 198.]
* [For another translation of the passage, see ch. xxxvi. pp. 589-590 in The
Jistorical Works of the Venerable Bede, translated by Rev. J. Stevenson (The Church
historians of England, vol. i. part ii., 1852).]
XXXIII. 2 ^
450 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
passage is a favourite one of my own, but I do not i
the least anticipate its producing upon you the solemniz
ing effect which I think I could command from reading
instead, a piece of Mai^mion, Manfred , or Childe Harold.
. . . He had one day left his cell to give advice to some visitors
and when he had finished, he said to them, ' I must now go in again, bu
do you, as you are inclined to depart, first take food ; and when you hav
cooked and eaten that goose which is hanging on the wall, go on boari
your vessel in God's name and return home.' He then uttered a prayei
and, having blessed them, went in. But they, as he had bidden their
took some food ; but having enough provisions of their own, which the
had brought with them, they did not touch the goose.
" But when they had refreshed themselves they tried to go on bean
their vessel, but a sudden storm utterly prevented them from putting t
sea. They were thus detained seven days in the island by the roughnes
of the waves, and yet they could not call to mind what fault they hac
committed. They therefore returned to have an interview with the hoi
father, and to lament to him their detention. He exhorted them to b(
patient, and on the seventh day came out to console their sorrow, and t(
give them pious exhortations. When, however, he had entered the house
in which they were stopping, and saw that the goose was not eaten, h(
reproved their disobedience with mild countenance and in gentle language
' Have you not left the goose still hanging in its place } What wonder if
it that the storm has prevented your departure Put it immediately int(
the caldron, and boil and eat it, that the sea may become tranquil, am
you may return home.'
" They immediately did as he commanded ; and it happened mosi
wonderfully that the moment the kettle began to boil the wind began tc
cease, and the waves to be still. Having finished their repast, and seeing
that the sea was calm, they went on board, and to their great delight
though with shame for their neglect, reached home with a fair wind
Now this, as I have related, I did not pick up from any chance authority
but I had it from one of whose who were present, h most reverend monk
and priest of the same monastery, Cynemund, who still lives, known to
many in the neighbourhood for his years and the purity of his life."
49. I hope that the memory of this story, which, think-
ing it myself an extremely pretty one, I have given you,
not only for a type of sincerity and simplicity, but for an
illustration of obedience, may at all events quit you, for
good and all, of the notion that the believers and wit-
nesses of miracle were poetical persons. Saying no more
on the head of that allegation, 1 proceed to the Dean's
second one, which I cannot but interpret as also intended
to be injurious, — that they were artless and childish ones;
II. THE PLEASURES OF FAITH
ind that because of this rudeness and puerility, their
(notives and opinions would not be shared by any states-
nen of the present day.
50. It is perfectly true that Edward the Confessor was
himself in many respects of really childish temperament;
Qot therefore, perhaps, as I before suggested to you,^ less
venerable. But the age of which we are examining the
progress, was by no means represented or governed by men
of similar disposition. It was eminently productive of — it
was altogether governed, guided, and instructed by — men of
the widest and most brilliant faculties, whether construc-
tive or speculative, that the world till then had seen;
men whose acts became the romance, whose thoughts the
wisdom, and whose arts the treasure, of a thousand years
of futurity.
51. I warned you at the close of last lecture^ against
:he too agreeable vanity of supposing that the Evangeliza-
cion of the world began at St. Martin's, Canterbury. Again
and again you will indeed find the stream of the Gospel
contracting itself into narrow channels, and appearing, after
long-concealed filtration, through veins of unmeasured rock,
with the bright resilience of a mountain spring. But you
will find it the only candid, and therefore the only wise,
way of research, to look in each era of Christendom for
the minds of culminating power in all its brotherhood of
nations ; and, careless of local impulse, momentary zeal,
picturesque incident, or vaunted miracle, to fasten your
attention upon the force of character in the men, whom,
over each newly-converted race, Heaven visibly sets for its
shepherds and kings, to bring forth judgment unto victory.^
Of these I will name to you, as messengers of God and
masters of men, five monks and five kings; in whose
arms during the range of swiftly gainful centuries which we
are following, the life of the world lay as a nursling babe.
1 [See above, p. 439 n.]
2 [See above, p. 438.]
3 [See Matthew xii. 20.]
452 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
Remember, in their successive order, — of monks, St. Jerome,
St. Augustine, St. Martin, St. Benedict, and St. Gregory;
of kings, — and your national vanity may be surely enough J
appeased in recognizing two of them for Saxon — Theodoric,
Charlemagne, Alfred, Canute, and the Confessor. I will
read three passages to you, out of the literal words of
three of these ten men, without saying whose they are,
that you may compare them with the best and most ex-
alted you have read expressing the philosophy, the religion,
and the policy of to-day, — from which I admit, with Dean
Stanley, but with a far different meaning from his, that
they are indeed separate for evermore.
52. I give you first, for an example of Philosophy, a
single sentence, containing all — so far as I can myself dis-
cern— that it is possible for us to know, or well for us to
believe, respecting the world and its laws : —
" Of God's universal Providence, ruling all, and comprising all.
Wherefore the great and mighty God ; He that made man a reason-
able creature of soul and body, and He that did neither let him pass un-
punished for his sin, nor yet excluded him from mercy ; He that gave, both
unto good and bad, essence with the stones, power of production with the
trees, senses with the beasts of the field, and understanding with the angels ;
He from whom is all being, beauty, form, and order, number, weight, and
measure ; He from whom all nature, mean and excellent, all seeds of form,
all forms of seed, all motion, both of forms and seeds, derive and have
being ; He that gave flesh the original beauty, strength, propagation, form
and shape, health and symmetry ; He that gave the unreasonable soul,
sense, memory, and appetite ; the reasonable, besides these, phantasy,
understanding, and will ; He, I say, having left neither heaven, nor earth,
nor angel, nor man, no, nor the most base and contemptible creature,
neither the bird's feather, nor the herb's flower, nor the tree's leaf, without
the true harmony of their parts, and peaceful concord of composition : — It
is in no way credible that He would leave the kingdoms of men and their
bondages and freedom loose and uncomprised in the laws of His eternal
providence." *
53. This for the philosophy. Next, I take for example
of the Religion of our ancestors, a prayer, personally and
* From St. Augustine's Citie of God, Book V. ch. xi. (English trans.,
printed by George Eld, l6lO).
II. THE PLEASURES OF FAITH 453
passionately offered to the Deity conceived as you have
:his moment heard: —
Thou who art the Father of that Son which has awakened us
md yet urgeth us out of the sleep of our sins, and exhorteth us that
ve become Thine ; " —
note you that, for apprehension of what Redemption
neans, against your base and cowardly modern notion of
scaping whipping.^ Not to take away the Punishment of
Sin, but by His Resurrection^ to raise us out of the sleep
)f sin itself!)—
'to Thee, Lord, I pray, -who art the supreme truth; for all the truth
hat is, is truth from Thee. Thee I implore, O Lord, who art the highest
v'isdom. Through Thee are wise all those that are so. Thou art the true
ife, and through Thee are living all those that are so. Thou art the
upreme felicity, and from Thee all have become happy that are so. Thou
rt the highest good, and from Thee all beauty springs. Thou art the in-
ellectual light, and from Thee man derives his understanding.
" To Thee, O God, I call and speak. Hear, O hear me, Lord ! for Thou
rt my God and my Lord ; my Father and my Creator ; my ruler and my
lope ; my wealth and my honour; my house, my country, my salvation,
nd my life ! Hear, hear me, O Lord ! Few of Thy servants comprehend
rhee. But Thee alone I love,f indeed, above all other things. Thee I
eek : Thee I will follow : Thee I am ready to serve. Under Thy powers
desire to abide, for Thou alone art the Sovereign of all. I pray Thee
0 command me as Thou wilt." ^
54. You see this prayer is simply the expansion of that
lause of the Lord's Prayer which most men eagerly omit
* Compare the legend at the feet of the Lion of the Tribe of Judah
n the golden Gospel of Charles le Chauve (at Munich) : —
"Hic Leo Surgendo portas confregit Averni
Qui nunquam dormit, nusquam dormitat in ^evum ; "
The leaf has been exquisitely drawn and legend communicated to me by
^rofessor Westwood. It is written in gold on purple.^
t Meaning— not that he is of those few, but that, without compre-
lending, at least, as a dog, he can love.
* [Hamlet, Act ii. sc. 2.]
2 [For this prayer of Alfred the Great (below, § 59), see Sharon Turner's " Anglo-
jaxons": History of England, vol. ii. pp. 134-135.]
3 [A copy of the Gospels written in gold uncial letters in 870, formerly pre-
erved at Ratisbon, now in the Royal Library at Munich. Specimens of the \^ riting
re given in the 2nd vol. of Silvestre's PaleograpMe Universelle, 1840. For other
eferences to it, see below, §§ 102, 110 n. (pp. 495, 502); and for Professor
Vestwoodj see Vol. XV. p. 424.]
454 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
from it, — Fiat voluntas tua. In being so, it sums th(
Christian prayer of all ages. See now, in the third places
how far this king's letter I am going to read to you sum?
also Christian Policy: —
"Wherefore I render high thanks to Almighty God, for the happt
accompHshment of all the desires which I have set before me, and for the
satisfying of my every wish.
^'Now therefore, be it known to you all, that to Almighty God Him4
self I have, on my knees, devoted my life, to the end that in all things I
may do justice, and with justice and rightness rule the kingdoms and
peoples under me ; throughout everything preserving an impartial judg-
ment. If, heretofore, I have, through being, as young men are, impulsive or
careless, done anything unjust, I mean, with God's help, to lose no time
in remedying my fault. To which end I call to witness my counsellors, tc
whom I have entrusted the counsels of the kingdom, and I charge them that
by no means, be it through fear of me, or the favour of any other powerful
personage, to consent to any injustice, or to suffer any to shoot out in any
part of my kingdom. I charge all my viscounts and those set over my'
whole kingdom, as they wish to keep my friendship or their own safety, to
use no unjust force to any man, rich or poor ; let all men, noble and not
noble, rich and poor alike, be able to obtain their rights under the law's
justice; and from that law let there be no deviation, either to favour the
king or any powerful person, nor to raise money for me. I have no need
of money raised by what is unfair. I also would have you know that I go
now to make peace and firm treaty by the counsels of all my subjects,
with those nations and people who wished, had it been possible for them to
do so, which it was not, to deprive us alike of kingdom and of life. God
brought down their strength to nought : and may He of His benign love
preserve us on our throne and in honour. Lastly, when I have made peace
with the neighbouring nations, and settled and pacified all my dominions
in the East, so that we may nowhere have any war or enmity to fear, I
mean to come to England this summer, as soon as I can fit out vessels to
sail. My reason, however, in sending this letter first is to let all the
people of my kingdom share in the joy of my welfare : for as you your-
selves know, I have never spared myself or my^ labour ; nor will I ever
do so, where my people are really in want of some good that I can do
them." 1
55. What think you now, in candour and honour, you|i
youth of the latter days, — what think you of these types
of the thought, devotion, and government, which not in
words, but pregnant and perpetual fact, animated these
which you have been accustomed to call the Dark Ages?
^ [Another translation of Canute's letter to Rome may be found in Sharon Turner,
vol. iii. pp. 848-349; and the original in William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum
Anglorum, lib. ii. (vol. i. -yp. 311-312 of the edition by T. D. Hardy, 1840).]
11. THE PLEASURES OF FAITH 455
The Philosophy is Augustine's; the Prayer Alfred's;
and the Letter Canute's.
And, whatever you may feel respecting the beauty or
wisdom of these sayings, be assured of one thing above all,
that they are sincere; and of another, less often observed,
that they are joyful.
56. Be assured, in the first place, that they are sincere.
The ideas of diplomacy and priestcraft are of recent times.
No false knight or lying priest ever prospered, I believe,
I in any age, but certainly not in the dark ones. Men
I prospered then, only in following openly-declared purposes,
and preaching candidly beloved and trusted creeds.
And that they did so prosper, in the degree in which
they accepted and proclaimed the Christian Gospel, may
I be seen by any of you in your historical reading, however
partial, if only you will admit the idea that it could be
so, and was likely to be so. You are all of you in the
habit of supposing that temporal prosperity is owing either
to worldly chance or to worldly prudence ; and is never
I granted in any visible relation to states of religious temper.
I Put that treacherous doubt away from you, with disdain ;
I take for basis of reasoning the noble postulate, that the
elements of Christian faith are sound, — instead of the base
one, that they are deceptive ; re-read the great story of the
world in that light, and see what a vividly real, yet miracu-
lous tenor, it will then bear to you.^
57. Their faith then, I tell you first, was sincere; I tell
you secondly that it was, in a degree few of us can now
conceive, joyful. We continually hear of the trials, some-
times of the victories, of Faith,— but scarcely ever of its
I pleasures. Whereas, at this time, you will find that the
j chief delight of all good men was in the recognition of the
goodness and wisdom of the Master, who had come to
dwell with them upon earth. It is almost impossible for
you to conceive the vividness of this sense in them; it is
1 [For a passage added here in the delivery of the lecture, see the Introduction ;
above, pp. lii.-liii.]
456 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
totally impossible for you to conceive the comfort, peace,
and force of it. In everything that you now do or seek,
you expose yourselves to countless miseries of shame and
disappointment, because in your doing you depend on no-
thing but your own powers, and in seeking choose only your
own gratification. You cannot for the most part conceive
of any work but for your own interests, or the interests of
others about whom you are anxious in the same faithless
way ; everything about which passion is excited in you or
skill exerted in some object of material hfe, and the idea
of doing anything except for your own praise or profit has
narrowed itself into little more than the precentor's invita-
tion to the company with little voice and less practice to
"sing to the praise and glory of God."
58. I have said that you cannot imagine the feeling of
the energy of daily life applied in the real meaning of
those words. You cannot imagine it, but you can prove it.
Are any of you willing, simply as a philosophical experi-
ment in the greatest of sciences, to adopt the principles
and feelings of these men of a thousand years ago for a
given time, say for a year ? It cannot possibly do you any
harm to try, and you cannot possibly learn what is true in
these things, without trying. If after a year's experience
of such method you find yourself no happier than before,
at least you will be able to support your present opinions
at once with more grace and more modesty ; having con-
ceded the trial it asked for, to the opposite side. Nor in
acting temporarily on a faith you do not see to be reason-
able, do you compromise your own integrity more, than in
conducting, under a chemist's directions, an experiment of
which he foretells inexplicable consequences. And you need
not doubt the power you possess over your own minds to
do this. Were faith not voluntary, it could not be praised,
and would not be rewarded.
59. If you are minded thus to try, begin each day with
Alfred's prayer,— voluntas tua ; resolving that you will
stand to it, and that nothing that happens in the course of
II. THE PLEASURES OF FAITH
the day shall displease you. Then set to any work you
have in hand with the sifted and purified resolution that
imbition shall not mix with it, nor love of gain, nor desire
)f pleasure more than is appointed for you; and that no
mxiety shall touch you as to its issue, nor any impatience
lor regret if it fail. Imagine that the thing is being done
hrough you, not by you; that the good of it may never
^e known, but that at least, unless by your rebeihon or
jtbolishness, there can come no evil into it, nor wrong chance
:o it. Resolve also with steady industry to do what you
-an for the help of your country and its honour, and the
lonour of its God; and that you will not join hands in its
niquity, nor turn aside from its misery; and that in all
fou do and feel you will look frankly for the immediate
lelp and direction, and to your own consciences, expressed
ipproval, of God. Live thus, and believe, and with swift-
less of answer proportioned to the frankness of the trust,
nost surely the God of hope will fill you with all joy and
oeace in believing.^
60. But, if you will not do this, if you have not courage
iior heart enough to break away the fetters of earth, and
ake up the sensual bed of it, and walk ; ^ if you say that
70\i are bound to win this thing, and become the other
:hing, and that the wishes of your friends, — and the in-
terests of your family, — and the bias of your genius,— and
-he expectations of your college, — and all the rest of the
bow-wow-wow of the wild dog-world, must be attended to,
whether you like it or no, — then, at least, for shame give
ip talk about being free or independent creatures ; recog-
jiize yourselves for slaves in whom the thoughts are put in
Waxd with their bodies, and their hearts manacled with
:heir hands : and then at least also, for shame, if you refuse
:o believe that ever there were men who gave their souls
:o God, — know and confess how surely there are those who
>ell them to His adversary.
^ [Romans xv. 13.]
2 [See Matthew ix. 5, 6.]
LECTURE III
THE PLEASURES OF DEED
THE CONFESSOR TO CCEUR DE LION
ffj^ {Delivered 1st and 3rd November 1884)
61. It was my endeavour, in the preceding lecture, to vin-
dicate the thoughts and arts of our Saxon ancestors from
whatever scorn might he couched under the terms appUed
to them by Dean Stanley, — "fantastic," and "childish."^
To-day my task must be carried forward, first, in asserting
the grace in fantasy, and the force in infancy, of the Eng-
lish mind, before the Conquest, against the allegations con-
tained in the final passage of Dean Stanley's description of
the first founded Westminster ; a passage which accepts and
asserts, more distinctly than any other equally brief state-
ment I have met with, the to my mind extremely disputable
theory, that the Norman invasion was in every respect a
sanitary, moral, and intellectual blessing to England, and
that the arrow which slew her Harold was indeed the
Arrow of the Lord's deliverance : ^ —
''The Abbey itself," says Dean Stanley, — ''the chief work of the Con-
fessor's life, — was the portent of the mighty future. When Harold stood
beside his sister Edith, on the day of the dedication, and signed his name
with hers as witness to the Charter of the Abbey, he might have seen
that he was sealing his own doom, and preparing for his own destruction.
The solid pillars, the ponderous arches, the huge edifice, with triple tower
and sculptured stones and storied windows, that arose in the place and
in the midst of the humble wooden churches and wattled tenements of
the Saxon period, might have warned the nobles who were present that
the days of their rule were numbered, and that the avenging, civilizing,
1 [See above, p. 448.]
2 [2 Kings xiii. 17.]
458
III. THE PLEASURES OF DEED 459
stimulating hand of another and a mightier race was at work, which would
change the whole face of their language, their manners, their Church, and
their commonwealth. The Abbey, so far exceeding the demands of the
dull and stagnant minds of our Anglo-Saxon ancestors, was founded not only
in faith, but in hope: in the hope that England had yet a glorious career
to run; that the line of her sovereigns would not be broken, even when
the race of Alfred had ceased to reign." ^
62. There must surely be some among my hearers who
are startled, if not offended, at bemg told in the terms
which I emphasized in this sentence, that the minds of our
Saxon fathers were, although fantastic, dull, and, although
i childish, stagnant ; that farther, in their fantastic stagna-
tion, they were savage, — and in their innocent dulness,
criminal; so that the future character and fortune of the
race depended on the critical advent of the didactic and
disciplinarian Norman baron, at once to polish them, stimu-
late, and chastise.
63. Before I venture to say a word in distinct arrest
of this judgment, I will give you a chart, as clear as
the facts observed in the two previous lectures allow, of
the state and prospects of the Saxons, when this violent
benediction of conquest happened to them : and especially
I would rescue, in the measure that justice bids, the memory
even of their Pagan religion from the general scorn in
which I used Carlyle's description of the idol of ancient
Prussia as universally exponent of the temper of Northern
devotion.^ That Triglaph, or Triglyph Idol, (derivation of
Triglaph wholly unknown to me — I use Triglyph only for
my own handiest epithet,) last set up, on what is now
St. Mary's hill in Brandenburg, in 1023, belonged indeed to
a people wonderfully like the Saxons,— geographically their
close neighbours, — in habits of life, and aspect of native
land, scarcely distinguishable from them,— in Carlyle's words,
I a " strong-boned, iracund, herdsman and fisher people, highly
averse to be interfered with, in their religion especially,"
and inhabiting **a moory flat country, full of lakes and
^ [Historical Memorials of Westminster Ahhey, pp. 29-30.]
" [See above, pp. 367, 426.]
460 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
woods, but with plenty also of alluvial mud, grassy, frugi-
ferous, apt for the plough " ^ — in all things hke the Saxons,
except, as I read the matter, in that aversion to be inter-
fered with" which you modern English think an especially
Saxon character in you, — but which is, on the contrary,
you will find on examination, by no means Saxon ; but
only Wendisch, Czech, Serbic, Sclavic, — other hard names
I could easily find for it among the tribes of that " vehe-
mently heathen " old Preussen — resolutely worshipful of
"places of oak trees, of wooden or stone idols, of Bang-
puttis, PatkuUos, and I know not what diabolic dumb
blocks." ^ Your English dislike to be interfered with " is
in absolute fellowship with these, but only gathers itself
in its places of Stalks, or chimneys, instead of oak trees,
round its idols of iron, instead of wood, diabolically vocal
now ; strident, and sibilant, instead of dumb.
64. Far other than these, their neighbour Saxons, Jutes
and Angles ! — tribes between whom the distinctions are of
no moment whatsoever, except that an English boy or
girl may with grace remember that Old England," exactly
and strictly so called, was the small district in the extreme
south of Denmark, totally with its islands estimable at
sixty miles square of dead flat land. Directly south of it,
the definitely so-called Saxons held the western shore of
Holstein, with the estuary of the Elbe, and the sea-mark
isle, Heligoland. But since the principal temple of Saxon
worship was close to Leipsic,^ we may include under our
general term, Saxons, the inhabitants of the whole level
district of North Germany, from the Gulf of Flensburg to
the Hartz ; and, eastward, all the country watered by the
Elbe as far as Saxon Sv/itzerland,
65. Of the character of this race I will not here speak
at any length : only note of it this essential point, that
* Turner, vol. i. p. 223.
1 [Friedrich, Book ii. ch. ii. (vol. i. pp. 50, 49 (ed. 1869).]
2 [Ibid., p. 51.]
III. THE PLEASURES OF DEED 461
heir religion was at once more practical and more imagi-
lative than that of the Norwegian peninsula; the Norse
eligion being the conception rather of natm-al than moral
)Owers, but the Saxon, primarily of moral, as the lords of
iatural — ^their central divine image, Irminsul,^ holding the
tandard of peace in her right hand, a balance in her left.^
»uch a religion may degenerate into mere slaughter and
apine ; but it has the making in it of the noblest men.
More practical at all events, whether for good or evil,
Q this trust in a future reward for courage and purity,
ban the mere Scandinavian awe of existing Earth and
'loud, the Saxon religion was also more imaginative, in its
earer conception of human feeling in divine creatures.
Vnd when this wide hope and high reverence had dis-
inct objects of worship and prayer, offered to them by
'hristianity, the Saxons easily became pure, passionate, and
houghtful Christians; while the Normans, to the last, had
he greatest difficulty in apprehending the Christian teaching
f the Franks, and still deny the power of Christianity,
ven when they have become inveterate in its form.
Quite the deepest-thoughted creatures of the then ani-
late world, it seems to me, these Saxon ploughmen of
le sand or the sea, with their worshipped deity of Beauty
id Justice, a red rose on her banner, for best of gifts,
id in her right hand, instead of a sword, a balance, for
ue doom, without wrath, — of retribution in her left. Far
bher than the Wends, though stubborn enough, they too,
I battle rank, — seven times rising from defeat against
lharlemagne, and unsubdued but by death — yet, by no
leans in that John Bull's manner of yours, " averse to be
iterfered with," in their opinions, or their religion. Eagerly
Dcile on the contrary— joyfully reverent— instantly and
* Properly plural " Images " — Irminsul and Irminsula.
1 [Sharon Turner, Histort/ of England, vol. i. (Anglo-Saxons), 1839: "The right
iud held a banner, in which a red rose was conspicuous; its left presented a
lance."]
462 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
gratefully acceptant of whatever better insight or oversight
a stranger could bring them, of the things of God or man.
66. And let me here ask you especially to take account
of that origin of the true bearing of the Flag of England,
the Red Rose. Her own madness defiled afterwards alike
the white and red, into images of the paleness, or the
crimson, of death ; but the Saxon Rose was the symbol of
heavenly beauty and peace.
I told you in my first lecture^ that one swift require-
ment in our school would be to produce a beautiful map
of England, including old Northumberland, giving the whole
country, in its real geography, between the Frith of Forth
and Straits of Dover, and with only six sites of habitation
given, besides those of Edinburgh and London, — namely,
those of Canterbury and Winchester, York and Lancaster,
Holy Island and Melrose; the latter instead of lona, be-
cause, as we have seen,^ the influence of St. Columba
expires with the advance of Christianity, while that of
Cuthbert of Melrose connects itself with the most sacred
feelings of the entire Northumbrian kingdom, and Scottish
border, down to the days of Scott — wreathing also into its
circle many of the legends of Arthur.
67. Will you forgive my connecting the personal memory
of having once had a wild rose gathered for me, in the
glen of Thomas the Rhymer, by the daughter of one of
the few remaining Catholic houses of Scotland,^ with the
pleasure I have in reading to you this following true account
of the origin of the name of St. Cuthbert's birthplace;—
^ [The passage was, however, not included in the text, having been an im-
promptu addition. The report in the Pall Mall Gazette gives it as follows : —
"Another de[)artnient of historical study, by the way, was considerably
simplified by Mr. Ruskin, in some informal remarks, after the conclusion
of his written lecture. Map-making is only tiresome when you trouble
yourself about railways leading from one unimportant place to another ;
but in drawing the map of England and Scotland, for instance, you should
put in London, and Edinburgh, and I^ncaster and York and Winchester
— and nothing else."]
2 [See above, p. 439.]
» [On July 3, 1867, with Miss Mary Kerr (daughter of Lord Henry Kerr, see
Vol. XIX, p. xxix.). Compare Pra'terita, iii. § 83.]
III. THE PLEASURES OF DEED 463
the rather because I owe it to friendship of the same date,
with Mr. Cockburn Muir, of Melrose: —
"To those who have eyes to read it," says Mr. Muir, "the name
* Melrose ' is written full and fair, on the fair face of all this reach of
the valley. The name is anciently spelt Mailros, and later, Malros, never
Mulros; Mul' being the Celtic word taken to mean * bare '). Ros is
Rose; the forms Meal or Mol imply great quantity or number. Thus
Malros means the place of many roses.
"This is precisely the notable characteristic of the neighbourhood. The
wild rose is indigenous. There is no nook nor cranny, no bank nor
brae, which is not, in the time of roses, ablaze with their exuberant
loveliness. In gardens, the cultured rose is so prolific that it spreads
literally like a weed. But it is worth suggestion that the word may be
of the same stock as the Hebrew rosh (translated ros by the Septua-
gint), meaning chief, principal, while it is also the name of some flower ;
but of which flower is now unknown. Affinities of rosh are not far to seek;
Sanskrit, Raj{a). RaQa)ni ; Latin, Rex, Reg(inay'
I leave it to Professor Max Miiller to certify or correct
for you the details of Mr. Cockburn's research,^ — this main
head of it I can positively confirm, that in old Scotch, —
that of Bishop Douglas,^ — the word " Rois " stands alike for
King, and Rose.^
* I had not time to quote it fully in the lecture; and in my ignorance,
alike of Keltic and Hebrew, can only submit it here to the reader's
examination. " The ancient Cognizance of the town confirms this etymology
beyond doubt, with customary heraldic precision. The shield bears a Rose ;
with a Maul, as the exact phonetic equivalent for the expletive. If the
herald had needed to express ^bare promontory,' quite certainly he would
jhave managed it somehow. Not only this, the Earls of Haddington were
first created Earls of Melrose (I619); and their Shield, quarterly, is charged,
for Melrose, in 2nd and 3rd (fesse wavy between) three Roses gu.
"Beyond this ground of certainty, we may indulge in a little excursus
into lingual affinities of wide range. The root mol is clear enough. It is
of the same stock as the Greek mala, Latin m.ul{tum), and Hebrew m'la.
But, Rose ? We call her Queen of Flowers, and since before the Persian
poets made much of her, she was everywhere Regina Florum, why should
not the name mean simply the Queen, the Chief.? Now, so few who
know Keltic know also Hebrew, and so few who know Hebrew know
I also Keltic, that few know the surprising extent of the affinity that exists
— clear as day — between the Keltic and the Hebrew vocabularies. That
the word Rose may be a case in point is not hazardously speculative."
1 [For other references to Gavin Douglas, Bishop of Dunkeld, translator of
Virgil, see above, p. 119 w.]
2 [See Fiction, Fair and Foul, § 39 (Vol. XXXIV.).]
464 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
68. Summing now the features I have too shortly speci-
fied in the Saxon character, — its imagination, its docility,
its love of knowledge, and its love of beauty, you will be
prepared to accept my conclusive statement, that they gave
rise to a form of Christian faith which appears to me, in
the present state of my knowledge, one of the purest and
most intellectual ever attained in Christendom ; — never yet
understood, partly because of the extreme rudeness of its]
expression in the art of manuscripts, and partly because, on
account of its very purity, it sought no expression in archi-
tecture, being a religion of daily life, and humble lodging.
For these two practical reasons, first; — and for this more
weighty third, that the intellectual character of it is at the
same time most truly, as Dean Stanley told you, childhke;
showing itself in swiftness of imaginative apprehension, and
in the fearlessly candid application of great principles to
small things. Its character in this kind may be instantly
felt by any sympathetic and gentle person who will read
carefully the book I have already quoted to you,^ the
Venerable Bede's life of St. Cuthbert; and the intensity
and sincerity of it in the highest orders of the laity, by
simply counting the members of Saxon Royal families who
ended their lives in monasteries.-
69. Now, at the very moment when this faith, innocence,
and ingenuity were on the point of springing up into their
fruitage, comes the Northern invasion; of the real character
of which you can gain a far truer estimate by studying
Alfred's former resolute contest with and victory over the
native Norman ^ in his paganism, than by your utmost
endeavours to conceive the character of the afterwards
invading Norman, disguised, but not changed, by Chris-
tianity. The Norman could not, in the nature of him, j
1 [See above, p. 450.] ^ j
" [See, on this subject. Book xiii. ch. v. in Montalembert's Moines d'Occident:
^'Certain annalists even go so far as to count more than thirty kings or queens
of the different Anglo-Saxon kingdoms who entered the cloisters during the seventh
and eighth centuries " (p. 10(3, vol. iii., in the portion of the book translated under
the title The Conversion of England).']
' [See below, p. 471.]
III. THE PLEASURES OF DEED 465
become a Christian at all ; and he never did ; — he only
became, at his best, the enemy of the Saracen. What he
was, and what alone he was capable of being, I will try
to-day to explain.
70. And here I must advise you that in all points of
history relating to the period between 800 and 1200, you
will find M. VioUet-le-Duc, incidentally throughout his
Dictionary of Architecture, the best-informed, most intelli-
gent, and most thoughtful of guides. His knowledge of
architecture, carried down into the most minutely practical
details, — (which are often the most significant,) and embrac-
ing, over the entire surface of France, the buildings even of
!the most secluded villages; his artistic enthusiasm, balanced
by the acutest sagacity, and his patriotism, by the frankest
candour, render his analysis of history during that active
iand constructive period the most valuable known to me,
and certainly, in its field, exhaustive. Of the later nation-
ality his account is imperfect, owing to his professional in-
terest in the mere science of architecture, and comparative
insensibility to the power of sculpture; — but of the time
with which we are now concerned, whatever he tells you
must be regarded with grateful attention.
71. I introduce, therefore, the Normans to you, on
their first entering France, under his descriptive terms of
them : ^ —
"As soon as they were established on the soil, these barbarians became
the most hardy and active builders. Within the space of a century and a
half, they had covered the country on which they had definitely landed,.
|with religious, monastic, and civil edifices, of an extent and richness then
little common. It is difficult to suppose that they had brought from
Norway the elements of art,! but they were possessed by a persisting
and penetrating spirit; their brutal force did not want for grandeur.
Conquerors, they raised castles to assure their domination ; they soon
recognized the Moral force of the clergy, and endowed it richly. Eager
always to attain their end, when once they saw it, they never left one of
their enterprises unfinished, and in that they differed completely from the
* Article "Architecture," vol. i. p. 138.
t They had brought some, of a variously Charybdic, Serpentine, and
Diabolic character. — ^J. R.
XXXIII. 2 ^
466 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
Southern inhabitants of Gaul. Tenacious extremely, they were perhaps
the only ones among the barbarians established in France who had ideas
of order ; the only ones who knew how to preserve their conquests, and
compose a state. They found the remains of the Carthaginian arts on
the territory where they planted themselves, they mingled with those
their national genius, positive, grand, and yet supple."
72. Supple, " Delie," — capable of change and play of
the mental muscle, in the way that savages are not. I do
not, myself, grant this suppleness to the Norman, the less
because another sentence of M. le Due's, occurring incident- !
ally in his account of the archivolt, is of extreme counter- '
significance, and wide application. " The Norman arch,"
lie says, is never derived from traditional classic forms,
l)ut only from mathematical arrangement of line." Yes;
that is true : the Norman arch is never derived from classic
forms.^ The cathedral,"^ whose aisles you saw or might
have seen, yesterday, interpenetrated with light, whose
* Of Oxford, during the afternoon service.
^ [In the MS. notes for this lecture is the following additional passage : —
^'1 have shown you, in last lecture, the relations of Charlemagne and
France, to Alfred and England.
"In the present one, I have next to trace with you the interference
of the power of Norway with both, and the influence on eai^h side of the
Channel, of this mountain and ice-bred race on the two southern ones ;
influence, however, which virtually ends for both French and English
with the death of Coeur de Lion — as for the Italians with that of Robert
Guiscard.
^^My first business, in approaching the evidence on this matter pre-
sented by English art, must be to extricate you from the confusion in
which the general term Romanesque has involved the various schools of
round arched building which were developed in the eleventh and twelfth
century. Take the Roman basilica for the type of round arched work
which is the root of all. In the East of the Empire, at Constantinople,
Venice, and Ravenna as at Rome itself, that basilica becomes, in the
hands of Greek mosaic workers, variously aisled and vaulted, a mystery
of gold and colour ; structurally without anything that can be called
either science or law ; and having no likeness to, or relation to, any
form or idea of Norman work.
" Keep that Eastern school — generally and properly called Byzantine —
totally separate in your minds from anything you find contemporary with
it in France and England.
''Next to it, and between it and you, comes the round arched school
of the Lombards ; the treatment, by one of the strongest and most imagi-
native of North European races, of the same material of design presented
to them by the Roman circus and basilica — but with this enormous dis-
tinction, that the Lombards cannot paint nor set mosaic. Eagerly, there-
fore, they took up the decoration which may be substituted for these, in
bas-relief They develop splendid powers of animal sculpture, and produce
III. THE PLEASURES OF DEED 467
vaults you might have heard prolonging the sweet divisions
of majestic sound, would have been built in that stately
symmetry by Norman law, though never an arch at Rome
had risen round her field of blood, — though never her
Subhcian bridge ^ had been petrified by her Augustan ponti-
fices. But the decoration, though not the structure of those
arches, they owed to another race,'^ whose words they stole
without understanding, though three centuries before, the
Saxon understood, and used, to express the most solemn
majesty of his Kinghood, —
"EGO EDGAR, TOTIVS ALBIONIS"—
not Rex, that would have meant the King of Kent or
IMercia, not of England, — no, nor Imperator; that would
* See the concluding section of the lecture.
the architecture of which I have so long been urging you to study the
leading examples at Milan, Pavia, Verona, Arezzo, and Assisi.
" Yet these buildings have no more connection with, or influence upon,
your Norman work than the Byzantine. They are utterly independent
of both, but they have many qualities in common with the Norman
(while the Byzantine school has none) of which the foundational one is
their perfection in structural and mechanical art, and the governing one,
a fierce and exuberant vital energy — extremely disdainful of all that we
now understand by grace, or delicate beauty. But because Normans and
Lombards are alike good builders, and alike careless of beauty, and lovers
of action ; able therefore to carve dragons and lions, but not Margarets
or Unas — do not allow yourselves to associate for a moment the two
schools in your minds. Holy Island Cathedral would have been built
exactly as it is, though no Lombard had ever passed the Alps ; and the
Duomo of Verona would have been built exactly as it is, though no North-
men had ever crossed the sea.
"You have Etruscan Romanesque, the round arched work of Tuscany,
and with hers — not to plague with too many divisions — take that of the
native Gaul in South France, transitional gradually on its native soil from
the forms received by it under Roman dominion ; and this is still wholly
independent of your Norman work, and in many respects has less in
common with it than the Lombard. But this native round arched style
being taken up by the Franks, when they drive out the Visigoths, the
result is— the Cathedral of Chartres ; and being taken up by the Normans
when they invade the Franks, the result is— the Cathedral of Durham.
"Now therefore, for our present purpose, put Byzantine work out of
your heads, thrust aside Lombard, Etruscan, aad French with equal
decision, and fix your attention on the style only which was developed by
the men of Scandinavia, in the district they conquered between the Loire
and Seine, and afterwards, similarly, by right of conquest, over the whole
of Saxon and Northumbrian England."]
^ [For the Pons Sublicius, the pile-bridge built across the Tiber by Ancus
^arcius, see Livy, i. 33, ii. 10. Compare Ara Coeli, § 4 ; above, p 195.]
468 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
have meant only the profane power of Rome, but
BASILEVS,^ meaning a King who reigned with sacred
authority given by Heaven and Christ.
73. With far meaner thoughts, both of themselves and
their powers, the Normans set themselves to build im-
pregnable military walls, and sublime religious ones, in the
best possible practical ways ; but they no more made books
of their church fronts than of their bastion flanks; andl
cared, in the religion they accepted, neither for its senti=i
ments nor its promises, but only for its immediate results^
on national order.
As I read them, they were men wholly of this world,
bent on doing the most in it, and making the best of it
that they could ; — men, to their death, of Deed, never
pausing, changing, repenting, or anticipating, more than the
completed square, avev of their battle, their keep, and
their cloister. Soldiers before and after everything, they
learned the lockings and bracings of their stones primarily
in defence against the battering-ram and the projectile, and
esteemed the pure circular arch for its distributed and equal
strength more than for its beauty. " I believe again," says
M. le Duc,^ *'that the feudal castle never arrived at its
perfectness till after the Norman invasion, and that this
race of the North was the first to apply a defensive system
under unquestionable laws, soon followed by the nobles of
the Continent, after they had, at their own expense, learned
their superiority." I
74. The next sentence is a curious one. I pray your
attention to it. "The defensive system of the Norman is
born of a profound sentiment of distrust and cunning,
foreign to the character of the Frank'' You will find in
all my previous notices of the French, continual insistence
upon their natural Franchise,^ and also, if you take the
♦ Article "Chateau," vol. iii. p. 65.
^ [For a note by Ruskiii on this word, see above, p. 414.]
^ Tcrpdyiavos avev ylroyov I Aristotle^ Ethics, i. 11, 11.]
3 [See above, pp. 60-61, 68.]
III. THE PLEASURES OF DEED
least pains in analysis of their literature down to this day,
that the idea of falseness is to them indeed more hate-
ful than to any other European nation. To take a quite
cardinal instance. If you compare Lucian's and Shake-
speare's Timon with MoHere's Alceste, you will find the
Greek and English misanthropes dwell only on men's in-
gratitude to themselves, but Alceste, on their falsehood to
each other}
Now hear M. le Due farther : —
''The castles built between the tenth and twelfth centuries along the
Loire, Gironde, and Seine, that is to say, along the lines of the Norman
invasions, and in the neighbourhood of their possessions, have a peculiar
and uniform character which one finds neither in central France, nor in
Burgundy, nor can there be any need for us to throw light on (faire
ressortir) the superiority of the warrior spirit of the Normans, during" the
later times of the Carlovingian epoch, over the spirit of the chiefs of
Frank descent, established on the Gallo-Roman soil."
There's a bit of honesty in a Frenchman for you !
75. I have just said that they valued religion chiefly
for its influence of order in the present world : being in
this, observe, as nearly as may be the exact reverse of
modern believers, or persons who profess to be such,— of
whom it may be generally alleged, too truly, that they
value religion with respect to their future bliss rather than
I their present duty; and are therefore continually careless
of its direct commands, with easy excuse to themselves for
j disobedience to them. Whereas the Norman, finding in his
own heart an irresistible impulse to action, and perceiving
himself to be set, with entirely strong body, brain, and
will, in the midst of a weak and dissolute confusion of all
things, takes from the Bible instantly into his conscience
every exhortation to Do and to Govern ; and becomes, with
all his might and understanding, a blunt and rough servant,
[knecht, or knight of God, liable to much misapprehension,
of course, as to the services immediately required of him,
^ [To Lucian's dialogue Timon (from which, indirectly, much of the material for
the play attributed to Shakespeare is derived), Ruskin makes passing reference in
Vol. XIX. p. 119 n. For references to Moliere's Misanthrope, see Vol. V. p. 375
and n., and Vol. XXVIII. p. 62 (Marmontel's continuation of the story).]
470 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
but supposing, since the whole make of him, outside and
in, is a soldier s, that God meant him for a soldier, and
that he is to establish, by main force, the Christian faith j|
and works all over the world so far as he comprehends
them; not merely with the Mahometan indignation against
spiritual error, but with a sound and honest soul's dislike |
of material error, and resolution to extinguish that, even if
perchance found in the spiritual persons to whom, in their
office, he yet rendered total reverence.
76. Which force and faith in him I may best illustrate
by merely putting together the broken paragraphs of Sis-
mondi's account^ of the founding of the Norman King-
dom of Sicily: virtually contemporary with the conquest of
England : —
^'The Normans surpassed all the races of the west in their ardour for
pilgrimages. They would not, to go into the Holy Land, submit to the
monotony * of a long sea voyage — the rather that they found not on the
Mediterranean the storms or dangers they had rejoiced to encounter on
their own sea. They traversed by land the whole of France and Italy,
trusting to their swords to procure the necessary subsistence,! if the
charity of the faithful did not enough provide for it with alms. The
towns of Naples, Amalfi, Gaeta, and Bari, held constant commerce with
Syria ; and frequent miracles, it was believed, illustrated the Monte
Cassino, (St. Benedict again !) on the road of Naples, and the Mount of
Angels (Garganus) above Bari." (Querceta Gargani — verily, laborant;^
nojv, et orant.) "The pilgrims wished to visit during their journey the
monasteries built on these two mountains, and therefore nearly always,
either going or returning to the Holy Land, passed through Magna Graecia.
" In one of the earliest years of the eleventh century, about forty of
these religious travellers, having returned from the Holy Land, chanced to
have met together in Salerno at the moment when a small Saracen fleet
came to insult the town, and demand of it a military contribution. The
inhabitants of South Italy, at this time, abandoned to the delights of
their enchanted climate, had lost nearly all military courage. The Salerni-
tani saw with astonishment forty Norman knights, after having demanded
horses and arms from the Prince of Salerno, order the gates of the town
* I give Sismondi's idea as it stands, but there was no question in
the matter of monotony or of danger. The journey was made on foot
because it was the most laborious way, and the most humble.
t See farther on, § 80, the analogies with English arrangements of the
same kind [pp. 472-473].
1 [Ch. iv. ; vol. i. pp. 253-255, in the French ed., 1826.]
2 [Horace, Odes, ii. 9, 7.]
III. THE PLEASURES OF DEED
! to be opened, charge the Saracens fearlessly, and put them to flight.
The Salernitani followed, however, the example given them by these brave
warriors, and those of the Mussulmans who escaped their swords were
i forced to re-embark in all haste."
77. The Prince of Salerno, Guaimar III., tried in vain to
keep the warrior-pilgrims at his court : but at his solicita-
I tion other companies established themselves on the rocks of
I Salerno and Amalfi, until, on Christmas Day, 1041,^ (exactly
1 a quarter of a century before the coronation here at West-
I minster of the Conqueror,) they gathered their scattered
forces at Aversa,^ twelve groups of them under twelve
chosen counts, and all under the Lombard Ardoin, as
commander-in-chief. ^
Be so good as to note that, — a marvellous key-note of
historical fact about the unjesting Lombards. I cannot
find the total Norman number : the chief contingent, under
William of the Iron Arm, the son of Tancred of Haute-
ville, was only of three hundred knights; the Count of
Aversa's troop, of the same number, is named as an im-
I portant part of the little army — admit it for ten times
Tancred's, three thousand men in all. At Aversa, these
three thousand men form, coolly on Christmas Day, 1041,
! the design of — well, I told you they didn't design much,
only, now we're here, we may as well, while we're about
i it, — overthrow the Greek empire ! That was their little
I game ! — a Christmas mumming to purpose. The following
year, the whole of Apulia was divided among them.
78. I will not spoil, by abstracting, the magnificent
following history of Robert Guiscard,^ the most wonderful
soldier of that or any other time : ^ I leave you to finish
it for yourselves, only asking you to read together with
it, the sketch, in Turner's history of the Anglo-Saxons,^
* In Lombardy, south of Pavia.
* [See below, p. 480.]
' [§ 77 down to this point is summarised from Sismondi, p. 261.]
3 [See Sismondi, ch. iv. ; vol. i. pp. 268-278.]
* [For other references to Guiscard in a like sense, see Vol. XXIV. pp. 270, 274.]
5 {History of England, Book iv. ch. xi. ; vol. i. pp. 577 seq.]
472 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
of Alfred's long previous war with the Norman Hasting ;
pointing out to you for foci of character in each contest,
the culminating incidents of naval battle. In Guiscard's j
struggle with the Greeks, he encounters for their chief
naval force the Venetian fleet under the Doge Domenico
Selvo.^ The Venetians are at this moment undoubted'
masters in all naval warfare ; the Normans are worsted
easily the first day, — the second day, fighting harder, they
are defeated again, and so disastrously that the Venetian
Doge takes no precautions against them on the third day,
thinking them utterly disabled. Guiscard attacks him again
on the third day, with the mere wreck of his own ships,
and defeats the tired and amazed Italians finally !
79. The sea-fight between Alfred's ships and those of
Hasting ought to be still more memorable to us. Alfred,
as I noticed in last lecture,^ had built war ships nearly
twice as long as the Normans', swifter, and steadier on
the waves. Six Norman ships were ravaging the Isle of
Wight ; Alfred sent nine of his own to take them. The
King's fleet found the Northmen's embayed, and three of
them aground. The three others engaged Alfreds nine,
twice their size ; two of the Viking ships were taken, but
the .third escaped, with only five men!^ A nation which
verily took its pleasures in its Deeds.
80. But before I can illustrate farther either their deeds
or their religion, I must for an instant meet the objection
which I suppose the extreme probity of the nineteenth
century must feel acutely against these men, — that they all
lived by thieving.
Without venturing to allude to the raison d'etre of the
present French and English Stock Exchanges, I will merely
ask any of you here, whether of Saxon or Norman blood,
to define for himself what he means by the "possession of
^ [Compare Vol. XXIV. p. 274 n. ; and see Romanin's Storia Documentata di
Venezia, vol. i. p. 323. In the lecture as delivered, Riiskin gave the name of the
doge wrongly as Pietro Orseolo (see below, p. 481 n.),]
2 [See above, p. 442.]
' [See Sharon Turner, vol. i. p. 596.]
f
III. THE PLEASURES OF DEED
I India." I have no doubt that you all wish to keep India
in order, and in like manner I have assured ^^ou that
Duke William wished to keep England in order. If you
will read the lecture on the life of Sir Herbert Edwardes,
which I hope to give in London after finishing this
course,*^ you will see how a Christian British officer can,
and does, verily, and with his whole heart, keep in order
such part of India as may be entrusted to him, and in
so doing, secure our Empire. But the silent feeling and
i practice of the nation about India is based on quite other
motives than Sir Herbert's. Every mutiny, every danger,
every terror, and every crime, occurring under, or paralyz-
ing, our Indian legislation, arises directly out of our national
desire to live on the loot of India, and the notion always
entertained by English young gentlemen and ladies of good
position, falling in love with each other without immediate
1 prospect of establishment in Belgrave Square, that they can
find in India, instantly on landing, a bungalow ready fur-
nished with the loveliest fans, china, and shawls, — ices and
sherbet at command, — four-and-twenty slaves succeeding each
other hourly to swing the punkah, and a regiment with a
beautiful band to " keep order " outside, all round the house.
81. Entreating your pardon for what may seem rude
in these personal remarks, I will further entreat you to
read my account of the death of Coeur de Lion in the
third number of Fors Clavigera^- — and also the scenes in
Ivanhoe between Coeur de Lion and Locksley; and com-
mending these few passages to your quiet consideration,
I proceed to give you another anecdote or two of the
Normans in Italy, twelve years later than those given
above, and, therefore, only thirteen years before the battle
of Hastings.
* This was prevented by the necessity for the re-arrangement of my
terminal Oxford lectures : I am now preparing that on Sir Herbert for
publication in a somewhat expanded form.^
1 [See Vol. XXVII. pp. 53-59 ; and chapters 82, 83, 40, and 41 of Ivanhoe.]
2 [See now Bibliotheca Pastorum, vol. iv. : A Knight's Faith (Vol. XXXII.).]
474 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
Their division of South Italy among them especially,
and their defeat of Venice, had alarmed everybody con-
siderably,— especially the Pope, Leo IX., who did not
understand this manifestation of their piety. He sent to
Henry III. of Germany, to whom he owed his Popedom,
for some German knights, and got five hundred spears;
gathered out of all Apulia, Campania, and the March
of Ancona, what Greek and Latin troops were to be had,
to join his own army of the patrimony of St. Peter; and
the holy Pontiff, with this numerous army, but no general,
began the campaign by a pilgrimage with all his troops to
Monte Cassino, in order to obtain, if it might be, St.
Benedict for general.^
82. Against the Pope's collected masses, with St. Bene-
dict, their contemplative but at first inactive general, stood
the little army of Normans, — certainly not more than the
third of their number — but with Robert Guiscard for cap-
tain, and under him his brother, Humphrey of Hauteville,
and Richard of Aversa. Not in fear, but in devotion, they
prayed the Pope " avec instance," " — to say on what condi-
tions they could appease his anger, and live in peace under
him. But the Pope would hear of nothing but their
evacuation of Italy. Whereupon, they had to settle the
question in the Norman manner.
The two armies met in front of Civitella, on Waterloo
day, 18th June, thirteen years, as I said, before the battle
of Hastings. The German knights were the heart of the
Pope's army, but they were only five hundred ; the Normans
surrounded them first, and slew them, nearly to a man —
and then made extremely short work with the Italians and
Greeks. The Pope, with the wreck of them, fled into
Civitella ; but the townspeople dared not defend their walls,
and thrust the Pope himself out of their gates — to meet,
alone, the Norman army.
^ [See Sismondi, pp. 264-265 : " pour obtenir la benediction du ciel sur ces
armes," as quoted above.]
2 [Sismondi, p. 266.]
III. THE PLEASURES OF DEED 475
He met it, not alone, St. Benedict being with him now,
when he had no longer the strength of man to trust in.
The Normans, as they approached him, threw them-
selves on their knees, — covered themselves with dust, and
implored his pardon and his blessing.^
83. There's a bit of poetry — if you like,— but a piece
of steel-clad fact also, compared to which the battles of
[Hastings and Waterloo, both, were mere boys' squabbles.
I You don't suppose, you British schoolboys, that you
i overthrew Napoleon — you? Your Prime Minister folded up
the map of Europe at the thought of him.^ Not you, but
I the snows of Heaven, and the hand of Him who dasheth
I in pieces with a rod of iron. He casteth forth His ice
like morsels, — who can stand before His cold?^
But, so far as you have indeed the right to trust in
the courage of your own hearts, remember also — it is not
jin Norman nor Saxon, but in Celtic race that your real
j strength lies. The battles both of Waterloo and Alma were
won by Irish and Scots — by the terrible Scots Greys, and by
Sir Colin's Highlanders. Your "thin red line" was kept
steady at Alma only by Colonel Yea's swearing at them/
84. But the old Pope, alone against a Norman army,
wanted nobody to swear at him. Steady enough he, having
somebody to bless him, instead of swear at him. St. Bene-
dict, namely ; whose (memory shall we say ?) helped him
j now at his pinch in a singular manner, — for the Normans,
I having got the old man's forgiveness, vowed themselves his
feudal servants ; and for seven centuries afterwards the
whole kingdom of Naples remained a fief of St. Peter,^ —
won for him thus by a single man, unarmed, against three
I thousand Norman knights, captained by Robert Guiscard !
1 [Sismondi, p. 267.]
3 ["Roll up that map," he said; "it will not be wanted these ten years."—
Pitt, after Austerlitz (see Lord Rosebery's Pitt, p. 256). See also Kinglake's Eothen,
p. 123 (ed. 1845).]
» [Psalms ii. 9 ; cxlvii. 17.]
* [See Fors Clavigera, Letter 20 (Vol. XXVII. pp. 339, 340 n.) ; and compare
A Knight's Faith, ch. xii. (Vol. XXXI. p. 478).]
[See Sismondi, p. 267.]
476 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
A day of deeds, gentlemen, to some purpose,-— ^^ia^ 18th
of June, anyhow.
85. Here, in the historical account of Norman character,
I must unwilUngly stop for to-day — because, as you choose
to spend your University money in building ball-rooms^
instead of lecture-rooms, I dare not keep you much longer
in this black hole, with its nineteenth century ventilation.
I try your patience — and tax your breath — only for a few
minutes more in drawing the necessary corollaries respecting
Norman art.*^'
How far the existing British nation owes its military
prowess to the blood of Normandy and Anjou, I have
never examined its genealogy enough to tell you ; — but
this I can tell you positively, that whatever constitutional
order or personal valour the Normans enforced or taught
among the nations they conquered, they did not at first
attempt with their own hands to rival them in any of
their finer arts, but used both Greek and Saxon sculptors,
either as slaves, or hired workmen, and more or less there-
fore chilled and degraded the hearts of the men thus set to
servile, or at best, hireling, labour.
86. In 1874, I went to see Etna, Scylla, Charybdis,
and the tombs of the Norman Kings at Palermo;^ surprised,
as you may imagine, to find that there wasn't a stroke nor
a notion of Norman work in them. They are, every atom,
done by Greeks, and are as pure Greek as the temple of
^gina ; but more rich and refined. I drew with accurate
care, and with measured profile of every moulding, the
* Given at much greater length in the lecture, with diagrams from
Iffley and Poitiers,^ without which the text of them would be unintel-
ligible. The sum of what I said was a strong assertion of the incapacity
of the Normans for any but the rudest and most grotesque sculpture, —
Poitiers being, on the contrary, examined and praised as Gallic-French —
not Norman.
^ [So Ruskin describes the New Examination Schools ; compare above, p. 363.]
^ See the Introduction to Vol. XXIII. ; pp. xxxi. seq.]
^ [A photograph of Iffley, used by Ruskin at the lecture, remains in his Drawing
School (Vol. XXI. p. 308). Of Poitiers, there are numerous studies at Sheffield
(Vol. XXXI. pp. 220, 221).]
III. THE PLEASURES OF DEED 477
I tomb built for Roger II. (afterwards Frederick II. was laid
I in its dark porphyry).^ And it is a perfect type of the
Greek-Christian form of tomb — temple over sarcophagus, in
which the pediments rise gradually, as time goes on, into
acute angles— get pierced in the gable with foils, and their
sculptures thrown outside on their flanks, and become at
last in the fourteenth century, the tombs of Verona. But
I what is the meaning of the Normans employing these
I Greek slaves for their work in Sicily (within thirty miles
i of the field of Himera) ? Well, the main meaning is that
though the Normans could build, they couldn't carve, and
were wise enough not to try to, when they couldn't, as
you do now all over this intensely comic and tragic town ;
but, here in England, they only employed the Saxon with
a grudge, and therefore being more and more driven to
I use barren mouldings without sculpture, gradually developed
j the structural forms of archivolt, which breaking into the
I lancet, brighten and balance themselves into the symmetry
j of Early EngHsh Gothic.
I 87. But even for the first decoration of the archivolt
I itself, they were probably indebted to the Greeks in a
I degree I never apprehended, until by pure happy chance,
I a friend gave me the clue to it just as I was writing the
last pages of this lecture.
In the generalization of ornament attempted in the first
volume of The Stones of Venice,^ I supposed the Norman
zigzag (and with some practical truth) to be derived from
the angular notches with which the blow of an axe can
I most easily decorate, or at least vary, the solid edge of a
I square fillet. My good friend, and supporter, and for some
[ time back the single trustee of St. George's Guild, Mr.
George Baker, having come to Oxford on Guild business,
I happened to show him the photographs of the front of
Iffley church, which had been collected for this lecture;
and immediately afterwards, in taking him through the
1 [For this drawing, see Plate XVI. in Vol. XXIII. (p. 190).]
» [Ch. xxiii. §§ 3, 7 (Vol. IX. pp. 318, 321).]
478 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
schools, stopped to show him the Athena of ^gina as
one of the most important of the Greek examples lately
obtained for us by Professor Richmond.^ The statue is
(rightly) so placed that in looking up to it, the plait of
hair across the forehead is seen in a steeply curved arch.
Why," says Mr. Baker, pointing to it, " there's the
Norman arch of Iffley." Sure enough, there it exactly
was : and a moment's reflection showed me how easily, and
with what instinctive fitness, the Norman builders, looking
to the Greeks as their absolute masters in sculpture, and
recognizing also, during the Crusades, the hieroglyphic use
of the zigzag, for water, by the Egyptians, might have
adopted this easily attained decoration at once as the sign
of the element over which they reigned, and of the power
of the Greek Goddess who ruled both it and them.^
88. I do not in the least press your acceptance of such
a tradition, nor for the rest, do I care myself whence any
method of ornament is derived, if only, as a stranger, you
bid it reverent welcome. But much probability is added
to the conjecture by the indisputable transition of the
Greek egg and arrow moulding into the floral cornices
of Saxon and other twelfth-century cathedrals in Central
^ [One of several casts from the aiitiijiie in tlie University Galleries.]
^ [See the Queen of the Air, passiin (Vol. XIX.). The following is the report
(in the Pa/l Mall Gazette) of the foregoing passage as "given at much greater
length in the lecture " : —
"... there's the chopped Norman arch. The chopped Norman arch and
the fringe in which you young ladies delight come alike from the fore-
head of Athena. Nor was this all, for on the edge of her cestus Mr.
Ruskin found the foliation which he showed in a photograph of Poitiers,
just as from her peplus comes the drapery of llheims. Mr. Ruskin
gave another interesting instance of the dependence of the Normans on
the art of Greece. A few years ago he went to Sicily to see the tombs of
Roger and of Frederick, and to look at the Norman art he would surely
find there. But not a stroke of the chisel turned out to belong to the
Normans. Their own masons could not carve, and the tombs of the
Norman kings are the work of Greek slaves. What the Greeks carved
was a lion with the Gorgon's head — again with the chopped Norman arch
in the fringe ; and what the Normans themselves made of the Gorgon may
be seen on Iffley Church. Mr. Ruskin here showed an enlarged drawing
of a grotesque head — the Gorgon, with long ears, and the face elongated
by the Norman helmet — the whole elfect bearing a striking resemblance
to Mephistopheles, of which gentleman Mr. Ruskin promised to say more
in later lectures."]
III. THE PLEASURES OF DEED 479
^'rance. These and other such transitions and exaltations
will give you the materials to study at your leisure, after
[lustrating in my next lecture the forces of religious imagi-
lation by which all that was most beautiful in them was
aspired.^
1 [The following is the report (in the Pall Mall Gazette) of the end of this
3Cture as delivered : —
" Mr. Raskin's peroration had not got itself written on Saturday after-
noon, hut the scornful moral with which his lectures are wont to conclude
was pointed very eifectively by some pictures instead. The first illustration
was the lucky outcome of his dinner with Professor Westwood, who had
shown him the Bible of Charles the Bald, the tutor of Alfred. ITie
illuminated frontispiece which Mr. Ruskin showed is the figure of a true
lion, inscribed beneath with words which run, being interpreted, ' This
lion rises, and by his rising breaks the gates of hell. This lion never
sleeps, nor shall sleep for evermore.' Such was the lion as our Saxon
Alfred knew it. For Richard Coeur de Lion Mr. Ruskin had referred his
audience to Fors Clavigera and the later chapters of Ivanhoe. ' Men
called him Lion-heart," not untruly ; and the English as a people have
prided themselves somewhat ever since on having every man of them the
heart of a lion. Many lion-hearted Englishmen there have been, and are
indeed still to this day ; but for the especial peculiar typical product of
the nineteenth century see this page of Punch.' Mr. Ruskin here dis-
played in a frame the inside fold of Punch for August 16th, 1884, con-
taining on the left-hand page a drawing, by Mr. Du Maurier, of the
different effects of a good dinner on two fat old gentlemen, and on the
right a cartoon of Mr. Bright, as 'The Old Lion Aroused.* Mr. Ruskin
had inserted a connecting mark between the two pictures, and christened
the whole ^ The New Lion Stuffed.'"
•'or another reference to Tenniel's cartoon of Mr. Bright, see below, p. 536.]
I
THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
POSTSCRIPT TO LECTURE III^
THE FIVE CHRISTMAS DAYS
496. Clovis baptized by St. Remy.
800. Charlemagne crowned Emperor of the West at Rome, by the Pope.
1041. The Vow of Aversa.
1066. The Conqueror crowned at Westminster, by the Bishops of York and
Coutances.
1130. Roger 11.^ crowned King of Sicily at Palermo, by the four Arch-
bishops of Palermo, Salerno, Capua, and Beneventum.
1250 (December). Frederick II. dies broken-hearted at Castel-Fiorentino.^
1 [Printed from a proof, thus headed, among the MS. of Pleasures of England.
The dates^ etc., were given, in a shorter form, as a note at the end of the book
in earlier editions (see above, p. 415). In the lecture-room, they were exhibited
on a diagram, shown at the beginning of Lecture IV. (see note on next page).
For references in the Lectures to the baptism of Clovis, see § 23 (p. 433 ; com-
paring p. 39) ; and to the "Vow of the Count of Aversa," § 77 (p. 471).]
^ [See lluskin's drawing, shown at the lecture, of the Tombs in the Cathedral of
Palermo: Plate XVI. in Vol. XXIII. (p. 190).]
3 [See Val d'Amo, §§ 2, 92, 109 (Vol. XXIII. pp. 11— where Ferentiuo is a
slip for Castcl Fioreutino — 56, 66).]
LECTURE IV
THE PLEASURES OF FANCY
CCEUR DE LION TO ELIZABETH
(Delivered 8th and 10th November I884i)
i9. In using the word ''Fancy," for the mental faculties
>f which I am to speak to-day, I trust you, at your leisure,
0 read the Introductory Note to the second volume of
1 [At the beginning of this lecture as delivered, Ruskin began (says the report
1 the Pall Mall Gazette) by filling up some gaps in the preceding one :
"The first gap was an enumeration of the 'Five Christmas Days'
which, as it happens, sum up the history of five centuries. These dates
were written down on a diagram which hung conspicuously on the wall
behind the lecturer (see above, p. 480). 'These Christmas Days will be
referred to in later lectures/ said Mr. Ruskin, 'in connection with the
way in which you keep Christmas Days now.'
"The filling up of another gap was also a correction. 'In the last
lecture I gave you incidentally' [and not in the lecture as printed], said
Mr. Ruskin, ' what was, in my opinion, extremely good advice — namely,
never to make a shot at anything, neither at a word — no, nor at a bird.
1 was the better qualified to give that sage advice because I was at the
moment making a shot myself at the name of the Venetian Doge who was
defeated by Robert Guiscard (§ 78). I thought at the time it was Pietro
Orseolo, but I now remember that it was Domenico Selvo' [so corrected
in the lecture as publisiied]. Taking this slip apparently as an accident
sent by ' Fors/ Mr. Ruskin proceeded to say some more about this great
Doge, reading from the chapter entitled ' Divine Right,' in St. Mark's Rest
— 'a chapter which was always meant,' he said, 'for a lecture, since much
of its meaning depended on accent. It describes how the people of Venice
went in armed boats to the Lido and prayed that " God would grant to
them such a king as should be worthy to reign over them"; and how
suddenly, as they prayed, there rose up with one accord among the
multitude the cry, "Domenico Selvo, we will, and we approve." Carlyle
has given you a description of a grand election in that of the Abbot
Samson, but this is a grander still.' The chapter goes on to describe the
Doge's Greek wife, whose reign 'first gave the glories of Venetian art, in
true inheritance from the angels, of that Athenian Rock above which Ion
spread his starry tapestry, and under whose shadow his mother had
gathered the crocus in the dew.'
"The mention of 'Ion' led Mr. Ruskin into a little digression about
the violet, for Euripides' violet was the viola odorata of pure blue, the
fleur-de-lis of Byzantine ornament. 'Gathering it at its home at Palermo
long ago,' said Mr. Ruskin, 'I matched it against the "violet sea," and
XXXIII. 481 2 H
482 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
Modern Painters in the small new edition,^ which give
sufficient reason for practically including under the singL
term Fancy, or Fantasy, all the energies of the Imagination
— in the terms of the last sentence of that preface, — "th«
healthy, voluntary, and necessary,"^ action of the highes;
powers of the human mind, on subjects properly demanding
and justifying their exertion."
90. I must farther ask you to read, in the same volume
the close of the chapter "Of Imagination Penetrative, j
§§ 29-33, of which the gist, which I must give as the firs
principle from which we start in our to-day's inquiry, i
that Imagination, rightly so called, has no food, no delight
no care, no perception, except of truth ; it is for ever look
ing under masks, and burning up mists ; no fairness of foriri
no majesty of seeming, will satisfy it ; the first condition o
its existence is incapability of being deceived."^ In tha
sentence, which is a part, and a very valuable part, of th<
original book, I still adopted and used unnecessarily tht
ordinary distinction between Fancy and Imagination — Fane;
concerned with lighter things, creating fairies or centaurs
and Imagination creating men ; and I was in the habi
* Meaning that all healthy minds possess imagination, and use it a|
will, under fixed laws of truthful perception and memory.
could not tell which was which. Here are my drawings of the sea an
of the flower. I have ^iven you in the Turner gallery, here in Oxforc
his rendering of the Mediterranean Sea — more skilful in its effect of haz
than mine, hut mine, I think, a little more true in colour ; at any rat
I put all the colour in my box on it. It is a picture of what spring gras
is like — in Sicily you cainiot say whether it is frreen or blue, pure whit
in Florence and in France, and gold here on Isis' l)anks, till your hoi
rible races came and embanked the stream, and the noisy crowds of yo
trampled the flowers.' "
The chapter referred to in St. Marias Rest is ch. vii. : see Vol. XXIV. pp. 270 m
For Carlyle's description of the election of the Abbot Samson, see Book ii. ch. vii
•of Fafit and Present. For Ruskin's study of the violet in Sicily in 1874, se
Vol. XXIII. pp. xxxii.-xxxiii. (comparing Vol. XIX. p. 875, and Vol. XX]
p. 112). His drawings, shown at the lecture, cannot be certainly identified. Th
drawing by Turner (''Coast of Genoa") is among those which Ruskin presente
to the University Galleries in 1861 ; see Vol. XIII. p. 559.] 1
^ [That is, the note prefixed to the second volume of the separate edition (|
Modern Painters, vol. ii., issued in 1883. See now Vol. IV. pp. 219-222.]
2 [Sec. ii. ch. iii. See now Vol. IV. p. 285.]
1
IV. THE PLEASURES OF FANCY
Iways of implying by the meaner word Fancy, a voluntary
fallacy, as Wordsworth does in those lines to his wife,^
liaking of her a mere lay figure for the drapery of his
mcy—
" Such if thou wert, in all men's view
An universal show,
What would my Fancy have to do.
My feelings to bestow ? "
5ut you will at once understand the higher and more
niversal power which I now wish you to understand by
hie Fancy, including all imaginative energy, correcting these
nes of Wordsworth's to a more worthy description of a
rue lover's happiness. When a boy falls in love with a
irl, you say he has taken a fancy for her ; but if he love
er rightly, that is to say for her noble qualities, you ought
3 say he has taken an imagination for her; for then he is
ndued with the new light of love which sees and tells of
le mind in her, — and this neither falsely nor vainly. His
)ve does not bestow, it discovers, what is indeed most
recious in his mistress, and most needful for his own life
fid happiness. Day by day, as he loves her better, he
iscerns her more truly ; and it is only the truth of his love
lat does so. Falsehood to her, would at once disenchant
ad blind him.
91. In my first lecture of this year,^ I pointed out to
ou with what extreme simplicity and reality the Christian
lith must have presented itself to the Northern Pagan's
lind, in its distinction from his former confused and
lonstrous mythology. It was also in that simplicity and
mgible reality of conception, that this Faith became to
lem, and to the other savage nations of Europe, Tutress
P the real power of their imagination ; and it became so,
1 [The second stanza in the lines (as originallv published) On Mrs. Words-
ai-th/' beginning, "Let other bards of angels sing." The stanza appeared m all
litions between 1827 and 1843; but was afterwards omitted by the poet. It may
ive been of these lines that Ruskin was tliinking in his note of 1883 to Modern
linters, vol. ii. (see Vol. IV. p. 166
2 [See above, § 12 (p. 427).]
484 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
only in so far as it indeed conveyed to them statements]
which, however in some respects mysterious, were yet most
literally and brightly time, as compared with their formeri ;
conceptions. So that while the blind cunning of the savage '
had produced only mis-shapen logs or scrawls, the seeing i
imagination of the Christian painters created, for them and
for all the world, the perfect types of the Virgin and ol
her Son ; which became, indeed. Divine, by being, with the i
most affectionate truths human. i
92. And the association of this truth in loving concepn n
tion, with the general honesty and truth of the character^ 1
is again conclusively shown in the feelings of the lover to i
his mistress ; which we recognize as first reaching their; \
height in the days of chivalry. The truth and faith of thei i
lover, and his piety to Heaven, are the foundation, in hisj ii
character, of all the joy in imagination which he can receive! il
from the conception of his lady's — now no more mortal — i ^
beauty. She is indeed transfigured before him ; but thej i
truth of the transfiguration is greater than that of thej c
lightless aspect she bears to others. When therefore, im I
my next lecture, I speak of the Pleasures of Truth, as dis- i
tinct from those of the Imagination, — if either the limits i
or clearness of brief title had permitted me, I should hav0 1
said, untransjigured truth ; — meaning on the one side, truth!
which we have not heart enough to transfigure, and on the
other, truth of the lower kind which is incapable of trans-
figuration. One may look at a girl till one believes she is
an angel ; because, in the best of her, she is one ; but one
can't look at a cockchafer till one believes it is a girl. j :
93. With this warning of the connection which exists
between the honest intellect and the healthy imagination;
and using henceforward the shorter word "Fancy" for all
inventive vision, I proceed to consider with you the mean-
ing and consequences of the frank and eager exertion of
the fancy on Religious subjects, between the twelfth and
sixteenth centuries.
Its first, and admittedly most questionable action, the
IV. THE PLEASURES OF FANCY 485
)romotion of the group of martyr saints of the third century
o thrones of uncontested dominion in heaven, had better
)e distinctly understood, before we debate of it, either with
he Iconoclast or the Rationalist. This apotheosis by the
magination is the subject of my present lecture. To-day
only describe it, — in my next lecture I will discuss it.
94. Observe, however, that in giving such a history of
he mental constitution of nascent Christianity, we have to
leal with, and carefully to distinguish, two entirely different
>rders in its accepted hierarchy:^ — one, scarcely founded at
ill on personal characters or acts, but mythic or symbolic ;
)ften merely the revival, the baptized resuscitation of a
^a.gsn deity, or the personified omnipresence of a Christian
drtue ; — the other, a senate of Patres Conscripti of real
)ersons, great in genius, and perfect, humanly speaking, in
loliness; who by their personal force and inspired wisdom,
vrought the plastic body of the Church into such noble
brm as in each of their epochs it was able to receive ; and
m the right understanding of whose lives, nor less of the
tffectionate traditions which magnified and illumined their
nemories, must absolutely depend the value of every esti-
nate we form, whether of the nature of the Christian
IJhurch herself, or of the directness of spiritual agency by
vhich she was guided."^
An important distinction, therefore, is to be noted at
he outset, in the objects of this Apotheosis, according as
:hey are, or are not, real persons.
95. Of these two great orders of Saints, the first,
l)r mythic, belongs — speaking broadly — to the southern or
Sreek Church alone.
The Gothic Christians, once detached from the worship.
* If the reader believes in no spiritual agency, still his understanding
)f the first letters in the Alphabet of History depends on his compre-
lending rightly the tempers of the people who did.
1 [Compare Ruskin's notes on '^The Story of Lucia" in Roadside Songs of
Tmcany, Vol. XXXII. p. 61.]
486 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
of Odin and Thor, abjure from their hearts all trust in the
elements, and all worship of ideas. They will have their
Saints in flesh and blood, their Angels in plume and armour;
and nothing incorporeal or invisible. In all the Religious
sculpture beside Loire and Seine, you will not find either
of the great rivers personified; the dress of the highest
seraph is of true steel or sound broadcloth, neither flecked
by hail, nor fringed by thunder ; and while the ideal Charity
of Giotto at Padua presents her heart in her hand to God,
and tramples at the same instant on bags of gold, the
treasures of the world, and gives only corn and flowers,^
that on the west porch of Amiens is content to clothe a
beggar with a piece of the staple manufacture of the town.^
On the contrary, it is nearly impossible to find in the
imagery of the Greek Church, under the former exercise
of the Imagination, a representation either of man or beast
which purports to represent only the person, or the brute.
Every mortal creature stands for an Immortal Intelligence
or Influence : a Lamb means an Apostle, a Lion an Evan-
gelist, an Angel the Eternal justice or benevolence; and
the most historical and indubitable of Saints are compelled
to set forth, in their vulgarly apparent persons, a Platonic
myth or an Athanasian article.
96. I therefore take note first of the mythic saints in
succession, whom this treatment of them by the Byzan-
tine Church made afterwards the favourite idols of all
Christendom.
(I.) The most mythic is of course St. Sophia; the shade
of the Greek Athena, passing into the " Wisdom " of the
Jewish Proverbs and Psalms, and the Apocryphal " Wisdom
of Solomon." She always remains understood as a personi-
fication only ; and has no direct influence on the mind of
the unlearned multitude of Western Christendom, except
as a godmother, — in which kindly function she is more
1 rSee Plate ill. and p. 130 in Vol. XXVll.]
2 [See above, p. 155 (9 a).]
IV. THE PLEASURES OF FANCY 487
and more accepted as times go on; her healthy influence
being perhaps greater over sweet vicars' daughters in Wake-
field— when Wakefield was, — than over the prudentest of
the rarely prudent Empresses of Byzantium.^
(II.) Of St. Catharine of Egypt there are vestiges of
personal tradition which may perhaps permit the supposition
jof her having really once existed, as a very lovely, witty,
jproud, and fanciful" girl. She afterwards becomes the
IChristian type of the Bride, in the "Song of Solomon,"^
involved with an ideal of all that is purest in the life of a
nun, and brightest in the death of a martyr. It is scarcely
possible to overrate the influence of the conceptions formed
of her, in ennobling the sentiments of Christian women of
the higher orders ; — to their practical common sense, as the
mistresses of a household or a nation, her example may
have been less conducive.^
97. (III.) St. Barbara, also an Egyptian, and St. Catha-
rine's contemporary, though the most practical of the
mythic saints, is also, after St. Sophia, the least corporeal:
she vanishes far away into the " Inclusa Danae," * and her
"Turris aenea" becomes a myth of Christian safety, of
which the Scriptural significance may be enough felt by
merely looking out the texts under the word "Tower," in
your concordance; and whose effectual power, in the for-
I titudes alike of matter and spirit, was in all probability
I made impressive enough to all Christendom, both by the
j fortifications and persecutions of Diocletian. I have en-
I deavoured to mark her general relations to St. Sophia in
I the little imaginary dialogue between them, given in the
eighth lecture of The Ethics of the Dust}
^ [For other reference to St. Sophia, "to whom the first great Christian temple
was dedicated," at Constantinople, see Mornings in Florence, § 91 (Vol. XXIII.
p. 385) ; for The Vicar of Wakefield, Vol. XXIX. p. 588 ; for Wakefield, pnst and
present, Fors Glavigera, Letters 55 and 57 (Vol. XXVIII. pp. 380, 409).]
^ [Compare ahove, p. 303 n.] *
3 [For other references to St. Catharine of Alexandria, see Fors Clavigera,
Letters 12 and 26 (Vol. XXVIL pp. 206, 482).]
* [Horace, Odes, iii. 16, 1: "Inclusam Danaiin turris aenea."]
^ [See Vol. XVIII. p. 316, where St. Sophia is identified with Neith, as ex-
plained earlier in the book (p, 231).]
488 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
Afterwards, as Gothic architecture becomes dominant,
and at last beyond question the most wonderful of all
temple-building, St. Barbara's Tower is, of course, its per-
fected symbol and utmost achievement,^ and whether in
the coronets of countless battlements worn on the brows
of the noblest cities, or in the Lombard bell-tower on the
mountains, and the English spire on Sarum plain, the geo-
metric majesty of the Egyptian maid became glorious in
harmony of defence, and sacred with precision of symbol.
As the buildings which showed her utmost skill were
chiefly exposed to lightning, she is invoked in defence from
it ; and our petition in the Litany, against sudden death,
was written originally to her.^ The blasphemous corruptions
of her into a patroness of cannon and gunpowder, are
among the most ludicrous, (because precisely contrary to
the original tradition,) as well as the most deadly, insolences
and stupidities of Renaissance Art.
98. (IV.) St. Margaret of Antioch was a shepherdess;
the St. Genevieve of the East ; the type of feminine
gentleness and simplicity. Traditions of the resurrection of
Alcestis perhaps mingle in those of her contest with the
dragon ; but at all events, she differs from the other three
great mythic saints, in expressing the soul's victory over
temptation or affliction, by Christ's miraculous help, and
without any special power of its own. She is the saint of
the meek and of the poor ; her virtue and her victory are
those of all gracious and lowly womanhood ; and her memory
is consecrated among the gentle households of Europe; no
other name, except those of Jeanne and Jeanie, seems so
gifted with a baptismal fairy powder of giving grace and
peace.
I must be forgiven for thinking, even on this canoni-
cal ground, not only of Jeanie Deans, and Margaret of
- [Compare Ethics of the Dust, Vol. XVIII. pp. 316, 366.]
2 ["St. Barbara^ as protectress ajj^ainst thunder and lightning, firearms and gun-
powder, is also invoked against sudden death ; for it was believed that those who
devoted themselves to her should not die impenitent, nor without having first received
the holy sacrament" (Mrs. Jameson's Sacred and Legendary Art, 2nd ed. p. 293).]
i ttftt 0 foil lotntrio otanta
timer cot pttsmeuminttiaai
1
latum- ur nocDn litn Danu
duams acmbnants taunt
,T<=T aqan * Oiinimiag, hdin''
MINIATURE OF ST CECILIA.
From an Antiphonaire of 1290 which belonged to the Abbesse of Beau Pre
Size of oii^iiiiii ig in. x 13 in.
IV. THE PLEASURES OF FANCY 489
Branksome; but of Meg — Merrilies.^ My readers will, I
fear, choose rather to think of the more doubtful victory
over the Dragon, v^on by the great Margaret of German
literature.^
99. (V.) With much more clearness and historic comfort
we may approach the shrine of St. CeciHa; and even on
the most prosaic and realistic minds — such as my own — a
visit to her house in Rome^ has a comforting and estab-
lishing effect, which reminds one of the carter in Harry
and Lucy, who is convinced of the truth of a plaustral
catastrophe at first incredible to him, as soon as he hears
the name of the hill on which it happened.^ The ruling
conception of her is deepened gradually by the enlarged
study of Religious music ; and is at its best and highest in
the thirteenth century, when she rather resists than com-
plies with the already tempting and distracting powers of
sound; and we are told that cantantibus organis, Cecilia
virgo in corde suo soli Domino decantabat, dicens, *Fiat,
Domine, cor meum et corpus meum immaculatum, ut non
confundar.' "
(*' While the instruments played, CeciHa the virgin sang
in her heart only to the Lord, saying. Oh Lord, be my
heart and body made stainless, that I be not confounded.")
This sentence occurs in my great Service-book of the
convent of Beau-pre, written in 1290, and it is illustrated
with a miniature of Cecilia sitting silent at a banquet,
where all manner of musicians are playing.^ I need not
^ [For other references to Jeaiiie Deans, see Vol. XXVII. p. 564 n., and
, below, p. 506; for Margaret of Branksome, see Lay of the Last Minstrel; and for
Meg Merrilies, Vol, XXII. p. 444 w.]
^ [For another reference to Faust and Margaret, see above, p. 63.]
3 The Church of St. CeciHa, built on the site of her house.]
* [See Harry and Lucy Concluded, 1825, vol. ii. p. 128: "Some gunpowder had
I been shaken oiit of a barrel in the waggon, and had taken fire, as it is supposed,
from a spark struck from a flint in the road. The waggoner scarcely credited the
story, till he heard the name of the hill down which the waggon had been going,
and "then, as Harry observed, without any further question, he believed it to be true."]
5 [Plate XL., opposite. The report (in the Pall Mall Gazette) adds: "1 have
selfishly kept it in my own house, but it shall go to your schools now." Ruskin
did not, however, pres'ent the book to Oxford ; but one jjage of it is in the Ruskin
Drawing School at Oxford (see Vol. XXI. p. 16). For other references to the
book, see the passages there noted, and Vol. XXIV. p. 83 7i.]
490 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
point out to you how the law, not of sacred music only,
so called, but of all music, is determined by this sentence;
which means in effect that unless music exalt and purify,
it is not under St. Cecilia's ordinance, and it is not,
virtually, music at all.
Her confessed power at last expires amidst a hubbub
of odes and sonatas ; and I suppose her presence at a
Monday Popular^ is as little anticipated as desired. Uncon-
fessed, she is of all the mythic saints for ever the greatest;
and the child in its nurse's arms, and every tender and
gentle spirit which resolves to purify in itself, — as the eye
for seeing, so the ear for hearing, — may still, whether behind
the Temple veil,'^ or at the fireside, and by the wayside,
hear Cecilia sing.
100. It would delay me too long just now to trace in
specialty farther the functions of the mythic, or, as in an-
other sense they may be truly called, the universal. Saints:
* " But, standing in the lowest place,
And mingled with tlie work-day crowd,
A poor man looks, with lifted face.
And hears the Angels cry aloud.
He seeks not how each instant flies,
One moment is Eternity ;
His spirit with the Angels cries
To Thee, to Thee, continually.
What if, Isaiah-like, he know
His heart be weak, his lips unclean,
His nature vile, his office low.
His dwelling and his people mean ?
To such the Angels spake of old —
To such of yore, the glory came ;
These altar fires can ne'er grow cold :
Then be it his, that cleansing flame."
These verses, part of a very lovely poem, ''To Thee all Angels cry
aloud," in the Monthly Packet for September 1873, are only signed
1 [Hitherto printed " Morning Popular," but the report (in the Pall Mall Gazette)
gives "Monday Pop.," as these well-known concerts at !St. James's Hall were
called.]
IV. THE PLEASURES OF FANCY 491
the next greatest of them, St. Ursula, is essentially British,
— and you will find enough about her in Fors Clavigera ;^
the others, I will simply give you in entirely authoritative
order from the St. Louis' Psalter,' as he read and thought
of them.
The proper Service-book of the thirteenth century con-
sists first of the pure Psalter; then of certain essential pas-
sages of the Old Testament — invariably the Song of Miriam
at the Red Sea and the last song of Moses; — ordinarily
also the 12th of Isaiah and the prayer of Habakkuk ; while
St. Louis' Psalter has also the prayer of Hannah, and that
of Hezekiah (Isaiah xxxviii. 10-20) ; the Song of the Three
Children; the Benedictus, the Magnificat, and the Nunc
Dimittis. Then follows the Athanasian Creed ; and then,
as in all Psalters after their chosen Scripture passages, the
collects to the Virgin, the Te Deum, and Service to Christ,
beginning with the Psalm ** The Lord reigneth " ; and then
the collects to the greater individual saints, closing with
the Litany, or constant prayer for mercy to Christ, and
all saints ; of whom the order is, — Archangels, Patriarchs,
Apostles, Disciples, Innocents, Martyrs, Confessors, Monks,
and Virgins. Of women the Magdalen always leads ;^ St.
Mary of Egypt usually follows, but may be the last. Then
"Veritas/' The volume for that year (the l6th) is well worth getting,
for the sake of the admirable papers in it by Miss Sewell, on Questions
of the Day; by Miss A. C. Owen, on Christian Art;^ and the unsigned
Cameos from English History.
1 [See Letters 40, 71-77, 88, 91.]
2 [For the Psalter, so called by Ruskin, see Vol. XXL p. 15 w. A full (and
more exact) account of its contents is given in Mr. S. C. Cockerell's monograph
there referred to.]
3 ["Of the Magdalen," says the report of the lecture in the Pall Mall Gazette^
Ruskin "remarked that any woman, whatever her position, who sells herself for
money is a harlot, while the Magdalen is the type of those for whom the guilt of
others around them have 'taken away my Christ; I know not where they have
laid Him'" (see John xx. 13).]
^ [For these papers, when collected into a book, Ruskin wrote a Preface: see
Vol. XXXIV. Two series of the Cameos from English History had already been
published in book-form, as "By the author of 'The Heir of Redclyffe" (Miss
Yonge).]
492 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
the order varies in every place, and prayer-book, no recog-
nizable supremacy being traceable ; except in relation to
the place, or person, for whom the book was written. In
St. Louis', St. Genevieve (the last saint to whom he prayed
on his death-bed) follows the two Maries ; then come —
memorable for you best, as easiest, in this six-foil group, —
Saints Catharine, Margaret, and Scolastica, Agatha, Cecilia,
and Agnes ; and then ten more, whom you may learn or
not as you like : I note them now only for future reference,
— more lively and easy for your learning, — by their French
names,
Felicite,
Colombe,
Christine,
Auree, Honorine,
Radegonde,
Pnixede,
Euphemie,
Bathilde, Eugenie.
101. Such was the system of Theology into which the
Imaginative Religion of Europe was crystaUized, by the
growth of its own best faculties, and the influence of all
accessible and credible authorities, during the period between
the eleventh and fifteenth centuries inclusive. Its spiritual
power is completely represented by the angelic and apostolic
dynasties, and the women-saints in Paradise; for of the
men-saints, beneath the apostles and prophets, none but
St. Christopher, St. Nicholas, St. Anthony, St. James, and
St. George, attained anything like the influence of Catharine
or Cecilia ; for the very curious reason, that the men-saints
were much more true, real, and numerous. St. Martin was
reverenced all over Europe, but definitely, as a man, and
the Bishop of Tours. So St. Ambrose at Milan, and St.
Gregory at Rome, and hundreds of good men more, all
over the world ; while the really good women remained,
IV. THE PLEASURES OF FANCY
though not rare, inconspicuous. The virtues of French
Clotilde, and Swiss Berthe,^ were painfully borne down iij
the balance of visible judgment, by the guilt of the Gonerils,
Regans, and Lady Macbeths, whose spectral procession closes
only with the figure of Eleanor in Woodstock maze;' and
in dearth of nearer objects, the daily brighter powers of
fancy dwelt with more concentrated devotion on the stain-
less ideals of the earlier maid-martyrs. And observe, even
the loftier fame of the men-saints above named, as compared
with the rest, depends on precisely the same character of
indefinite personality; and on the representation, by each
of them, of a moral idea which may be embodied and
painted in a miraculous legend; credible, as history, even
then, only to the vulgar; but powerful over them, never-
theless, exactly in proportion to the degree in which it can
be pictured and fancied as a living creature. Consider
even yet in these days of mechanism, how the dullest John
Bull cannot with perfect complacency adore himself, except
under the figure of Britannia or the British Lion ; and
how the existence of the popular jest-book, which might
have seemed secure in its necessity to our weekly recrea-
tion, is yet virtually centred on the imaginary animation
of a puppet, and the imaginary elevation to reason of a
dog. But in the Middle Ages, this action of the Fancy,
now distorted and despised, was the happy and sacred
tutress of every faculty of the body and soul; and the
works and thoughts of art, the joys and toils of men, rose
and flowed on in the bright air of it, with the aspiration
of a flame, and the beneficence of a fountain.^
^ [For Clotilde, see Bible of Amiens, above, pp. 81-83. For "the Swiss Berths,"
see above, p. 324 ; and compare Prceterita, iii. §§ 38-40, and Vol. XXVII.
p. 186.]
[See Vol. XXVII. p. 53 n.]
3 [The following passage is from the MS. notes for this lecture :—
"Now, in examining the power of these imageries you must remember
first, that the subtleties of a close analytical inquiry into the varieties of
emotion concerned in it would— or might— take all the student's hours of
a lifetime. I could write another second volume of Modern Painters, and
a very interesting one, on the modes of contemplative imagination, merely
in explaining the differences between the modes of personification in the
494 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
102. And now, in the rest of my lecture, I had in-
tended to give you a broad summary of the rise and fall
of EngUsh art, born under this code of theology, and this
enthusiasm of duty; — of its rise, from the rude vaults of
Westminster, to the finished majesty of Wells ; ^ — and of
its fall, from that brief hour of the thirteenth century,
through the wars of the Bolingbroke, and the pride of
the Tudor, and the lust of the Stewart, to expire under
the mocking snarl and ruthless blow of the Puritan. But
you know that I have always, in my most serious work,
allowed myself to be influenced by those Chances, as they
Graces, the Seasons, the Months, and the Virtues, lint through all these
varieties of feeling and conception, fasten your own mind steadily on the
stern separation between Faith in a Person, and Delight in an Imagina-
tion. My pleasure, or yours, if you have enough fancy to receive it, in
seeing Fear dropping his sword as the birds rustle, or the montli of May
gathering her flowers, on the porcli of Amiens, is a totally different
one from that with which the Roman Senate sacriliced to its stiitue of
Victory, or Giotto painted the marriage of St. Francis to Pijverty ; and
these feelings are again separated, and by a still nider bar, from those
which dictated the prayer of Tydides or Ulysses to Pallas, or with wliich a
Catholic addresses a prayer to St. Barbara or St. Ursula.
Remember, theref(n-e, that real prayer must always be offered to a
real person, and that the entire ])o\ver of all churches and religions what-
soever, depends on the frankness of their trust in the personal existence
and sympathetic feelings of the Deities in whom they believe. And you
must never let your full grasp of this vitiility be touched by the inter-
ference of the .symbolic or ligiu-ative truths .associated with it. Pallas is
the goddess of the air, and tlie light, — Xeptune of the sea and the depth,
Demeter of the earth and its harvests, and Vulcan of the fire an<l its arts ;
you will continually find the i)()ets, and always the sculptors and painters,
dwelling on their elemental cliaracter, and the whole generation of modern
blockheads believing, with all the wood and mud and nuicus they are made
of, that the Gods never meant anything else.
" Hut Pallas cleaving the cloud, and Poseidon calming the sea, are
as real persons to a Greek soul, in the great days of (ireece, as Ghrist on
the lake of Galilee is to a Christian's — or was to a Christian'.s, in the great
hour of Christendom, and you may rest absolutely on the general truth
respecting Human Nature, that its fortitude and honour have hitherto
depended {ca'teris parihus) accurately on the intensity and simplicity of
its trust in a Personal (lod."
For the reference to "Fear" on the porch of Amiens, see above, p. 152 (Plate XIV.).
^'^The month of Mav " should }>e June : see above, \). KJ-A and Plate XXVI. For
Giotto's Marriage ' of St. Francis to Poverty," see Plate U in Vol. XXVIII.
(p. 164).]
* [For similar references to the cathedral of A\'ells, see Vol. VIIL p. 12, and
Vol. XII. p. 92. Ruskin had taken for him a complete series of large photo-
graphs of the sculptures of the west front ; the collection remains in a cabinet at
Brantwood.l
IV. THE PLEASURES OF FANCY 495
are now called, — but to my own feeling and belief, guid-
ances, and even, if rightly understood, commands, — which
as far as I have read history, the best and sincerest men
think providential. Had this lecture been on common
principles of art, I should have finished it as I intended,
without fear of its being the worse for my consistency.
But it deals, on the contrary, with a subject, respecting
which every sentence I write, or speak, is of importance
in its issue ; and I allowed, as you heard, the momentary
observation of a friend, to give an entirely new cast to the
close of my last lecture.^ Much more, I feel it incumbent
upon me in this one, to take advantage of the most oppor-
tune help, though in an unexpected direction, given me by
my constant tutor, Professor Westwood.^ I went to dine
with him, a day or two ago, mainly — being neither of us,
I am thankful to say, blue-ribanded — to drink his health
on his recovery from his recent accident. Whereupon he
gave me a feast of good talk, old wine, and purple manu-
scripts. And having had as much of all as I could well
carry, just as it came to the good-night, out he brings,
for a finish, this leaf of manuscript in my hand, which he
has lent me to show you, — a leaf of the Bible of Charles
the Bald!
A leaf of it, at least, as far as you or I could tell, for
Professor Westwood's copy is just as good, in all the parts
finished, as the original; and, for all practical purpose, I
show you here in my hand a leaf of the Bible which your
own King Alfred saw with his own bright eyes, and from
which he learned his child-faith in the days of dawning
thought !
103. There are few EngUsh children who do not know
the story of Alfred, the king, letting the cakes burn, and
being chidden by his peasant hostess. How few Enghsh
children— nay, how few perhaps of their educated, not to
1 [See above, p. 477.]
2 whom, see Vol. XV. p. 424 n.\
496 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
say learned, elders — reflect upon, if even they know, the
far different scenes through which he had passed when a
child!
Concerning his father, his mother, and his own child- |
hood, suppose you were to teach your children first these '
following main facts, before you come to the toasting of
the muffin ?
His father, educated by Helmstan, Bishop of Win-
chester, had been offered the throne of the great Saxon
kingdom of Mercia in his early youth ; had refused it, and
entered, as a novice under St. Swithin, the monastery at t
Winchester. From St. Swithin, he received the monastic
habit, and was appointed by Bishop Helmstan one of his ^
sub-deacons ! I
" The quiet seclusion which Ethelwulph's slow ^ capacity
and meek temper coveted" was not permitted to him by
fate. The death of his elder brother left him the only
living representative of the line of the West Saxon princes.
His accession to the throne became the desire of the
people. He obtained a dispensation from the Pope to leave
the cloister ; assumed tlie crown of Egbert ; and retained
Egbert's prime minister, Alstan, Bishop of Sherborne, who
was the Minister in peace and war, the Treasurer, and the
Counsellor, of the kings of England, over a space, from
first to last, of fifty years.
Alfred's mother, Osburga, must have been married for
love. She was the daughter of Oslac, the king's cup-bearer.
Extolled for lier piety and understanding, she bore the
king four sons ; dying before the last, Alfred, was five
years old, but leaving him St. Swithin for his tutor. How
little do any of us think, in idle talk of rain or no rain
on St. Swithin's day, that we speak of the man whom
* Turner,! quoting William of xMalmesbury, Crassioris et hebetis in-
genii," — meaning that he had neither ardour for war, nor ambition for
kinghood.
1 [Sharon Turner's Bistort/ of L'jiy/anfJ, Book iv. ch. iv. ; vol. i. p. 480.]
IV. THE PLEASURES OF FANCY
Alfred's father obeyed as a monk, and whom his mother
chose for his guardian !
104. Alfred, both to father and mother, was the best
beloved of their children. On his mother's death, his father
sent him, being then five years old, with a great retinue
through France and across the Alps, to Rome; and there
the Pope anointed him King, (heir- apparent to the EngKsh
throne,) at the request of his father.^
Think of it, you travellers through the Alps by tunnels,
that you may go to balls at Rome, or hells at Monaco.
Here is another manner of journey, another goal for it,
appointed for your little king. At twelve, he was already
the best hunter among the Saxon youths. Be sure he
could sit his horse at five. Fancy the child, with his keen
genius, and holy heart, riding with his Saxon chiefs beside
him, by the Alpine flowers under Velan or Sempione, and
down among the olives to Pavia, to Perugia, to Rome;
there, like the little fabled Virgin, ascending the temple
steps,^ and consecrated to be King of England by the great
Leo, Leo of the Leonine city, the saviour of Rome from
the Saracen.
105. Two years afterwards, he rode again to Rome
beside his fathei' ; the West Saxon king bringing presents
to the Pope, a crown of pure gold weighing four pounds,
a sword adorned with pure gold, two golden images,^ four
Saxon silver dishes ; and giving a gift of gold to all the
Roman clergy and nobles, t and of silver to the people.
* Turner, Book IV.,^ — not a vestige of hint from the stupid Enghsh-
man, what the Pope wanted with crown, sword, or image ! My own guess
would be, that it meant an offering of the entire household strength,
in war and peace, of the Saxon nation,— their crown, their sword, their
household gods, Irminsul and Irminsula, their feasting, and their robes.
f Again, what does this mean? Gifts of honour to the Pope's imme-
diate attendants — silver to all Rome ? Does the modern reader think this
is buying little Alfred's consecration too dear, or that Leo is selling the
Holy Ghost?
^ [See Sharon Turner, p. 487.]
2 [In the pictures, for instance, of Giotto and Titian : see Vol. XXIII. pp. 320-
321.]
3 [Sharon Turner, eh. iv. ; vol. i. p. 490.]
XXXIII. ^ ^
498 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
No idle sacrifices or symbols, these gifts of courtesy!
The Saxon King rebuilt on the highest hill that is bathed
by Tiber, the Saxon street and school, the Borgo,^ of whose
miraculously arrested burning, Raphael's fresco preserves the
story to this day/ And further he obtained from Leo the
liberty of all Saxon men from bonds in penance ; — a first
phase this of Magna Charta, obtained more honourably,
from a more honourable person, than that document, by
which Englishmen of this day suppose they live, move,
and have being. ^
106. How far into Alfred's soul, at seven years old,
sank any true image of what Rome was, and had been ;
of what her Lion Lord was, who had saved her from the
Saracen, and her Lion Lord had been, who had saved her
from the Hun ; ^ and what this Spiritual Dominion was, and
was to be, which could make and unmake kings, and save
nations, and put armies to flight ; I leave those to say,
who have learned to reverence childhood. This, at least, is
sure, that the days of Alfred were bound each to each,
not only by their natural piety,* but by the actual presence
* " Quae in eorum lingua Burgus dicitur, — the place where it was
situated was called the Saxon street, Saxonum vicus " (Anastasius, quoted
by Turner "^). There seems to me some evidence in the scattered passages
I have not time to collate, that at this time the Saxon Burg, or tower,
of a village, included the idea of its school.
1 [The fresco called Incendio del Borgo in the "Stanza dell' Incendio" in the
Vatican. It represents the destruction of the suburb, or Citta Leonina, in a.d. 847,
then inhabited by the Anglo-Saxon pilgrims and called by them Burgus. Accord-
ing to tradition, the fire was approaching the V^atican when the Pope Leo IV.
miraculously arrested its progress by prayer and the sign of the cross. For
another reference to tlie tradition, see Fiction, Fair and Foul, § 82 (Vol. XXXIV.).]
2 [Acts xvii. 28.1
^ [The victory of Leo IV. over the Saracens at Ostia is the subject of another
painting in the Vatican (by Giovanni da Udine) ; and the success of Leo I. in
preventing Attila's entrance into Rome (a.d. 453), of a third (by Raphael).]
* [Wordsworth : lines (from the earlier poem on the Rainbow) prefixed to Inti-
mations of Immortality: —
" The Child is Father of the Man ;
And I could wish my days to be
Bound each to each by natural view."]
'° [Sharon Turner, ch. iv. ; vol. i. p. 491.]
IV. THE PLEASURES OF FANCY
and appeal to his heart, of all that was then in the world
most noble, beautiful, and strong against Death.
In this living Book of God he had learned to read,
thus early ; and with perhaps nobler ambition than of get-
ting the prize of a gilded psalm-book at his mother's knee,
as you are commonly told of him.' V/hat sort of psalm-
book it was, however, you may see from this leaf in my
hand. For, as his father and he returned from Rome that
j year, they stayed agair at the Court of Charlemagne's
I grandson, whose daughter, the Princess Judith, Ethelwulph
was wooing for Queen of England (not queen-consort,
I merely, but crowned queen, of authority equal to his own).
From whom Alfred was like enough to have had a reading
lesson or two out of her father's Bible; and like enough,
the little prince, to have stayed her hand at this bright
leaf of it, the Lion-leaf, bearing the symbol of the Lion of
the tribe of Judah.^
107. You cannot, of course, see anything but the glitter-
ing from where you sit ; nor even if you afterwards look
at it near, will you find a figure the least admirable or
impressive to you. It is not like Landseer's Lions in
Trafalgar Square ; nor like Tenniel's in Punch ; still less
like the real ones in Regent's Park. Neither do I show
it you as admirable in any respect of art, other than that
of skilfullest illumination. I show it you, as the most in-
teresting Gothic type of the imagination of Lion ; which,
after the Roman Eagle, possessed the minds of all Euro-
pean warriors; until, as they themselves grew selfish and
cruel, the symbols, which at first meant heaven-sent victory,
or the strength and presence of some Divine spirit, became
to them only the signs of their own pride or rage : the
1 [See the passage from Sharon Turner quoted by Ruskin in Vol. XII.
p. 476.]
2 [An account of the "Bible of Charles the Bald"— in the National Library at
Paris— will be found in Professor J. O. Westwood's PalceograpUa Sacra Pictoria,
1845, Plate 22, where, however, the page here referred to is not reproduced The
Bible was presented to the Emperor, grandson of Charlemagne, by Count Vivian
and his brethren, monks of St. Martin of Tours.]
500 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
victor raven of Corvus^ sinks into the shamed falcon of
Marmion, and the lion-heartedness which gave the glory
and the peace of the gods to Leonidas,^ casts the glory
and the might of kinghood to the dust before Chains."^
That death, 6th April, 1199, ended the advance of Eng-
land begun by Alfred, under the pure law of Religious
Imagination. She began, already, in the thirteenth cen-
tury, to be decoratively, instead of vitally, rehgious. The
history of the Religious Imagination expressed between
Alfred's time and that of Coeur de Lion, in this symbol
of the Lion only, has material in it rather for all my seven
lectures ^ than for the closing section of one ; but I must
briefly specify to you the main sections of it. I will keep
clear of my favourite number seven,^ and ask you to recol-
lect the meaning of only Five, Mythic I^ions.
108. First of all, in Greek art, remember to keep your-
selves clear about the difference between the Lion and the
Gorgon.
The Gorgon is the power of evil in heaven, conquered
by Athena, and thenceforward becoming her a3gis, when
she is herself the inflictor of evil. Her helmet is then the
helmet of Orcus.^
But the Lion is the power of death on earth, conquered
by Heracles, and becoming thenceforward both his helmet
* Fors Clavigera, March 1871, p. 19-^ Yet read the precediiif:^ pages,
and learn the truth of the lion heart, while you uiourii its pride. Note
especially his absolute law against usury.
^ [For Marcus Valerius, surnanied Corvus or Ilaveii, from the story of the bird
that helped him to victory in single combat with a Gaul, see Livy', vii. 26, 27.
For ^'the shamed falcon," see the story of Marmion, and particularly canto iii.
stanza 31 : ^"^The falcon-crest was soiled with clay."]
2 [For references to Leonidas as a typical hero, see Vol. XVIII. p. 354,
Vol. XXVI. p. 116, and General Index.] '
3 [For the programme of tlie intended Seven Lectures, see above, p. 413.]
* [See Vol. I. p. 451, Vol. VIII. p. 138, and Vol. XXVII. pp. 82, 588.]
^ [For the Gorgon on the tegis of Athena in anger, see Vol. XIX. p. 353,
and Vol. XX. p. 142. In " the helmet of Orcus," Ruskin seems to refer to
Iliad, V. 845.]
• [The reference is to the original edition of Letter 3. See now Vol. XXVII.
p. 69; and for Richard Coeur-de-Lion's law against usury, p. 54.]
IV. THE PLEASURES OF FANCY
and «gis.' Ail ordinary architectural lion sculpture is de-
rived from the Heraclean.
Then the Christian Lions are, first, the Lion of the
Tribe of Judah— Christ Himself as Captain and Judge:
j **He shall rule the nations with a rod of iron,"^ (the
I opposite power of His adversary, is rarely intended in
sculpture unless in association with the serpent — ** inculcabis
supra leonem et aspidem ") ; ^ secondly, the Lion of St.
Mark, the power of the Gospel going out to conquest;
thirdly, the Lion of St. Jerome, the wrath of the brute
creation changed into love by the kindness of man ; ^ and,
I fourthly, the Lion of the Zodiac, which is the Lion of
Egypt ^ and of the Lombardic pillar-supports in Italy;
these four, if you remember, with the Nemean Greek
one, five altogether, will give you, broadly, interpretation
of nearly all Lion symbolism in great art. How they
degenerate into the British door knocker, I leave you to
determine for yourselves, with such assistances as I may
be able to suggest to you in my next lecture;^ but, as the
grotesqueness of human history plans it, there is actually a
connection between that last degradation of the Leonine
symbol, and its first and noblest significance.
109. You see there are letters round this golden Lion
of Alfred's spelling-book, which his princess friend was likely
enough to spell for him. They are two Latin hexameters : —
Hie Leo, surgendo, portas confregit Averni
Qui nunquam dormit, nusquam dormitat, in aevum.
(This Lion, rising, burst the gates of Death:
This, who sleeps not, nor shall sleep, for ever.)
1 [For Hercules and his victory over the Nemean lion, compare Vol. XIX.
p. SB'S, and above, pp. 119, 120 ; for his lion crest, see Vol. XXII. p. 277.]
2 [Revelation xii. 5 ; for the Lion of the Tribe of Judah, see Genesis xlix. 9.]
^ [Psalms xci. 13 : see Vol. XI. p. 93, and Vol. XXIV. p. 431.]
* [Compare St. Mark's Rest, § 179 (Vol. XXIV. p. 348) ; and Bible of Amiens,
above, pp. 119-120.] , ^ ,
^ [See Vol. IV. p. 803, and Vol. XII. p. Ill ; and for an example of the
"Lombardic pillar supports," Plate L in Vol. XX. (p. 214).]
« [The lecture was delivered November 15 and 17, 1884, but not pubhshed by
Ruskin. For a report of it, see below, p. 505 ; but the Lion symbolism was not
again mentioned.]
502 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
Now here is the Christian change of the Heraclean
conquest of Death into Christ's Resurrection. Samson's
bearing away the gates of Gaza is another like symbol/
and to the mind of Alfred, taught, whether by the Pope
Leo for his schoolmaster, or by the great-granddaughter
of Charlemagne for his schoolmistress,- it represented, as
it did to all the intelligence of Christendom, Christ in
His own first and last. Alpha and Omega, description of
Himself, —
I am He that liveth and was dead, and behold I am alive for ever-
more, and have the keys of Hell and of Death."
And in His servant St. John's description of Him —
''Who is the Faithful Witness and the First-begotten of the dead, and
the Prince of the kings of the earth." ^
110. All this assuredly, so far as the young child, con-
secrated like David, the youngest of his brethren,^ conceived
his own new life in Earth and Heaven, — he understood
already in the Lion symbol. But of all this I had no
thought^' when I chose the prayer of Alfred as the type of
the Religion of his era,^ in its dwelling, not on the deliver-
ance from the punishment of sin, but from the poisonous
sleep and death of it. AVill you ever learn that prayer
again, — youths who are to be priests, and knights, and
kings of England, in these the latter days ? when the gospel
of Eternal Death is preached here in Oxford to you for
the Pride of Truth ? and " the mountain of the Lord's
* The reference to the Bible of Charles le Chauve was added to my
second lecture (§ 53), in correcting the press, and mistakenly put into the
text instead of the notes.^
See Judges xvi.]
See above, p. 499.]
Revelation i. 18, 5.]
1 Samuel xvi. 12, 13 ; xvii. 14.]
^See above, p. 453.]
Now correctly given ; see, again, p. 4.53 n.]
IV. THE PLEASURES OF FANCY 503
House"' has become a Golgotha, and the "new song
before the throne" sunk into the rolHng thunder of the
death rattle of the Nations, crying, "O Christ, where is
Thy Victory ! "
[The lecture as delivered was from § 102 to the end different. It was thus re-
ported in the Pall Mall Gazette (and Studies in Raskin, pp. 250-251) :
^^Mr. Ruskin then passed to a second pleasure of imagination— not any-
longer that of exalting the memory of dead persons, but that of setting
up their images and investing them with sanctity. ' Fors Clavigera ' came
in the form of a letter from Miss Alexander Francesca ') to clench
this matter with an illustration from modern Italian life. In this letter
Miss Alexander describes the Madonna whom she saw enshrined in an
orphanage as a stout heavy person in impossible drapery— much improved
of late in cleanliness, if not in beauty or sanctity, by a coating of white
oil paint. One of the girls had given her a rose, another a set of ear-
rings. 'I pierced the ears myself/ added the Lady Superior, 'with a
gimlet' 'There,' said Mr. Ruskin, 'you have the perfection of childlike
imagination — making everything out of nothing.'
" Of Saturday's lecture a written peroration was again wanting, and the
conclusion of the whole matter was shown instead in two pictures — 'the
two most perfect pictures in the world.' One was a small piece from
Tintoret's Paradise in the Ducal Palace, representing the group of St.
Ambrose, St. Jerome, St. Gregory, St. Augustine, and behind St. Augus-
tine ' his mother watching him, her chief joy in Paradise.' There was
some little movement of laughter among the audience as Mr. Ruskin
found that he had placed the sketch upside down.^ 'But it is little matter,'
he added, 'for in Tintoret's Paradise you have heaven all round you — a
work of pure imagination, and that, too, by a dyer's son in Venice.' The
other picture was the Arundel Society's reproduction ('a Society which
has done more for us than we have any notion of) of the altar-piece
by Giorgione, in his native hamlet of Castel Franco. 'No picture in
the world can show you better the seeing and realizing imagination of
Christian painters. Giorgione in no wise intends you to suppose that the
Madonna ever sat thus on a pedestal with a coat of arms upon it, or that
St. George and St. Francis ever stood, or do now stand, in that manner
beside her ; but that a living Venetian may, in such vision, most deeply
and rightly conceive of her and of them. As such this picture is alone in
the world, as an imaginative representation of Christianity, with a monk
and a soldier on either side, the soldier bearing the white cross of ever-
lasting peace on the purple ground of former darkness."
" It would appear," added the Pall Mall Gazette, by way of supplement
to the above report, "from one of the incidental passages of autobiography
in Mr. Ruskin's lecture on Saturday, that he is as much a victim of the
demon of noise as was his master Carlyle. Among other passages which
he read was one from Carlyle's Frederick the Great, in which it is told
how Adalbert, Bishop of Prague, was sleeping by the roadside when 'a
Bohemian shepherd chanced to pass that way, warbling something on
^ [Isaiah ii. 2. For the following Bible references, see Revelation xiv. 3;
1 Corinthians xv. 55.]
2 [See Vol. XX. pp. xxvi.-xxvii.]
504
THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
his pipe, as he wended towards lookiug after his flock ; and seeing the
sleeper on his stone pillow^ the thoughtless Czech mischievously hlew
louder.' Adalbert awoke, and shrieked in his fury, ^Deafness on thee,
man cruel to the human sense of hearing ! ' — or words to that effect.
The curse was punctually fulfilled, and the fellow was deaf for the rest of
his life. ^What a pity,' said Mr. Ruskin, 'that you have no Bishop Adal-
bert in Oxford ! You think yourselves very musical, with your twiddlings
and fiddlings of organs after service, but you allow that beastly hooter "
to wake me every morning, and so to make life among you intolerable in
these days.'"
The letter from Francesca referred to above will be found in Fors Clavigera,
Letter 96 (Vol. XXIX. p. 526). The studies (by Signor Alessandri) from the
Paradise are at Sheffield (Vol. XXX. p. 199). For other references to the
Giorgione, see above, p. 407 ; Vol. XI. p. 240 7i, ; and Vol. XXXII. p. 307 n.
For the passage from Carlyle, see Friedrich, Book ii. ch. ii.]
LECTURE V
PROTESTANTISM: THE PLEASURES OF TRUTH
{Delivered November 15 and 11 , 1884)
[This lecture was not published by Ruskin. ITie following report of it
(pp. 505-510) is mainly reprinted from the Pall Mall Gazette (and PI T.
Cook's Studies in Ruskin, pp. 252-263) — "mainly/' because Raskin's MS.
notes have been found and are here substituted for parts of the first
passages in the report.]
111. The space of history in Christendom, represented by the changes in
the temper of England which I propose to illustrate in this lecture, is
not, as in the four previous ones, definable by reigns of Kings, because it
takes place in different parts of England, Scotland, and Germany, at different
times. I therefore can only define it by its character, calling it the Period
of Protestantism, that is to say, the bearing witness for spiritual truth
against either manifest spiritual falsehood, or the danger of falsehood ;
and the bearing witness for justice against manifest iniquity, or the danger
of it, — so fortifying the certainly known truths of religion against the
fancies or fictions of past Priests, and securing the liberties — so called —
of the subject against the cruelties or insolences of past Kings.
112, These two Protests are absolutely distinct, and merely by chance
coincident.
The first Protest, for the Truth of Religion, is in all countries that
properly termed the Reformation.
The second Protest, that for the Rights of the Subject, is that properly
called and known in all countries as the Revolution.
The Reformation means in the sum of it — John Knox; the Revolution,
John Hampden. 1
John Knox says, I will not be cheated in religion. John Hampden, 1
will not be taxed in pocket. It indeed happens continually that the
Protestant is fighting at once against lies and taxation, and then he be-
comes a Protestant to the second power,^ just as it happens also that a
Catholic may be fighting at once for lies and taxation, and then he is a
Catholic to the second power. But the quarrels are totally distinct always.
The Religion of Jeanie Deans against that of Catherine Seyton ^ means the
1 [In the report, "John Knox, or if you will, Luther; but I like Knox better."]
2 [The first draft of the MS. has "a Protestant squared" (instead of "to the
second power "), and this must have been the word used by Ruskin, which appears
as "a Protestant squire" in the report.]
3 [For other references to Jeanie Deans, see above, p. 488 ; to Catherme feeyton
{Abbot), Fiction, Fair and Foul, § 109 (Vol. XXXIV.).]
505
506 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
Reformation ; the Action of Major Bridgenorth against Peveril of the Peak
means the Revolution. ^ The Reformers and Revolutionists think they have
at present got it all their own way. But we Catholics — I call myself one
for simplicity's sake, being on their side — believe that a day will yet come
when we shall again see visions of things that are not as though they
were, and be able, with Edward the Confessor, to tax the whole Kingdom
at a blow one tenth of its property ^ to build a Church with a weathercock
on the top of it, emergent into the sky from the filth of London.
lis. Now all the beauty of Protestantism you will find embodied by
two great masters of historical symbol : namely, by Scott in the character
of Jeanie Deans, standing for the truth, against far more than her own
life, against her sister's, and in Continental literature by Gotthelf in the
character of Freneli in Ulric the Fanner^ compelling against her husband's
avarice the restitution of the money unjustly possessed by him. All the
beauty of Protestantism is in these, and I leave you to study it in them.
Mv intention to-day is to show you the limits of Protestantism, and the
narrowness of the truth it possesses as compared with the infinitude and
beauty of the Spectral pleasures of Catholicism.
[Here Ruskin's MS. breaks off with " So much for plan — the execution
only as I have time." Then follow a few notes for the remainder of tho
lecture ; from this point, therefore, the report is used.]
114. Leaving the beauty of Protestantism, the pleasures of truth, to
the description of them in these two novels, Mr. Ruskin himself turned
to the other side of the question, and proposed to show rather the narrow-
ness of its rigid truth in comparison with the beauty of the spectral pheno-
mena in which Catholicism delights. For this purpose he had brought
with him. two pictures — one by Turner, the other a copy from Carpaccio.
The Turner was a large water-colour drawing, measuring somewhere about
20 inches by 15 inches, in his early or brown period, of a stream and a
grove. There," said Mr. Ruskin, pointing to it, " is a spectral grove for
you, the very eiSwXoi/ of a grove. There never was such a grove or such
a stream. You may photograph every grove in the world, and never will
you get so ghostly a one as this. I cannot tell you where it is ; I can
only swear to you that it never existed anywhere except in Turner's head.
It is the very best Turner drawing I ever saw of this heroic period, the
period in which he painted the ' Garden of the Hesperides ' and ' Apollo
Killing the Python.'^ I picked it up by pure chance, the other day, in
1 [The report has : —
refer to Scott, now and always, for historical illustration, because
he is far and away the best writer of history we have. Our only his-
torians (ordinarily so called) are Carlyle, Froude, and Helps, but none
of them can see all round a thing as Scott does. Froude does not even
know whether he is a Catholic or a Protestant ; Carlyle is first the one,
and then the other ; while Helps is deficient because he never understands
Catholicism at all."
Compare § 124 (p. 512).]
[See Stanley's Memorials of Westminster Abbey, p. 22.]
^ [The continuation of UMc the Farm Servant: see Vol. XXXII. p. xxxv.]
[Nos. 477 and 488 in the National Gallery : see Vol. XIIL pp. 113, 122.]
V. THE PLEASURES OF TRUTH 507
the shop of my friend Mr. Sewening, of Duke Street, St. James's, to
whose excellent judgment, by the way, I now refer any pictures which
are sent to me to verify. i He thought it might be a Turner, and asked
me £4)0 for it. I was sure it was, and gave him 50 guineas, and I now
present it to your gallery at Oxford, to be an idol to you, I hope, for
evermore." ^
115. '^And here," added Mr. Ruskin, turning to the other picture,
''is a Spectral Girl — an idol of a girl— never was such a girl. Ask the
sweetest you can find to your college gardens, show your PhylHs the
brightest flowers qua crines religata fulget,^ she will not look Hke this
one." * This was a copy of the head in Carpaccio's Dream of St. Ursula,"
the picture of which Mr. Ruskin has written so much in Fors Clavigera
and his Venetian guide-books,^ and which was largely referred to, by the
way, by Mr. Wingfield,^ in the recent revival of Romeo and Juliet at the
Lyceum, for the details of a Venetian interior. Never was twisted hair
like hers — twisted, like that of all Venetian girls, in memory of the time
when they first made their hair into ropes for the fugitive ships at
Aquileia. You will never see such hair, nor such peace beneath it on the
brow — Pax Vohiscum — the peace of heaven, of infancy, and of death. No
one knows who she is or where she lived. She is Persephone at rest
below the earth ; she is Proserpine at play above the ground. She is
Ursula, the gentlest yet the rudest of little bears ; a type in that, perhaps,
of the moss rose, or of the rose spinosissima, with its rough little buds.
She is in England, in Cologne, in Venice, in Rome, in eternity, living
everywhere, dying everywhere, the most intangible yet the most practical
of all saints, — queen, for one thing, of female education, when once her
legend is rightly understood. This sketch of her head is the best drawing
I ever made. Carpaccio's picture is hung, like all good pictures, out of
sight, seven feet above the ground ; but the Venetian Academy had it
taken down for me, and I traced every detail in it accurately to a hair's
breadth. It took me a day's hard work to get that spray of silver hair
loosening itself rightly from the coil, and twelve times over had I to
try the mouth. And to-day, assuming Miss Shaw Lefevre's^ indulgence,
I present it to the girls of Somerville Hall. Perhaps the picture of a
princess's room, of which it is a part, may teach the young ladies there
not to make their rooms too pretty — to remember that they come to
Oxford to be uncomfortable and to suffer a little — to learn whatever can
be learnt in Oxford, which is not much, and even to live as little Ursulas,
in rough gardens, not on lawns made smooth for tennis.
116. "Such is the lesson of the legend of St. Ursula; and now," con-
tinued Mr. Ruskin, ''I must tell you somewhat of a Doge of Venice who
^ [For a circular to this efFect, issued by Ruskin at the time, see Vol. XXXIV.]
2 [The drawing was, however, afterwards withdrawn, and is now at Brantwood:
see Vol. XXX. p. 82 and n. For another reference to it, see below, p. 534.]
3 [Horace, Odes, iv. 11, o: quoted also in Vol. XVIII. p. Ixxii.]
^ [The report has here been shghtly corrected from Ruskin's MS. notes.]
^ See the references giv^en in Vol. XXIV. p. li.]
^ [Mr. Lewis Wingfield, who assisted Irving in the scenery for this revival.]
' [Now placed on the hue: see Vol. XXIV. pp. liii,-hv.]
® [Then Principal of Somerville Hall.]
508 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
lived by the light of superstitions such as this, a Catholic and a brave man
withal, Cattolico uomo e midace, 'the servant of God and of St. Michael.' "i
To avoid mistakes to-day and corrections to-morrow,^ Mr. Ruskin craved per-
mission to read again from his Venetian handbook, St. Mark's Rest, which
had always been meant for reading,^ and had now been retouched.
The longest of these new touches was suggested by The Truth about
the Navy/'^ which Mr. Ruskin had been reading, he said, in the Pall Mall
Gazette ; from which he gathered that the British people having spent several
hundreds of millions on blowing iron bubbles — "the earth hath bubbles, as
the water has, and these are of them"^ — would soon be busy blowing
more. Nothing could be more tragically absurd than the loss of the
Captain and the London, unless it were the loss of the Etirydice^ — without
her Orpheus then. There was nothing the matter, except that Govern-
ments were donkeys enough to build in iron instead of wood, just in order
that the ironmongers might get their commissions. They were honest
enough, these Governments, but they allowed the ironmongers to work
them round like screws. Whoever heard of a Venetian man-of-war going
over ? A gale was nothing at all to a wooden ship ; Venice would have
laughed at it, rejoiced in it. They never heard of a Venetian being upset
or making for the shore. Why.^ Because they had been broken in to the
life of the rough sea. You think that you know what boating is ; but
why don't you practise in the open sea, as the Venetians did," instead of
spoiling the Isis, here ? " But with the London, she was crossing the Bay
of Biscay when it got a little rough ; the wind blew the bulwarks down,
and down the ship went bodily. The only grand thing connected with it
was that the captain, looking over the bulwarks as the last boat was
launched, gave the crew their latitude, and said he would go down with
his ship, and he did. Mr. Ruskin had no patience, in face of disasters
like those of the London and the Captain, with all the talk about our
splendid British seamanship. It was bombastic English blarney — not Irish,
for there was always wit in an Irish bull, but only a double blunder in an
English one — all that talk about sweeping the fleets of all other nations
1 [See St. Mark's Rest, § 3 (Vol. XXIV. ]). 208).]
^ For the reference here, see above, p. 481 n.]
^ [See also above, p. 481 n.]
* [A series of articles (afterwards republished in pamphlet form as an "extra"),
calling attention to the state of the navy and demanding additional expenditure —
a demand complied with in December 1884, when Lord Northbrook, First Lord of
the Admiralty, applied for 5^ millions for the purpose.]
^ [Macbeth, Act i. sc. 3.] "
^ [For other references to the loss of the Captain, see Candida Casa, § 18 (above,
p. 217); and to that of the London, Crown of Wild Olive, § 107 (Vol. XVIII.
p. 474 and n.). ITie Eurydice rolled over (March 24, 1878) at the back of the
Isle of Wight in a squall, as described by R. C. Leslie (an eye-witness) in his
Sea-Painters Log, 1886, p. 69.]
' [It is said that the successful row of an Oxford crew on July 25, 1885, from
Dover to Calais, with Mr. W. H. Grenfell (Lord Desborough) as stroke, was inspired
by this passage. The boat wtis a clinker-built, sliding-seat eight-oar, with stringed
rowlocks. " We got across," says Lord Desborough, " in 4 hrs. 20 min. We filled
several times, and bailed the water out with jam-pots with which I provided the
crew ; sometimes her bows were a long way in the air, and sometimes her stern.
The Mayor of Calais received us with a Vin d'Honneur."]
V. THE PLEASURES OF TRUTH 509
off the seas. '^You went under Napier and knocked your heads against
Cronstadt/ and Cronstadt cared no more for you than if you had been
a flight of swallows or sparrows. Then you went and knocked your heads
against Sebastopol ; and, in spite of all the lies in the newspapers, every
one knew that the British fleet had been thoroughly well licked. And
now you have been bombarding Alexandria, and narrowly escaped being
done for by a few Arabs.2 So much for the proud supremacy of the British
navy and its ironclads." They might say that all this was irrelevant; but
there was no finer art than ship-building, and they would find that out
when he set them to draw ships; they were only drawing shells now.
Even a draughtsman could not draw two sides of a ship alike ; nobody
but Turner ever did. They might say one of the subjects forbidden to
him was political economy ; but that subject, too, would be forced on them
all pretty soon. For when all the present ships were destroyed the new
ones would also go " snap " in like fashion.
117. The chapter from which Mr. Ruskin was reading when this
parenthesis came in is the one entitled "The Burden of Tyre," and tells
the story of Domenico Michiel, the Nelson of Venice, the doge who
brought back in 1126, from his wars against the Saracens, the famous
pillars of the Piazzetta. Besides them, he brought the dead bodies of
St. Donato and St. Isidore ; for the Venice of his day was intensely
covetous, not only of money, though she loved that too, nor of kingdom,
nor of pillars of marble and granite, but "also and quite principally of
the relics of good people, of their dart to dust, ashes to ashes." He
himself lies buried behind the altar of the church of S. Giorgio Maggiore,
and on his tomb there was this inscription written, "Whosoever thou art,
who cometh to behold this tomb of his, bow thyself down before God,
because of him." ^
118. "That," said Mr. Ruskin, "is the feeling of all ^ Old Catholics' in
the presence of a shrine ; they worship not the hero or the saint, but
'God because of him.' Against all this comes the witness of Protes-
tantism, partly honest, partly hypocritical, with good knowledge of a few
minor things, but ignorant hatred of all above and beyond itself. Here
I have for you a type of the honest but not liberally minded Protestant,"
said Mr. Ruskin, disclosing a sketch of a little porker.^ "The Httle pig
walks along, you see, knowing every inch of its ground, having in its
snout a capital instrument for grubbing up things. You may be shocked,
perhaps, at my selection of this animal for the type of a religious sect ;
but if you could but realize all the beautiful things which the insolence
of Protestantism has destroyed, you would think surely the Gadarene
swine 5 too good for it. But my illustration is, at f.ny rate, appropriate
as significant of the Protestant and Evangelical art which can draw a pig
1 [For another allusion to this expedition, see Crown of Wild Olive, § 157
(Vol. XVIII. p. 511 and n.).]
2 [The bombardment of Alexandria, by the British fleet under Admn-al Sir
Beauchamp Seymour, July 11, 1882.]
' [See Vol. XXIV. pp. 210-217. Phrases in the text above which do not quite
accord with St. Mark's Best were added by Ruskin in reading the passage.]
* [Probably a copy from Bewick ; see Vol. XXI. p. 91.]
5 [See Mark v.]
THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
to perfection, but never a pretty lady." ^ Mr. Ruskin then passed on to
the hypocritical Protestant, and produced as the type of him a sketch
in black and white of a truly repulsive Mr. Stiggins with a concertina.
119. These two sketches were to illustrate the religious ghostly ideal.
The heroic ideal was' illustrated from poetry. The faith in human honour,
taking the place of the faith in religion, which is the groundwork of this
ideal, passes into the noble pride of the true knight ; and it is when this
noble pride passes into malignant pride that the Revolution comes. Of
the true knight, the perfect type is Douglas in The Lady of the Lake,^
"No one reads Scott now," Mr. Ruskin here parenthetically remarked,
"and I am going to send his poems and novels by the gross to classes in
our elementary schools — not for prizes to be awarded by competition, but
to be given to any boy or girl who is good and likes to read poetry. I
should like to see the children draw lots for the books, and the one who
wins not keep the book, but have the right of giving it away — a very
subtle little moral lesson." ^ Mr. Ruskin then read some stanzas from
the fifth canto of The Lady of the Lake, describing the burghers' sports
before King James at Stirling, the classical passage in Scott corresponding
to the games in Virgil. The passage is typical, too, of that association
with his dog, his horse, and his falcon which is a mark of the knight, the
clown being one who cannot keep these animals, or does not know how
to use them. It was very bad of Douglas, you may think, to knock a
man down for the sake of a dog — a creature that we should think
nothing of torturing nowadays for a month to find out the cause of a
pimple on our own red noses." Mr, Ruskin then went on to the stanzas
which he wished all who cared to please him at once to learn by heart,
the stanzas in which
" W^ith grief the noble Douglas saw
The commons rise against tlie law;"
and bade them hear
" Ere j-et for me
Ye break the bands of fealty." *
[Among Ruskin's MSS. of notes, etc., for The Pleasures of England there
are, in addition to tlie Notes above mentioned and used (p. 505), two
fragments headed " Protestantism." They were either first drafts for the
lecture, or alternative heginnings of a revised lecture as he intended to
print it. These fragments now follow (pp. 510-520).]
120. All the youth of England, but chiefly the students in her uni-
versities, have of late been sorely troubled by a series of Protestant His-
torians of the type of Thomas Babington Macaulay,^ who assume for the
* [For this remark in connexion with Bewick, see Art of England, § 196
(above, p. 396).]
^ [Compare PriBterita, i. § 7.]
^ [A lesson used bv Ruskin in his May Day Festival : see Vol. XXX, p. 338.]
* [See stanzas 27, 28.]
^ [See above, p. 444.]
V. THE PLEASURES OF TRUTH
only safe basis, and the only desirable conclusion, of historical study, that
the British Constitution as represented by an election for the borough of
Eatanswiin and the public dinner and speeches following the success of
the popular candidate, is the perfect and eternally-to-endure consummation
of the labours of united mankind in the pursuit of wisdom and truth;
with the necessary corollary that the present daily life of a British citizen
of London or Manchester, enlightened by the Liberal newspapers, and
cleansed by Pears's soap, is the admirablest state to which Humanity can
ever hope to arrive either in this world or in any other.
121. I received two somewhat impressive lessons on the force and
universality of these persuasions just on leaving Oxford after finishing my
course of lectures in 1883, and again on leaving London in the spring
of 1884 2 — in both cases with the hope of pursuing the subject of our
present inquiries in the comparative peace of a provincial cathedral town.
From Oxford I went through the really beautiful country which is traversed
by the railway line through Evesham, and under the Malvern Hills, to
Worcester; where I had hopes to see the sunset light in the Cathedral
aisles ; but was in time only to have its doors shut in my face at six
o'clock. Turning from the lateral porch of the inhospitable shrine towards
the Severn, I found the fall of the bank, or, it might be almost called
the hillside, from the west front of the Cathedral to the river, fenced
in by the modern Artist and Beadle with more iron railings than would
have been necessary even for the County Bridewell.^ Meditating bitterly
on these symbols and illustrations of British liberty and behaviour, I was
nevertheless disturbed and attracted by the sugary architecture and highly
coloured advertisements of a flourishing grocer's window, in which the
lavished heaps of tea were covered with an African battle piece out of
the Illustrated London News moralized by the words WE WIN in illumi-
nated capitals, and by the following aphorism, ascribed to the sapience of
Lord Macaulay, '^Competition is to trade, what salt is to the Earth, the
grand preserving Element." I have not verified the quotation, but as it
stands it is a double blunder tripled with impiety. Salt is not a preserving
element to this earth — but to flesh ; neither is it to living flesh, but to
dead ; and the words of Christ, of which the reader's memory is confounded
by this false echo of them, were used of the salt which gave savour to
sacrifice, not of that which delayed corruption : the " have salt in your-
selves and have peace one with another"* being the exact forbidding of
Lord Macaulay's Salt of Trade.
122. Again in 1884, I came round from London by Hereford, rather
^ [See Pickwick, eh. xiii.]
2 [For Ruskin's visit in June 1883, see above, p. xlvii. ; the diary shows that
he was at Hereford, March 15-17, 1884.]
' [The following extract from a private letter refers to this visit to Worcester :—
'^'If strength is spared me for my duty in Oxford, it is as much as I
am allowed now to hope ; and I was put in such a passion last month by
the late openings and early closings and general deadliness at Worcester
that I dare not venture on any more English cathedral work for some
time to come. I sometimes wish they were all in rums rather than m
their chill of uselessness."
This extract was printed in the Westminster Gazette, February 22, 1900. J
* [Mark ix. 50.]
512 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
to see the Wye once more than for any knowledge or pleasure I could
get out of the modern model of the once noble Norman church,^ yet I
found much that was yet precious in the interior, of which the impres^
sion was singularly complicated by finding even on the Sunday the west
end fenced — as at Worcester, from all approach, by locked iron gates,
and faced by a new timber house, built in Gothic form indeed, but only
as an advertisement, and proclaiming itself in golden letters as the abode
of a " Civil and Military Tailor from Sackville Street, Piccadilly, and pro.
fessional Breeches Maker" — who also supplies, I don't myself see the
connection of the business, Ladies' walking habits and jackets."
123. I need not tell you that, in the treatment of my immediate
subject, the Pleasures of Truth, I have no intention of including the
devices of the arts of this form of Advertising Protestantism. It is, on
the contrary, with the purpose of vindicating the real Evangelical religion
from the disgrace into which modern commerce and luxury have brought
it, that I invite you to-day to consider with me in what measure the
praise of it is just, which the four English Historians who justly claim
your most respectful and trustful attention agree to bestow upon it with
all their hearts.
124. Of these four, Scott, Carlyle, Froude, and Helps,^ the first indeed
might be thought by some of you to be only half-hearted in his Protestant
faith. But through all the dramatic vivacity with which he has seen and
rendered the failings or national peculiarities of the Scottish Presbyterians,
his conviction of their Tightness and essential virtue will be found deep
and unshaken ; he differs from Carlyle only in his imaginative enjoyment
of the outer paraphernalia of Catholicism ; of its spirit he is intolerant,
and of its virtues incredulous,^ while Carlyle is always, to both, far-sightedly,
and reverently, just.
It is, therefore, only with his opinion on the general meaning of the
Reformation that I shall concern myself, in this lecture, recommending to
you, at the same time, the most careful reading both of Froude and
Helps in order to enable you to form right estimate of particular facts,
beginning with Froude's discourse at St. Andrews'^ for the best expression
of what he himself sees, understands, or means by Protestantism.
125. For my purposes to-day it will be enough that I read to you, as
a sum of the united feeling of these three men, Carlyle's statement of the
meaning of the Reformation to Europe, given in the eighth chapter of
Friedrich : ^ —
" The Reformation was the great Event of that Sixteenth Century ; according as
a man did something in that, or did nothing and obstructed doing, has he much
claim to memory, or no claim, in this age of ours. The more it becomes apparent
that the Reformation was the Event then transacting itself, was the thing that
^ [Commenced by Bishop Losing (1079-1095) ; with subsequent additions in the
Early English and Decorated styles ; at the end of the eighteenth century injured
by Wyatt ; dealt with in the nineteenth by Cottingham and Sir Gilbert Scott.]
2 [See above, § 113 and n. (p. 506); on Carlvle, see further, below, p. 514;
and on Froude, p. 516. See also Fors Clavigera^ Letter 88 (Vol. XXIX. pp. 387 seq.).]
^ [Compare above, p. 228 and n.]
* On Calvinism " ; in Short Studies upon Great Subjects.']
' [Eighth chapter of Book iii.]
V. THE PLEASURES OF TRUTH
Germany and Europe either did or refused to do, the more does the historical
significance of men attach itself to the phases of that transaction. Accordingly we
notice henceforth that the memorable points of Brandenburg History, what of it
sticks naturally to the memory of a reader or student, connect themselves of their
own accord, almost all with the History of the Reformation, That has proved to
be the Law of Nature in regard to them, softly establishing itself; and it is ours
to follow that law.
"Brandenburg, not at first unanimously, by no means too inconsiderately, but
with overwhelming unanimity when the matter became clear, was lucky enough
to adopt the Reformation ; — and stands by it ever since in its ever-widening scope,
amid such difiiculties as there might be. Brandenburg had felt somehow, that it
could do no other. And ever onwards through the times even of our little Fritz
and farther, if we will understand the word ' Reformation,' Brandenburg so feels ;
being, at this day, to an honourable degree, incapable of believing incredibilities'
of adopting solemn shams, or pretending to live on spiritual moonshine. Which
has been of uncountable advantage to Brandenburg :— how could it fail ? This was
what we must call obeying the audible voice of Heaven. To which same ' voice,'
at that time, all that did not give ear, — what has become of them since ; have they
not signally had the penalties to pay !
^ Penalties ' : quarrel not with the old phraseology, good reader ; attend rather
to the thing it means. The word was heard of old, with a right solemn meaning
attached to it, from theological pulpits and such places ; and may still be heard
there with a half meaning, or with no meaning, though it has rather become
obsolete to modern ears. But the thing should not have fallen obsolete ; the thing
is a grand and solemn truth, expressive of a silent Law of Heaven, which continues
forever valid. The most untheological of men may still assert the thing; and
invite all men to notice it, as a silent monition and prophecy in this Universe ; to
take it, with more of awe than they are wont, as a correct reading of the Will of
the Eternal in respect of such matters ; and, in their modern sphere, to bear the
same well in mind. For it is perfectly certain, and may be seen with eyes in any
quarter of Europe at this day.
Protestant or not Protestant ? The question meant everywhere : ^ Is there
an5rthing of nobleness in you, O Nation, or is there nothing.^ Are there, in this
Nation, enough of heroic men to venture forward, and to battle for God's Truth
versus the Devil's Falsehood, at the peril of life and more.'' Men who prefer death,
and all else, to living under Falsehood, — who, once for all, will not live under
Falsehood ; but having drawn the sword against it (the time being come for tliat
rare and important step), throw away the scabbard, and can say, in pious clearness,
with their whole soul : ' Come on, then ! Life under Falsehood is not good for
me ; and we will try it out now. Let it be to the death between us, then ! '
"Once risen into this divine white-heat of temper, were it only for a season
and not again, the Nation is thenceforth considerable through all its remaining
history. What immensities of dross and crypto-poisonous matter will it not burn
out of itself in that high temperature, in the course of a few years ! W^itness
Cromwell and his Puritans,— making England habitable even under the Charles-
Second terms for a couple of centuries more. Nations are benefited, I believe, for
ages, by being thrown once into divine white-heat in this matter. And no Nation
that has not had such divine paroxysms at any time is apt to come to much.
"That was now, in this epoch, the English of ^adopting Protestantism'; and
we need not wonder at the results which it has had, and which the want of it has
had. For the want of it is literally the want of loyalty to the Maker of this
Universe. He who wants that, what else has he, or can he have ? If you do not,
you Man or you Nation, love the truth enough, but try to make a chapman-bargain
with truth, instead of giving yourself wholly soul and body and life to her, Truth
will not live with you. Truth will depart from you ; and only logic, ' Wit ' (for
example, 'London Wit'), Sophistry, Virtu, the Esthetic Arts, and perhaps, (for
a short while) Book-keeping by Double Entry, will abide with you. You will
follow falsity, and think it truth, you unfortunate man or nation. You will right
XXXIII. 2 K
514 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
surely, you for one, stumble to the Devil ; and are every day and hour, little as
you imagine it, making progress thither.
" Austria, Spain, Italy, France, Poland, — the offer of the Reformation was made
everywhere ; and it is curious to see what has become of the nations that would
not hear it. In all countries were some that accepted ; but in many there were
not enough, and the rest, slowly or swiftly, with fatal difficult industry, contrived
to burn them out. Austria was once full of Protestants, but the hide-bound
Flemish-Spanish Kaiser-element presiding over it, obstinately, for two centuries,
kept saying, ' No ; we, with our dull obstinate Cimburgis underlip and lazy eyes,
with our ponderous Austrian depth of Habituality and indolence of Intellect, we
prefer steady Darkness to uncertain new Light ! " — and all men may see where
Austria now is. Spain still more ; poor Spain, going about, at this time, making
its ' pronunciamentos' ; all the factious attorneys in its little towns assembling to
pronounce virtually this, ' The Old is a lie, then ; — good Heavens, after we so long
tried hard, harder than any nation, to think it a truth ! — and if it be not Rights
of Man, Red Republic and Progress of the Species, we know not what now to
believe or to do ; and are as a people stumbling on steep places, in the darkness
of midnight !' — They refused Truth when she came ; and now Truth knows nothing
of them. All stars, and heavenly lights, have become veiled to such men ; they
must now follow terrestrial ignes fatui, and think them stars. That is the doom
passed upon them.
Italy too had its Protestants; but Italy killed them; managed to extinguish
Protestantism. Italy put up silently with Practical Lies of all kinds ; and, shrug-
ging its shoulders, preferred going into Dilettantism and the Fine Arts. The
Italians, instead of the sacred service of Fact and Performance, did Music, Painting,
and the like: — till even that has become impossible for them; and no noble Nation,
sunk from virtue to virtu, ever offered such a spectacle before. He that will prefer
Dilettantism in this world for his outfit, shall have it ; but all the gods will depart
from him ; and manful veracity, earnestness of purpose, devout depth of soul, shall
no more be his. He can if he like make himself a soprano, and sing for hire;—
and probably that is the real goal for him.
^^But the sharpest-cut example is France; to which we constantly return for
illustration. France, with its keen intellect, saw the truth and saw the falsity, in
those Protestant times ; and, with its ardour of generous impulse, was prone enough
to adopt the former. France was within a hair's-breadth of becoming actually
Protestant. But France saw good to massacre Protestantism, and end it in the
night of St. Bartholomew 1572. The celestial Apparitor of Heaven's Chancery,
so we may speak, the Genius of Fact and V'eracity, had left his VV^rit of Summons ;
Writ was read ; — and replied to in this manner. The Genius of Fact and Veracity
accordingly withdrew; — was staved off, got kept away, for two hundred years..
But the VV^rit of Summons had been served ; Heaven's Messenger could not stay
away forever. No ; he returned duly ; with accounts run up, on compound interest,
to the actual hour, in 1792; — and then, at last, there had to be a 'Protestantism' ;
and we know of what kind that was !
Nations did not so understand it, nor did Brandenburg more than the others;
but the question of questions for them at that time, decisive of their history for
half a thousand years to come, was. Will you obey the heavenly voice, (►r will
you not }"
Now although I read you this as an ex parte statement, and am about
to dispute, and, as I believe, correct it in many particulars, yet I pray
you to observe that in its very partiality it deserves your respect as the
utterance of a man throwing his whole heart forth in one direction, the
necessary one in his eyes, and blind, therefore, to the bearings of other
things on this side or that, — you are to distinguish this kind of narrow-
ness with the most reverent sympathy from the cold injustice of common
V. THE PLEASURES OF TRUTH 515
partizanship, which deUberately, cunningly, and by daily habit, picks up
whatever it can find to prop its theory, or push its cause, and deUberately
conceals or evades whatever is at variance with its conceptions, or adverse
to its wishes.
126. Carlyle's life was spent in endeavouring to make the British Nation
perceive the falsehood of present ways, and wherever in former history he
sees the shadow, or the beginning of falsehood, he fastens upon that as if
it were the only— or the all-embracing— evil of the time. Wherever also
he sees the effort to be true, for that effort's sake he forgives all rudeness
of mind and lowness of aim. And in this sense and limitation, what he
tells you of the Reforming Church and the States defending it, is to be
read with entire consent. The Reformation does mean, in one function of
it, the endeavour of persons left illiterate by the neglect of the Catholic
Church, or wilfully deceived for the sake of its worldly interests, to recover
for themselves the possession and pure meaning of the Bible, and prove
for themselves the origin and sweetness of personal religion as distinct
from a torpid faith in vicarious offering, or prayer.
127. In this sense alone I am about to speak of the Reformation in
the present lecture ; as its spirit M^as represented by Friedrich's single
sentence in his first proclamation on the subject of religion in this
country every man must be served in his own fashion." i But that you
may first recognize how deeply, even in his hottest sympathy with the
Reformation, Carlyle felt what poor results it had at last achieved, and
what nobler things it had lost sight of, I read you farther one of those
notable passages in Friedrich which, with unadvised modesty, its author
gave in parenthetic small print, — as if the hasty reader might skip them
at pleasure, — while he allowed his volumes to be swollen by the full printed
text of any small gossip or genealogies concerning Friedrich's family. The
piece I want you not thus to lose concerns the one hope of Friedrich to
gather round him the Illuminative souls of the World — to be "a new
Charlemagne, even the smallest new Charlemagne of spiritual type, with
his Paladins round him, how glorious, how salutary in the dim generations
now going!" "The Epoch," Carlyle goes on, "though Friedrich took it
kindly and never complained, was ungenial to such a man " : ^ —
. . . Pilgriming along on such nourishment, the best human soul fails to
become very ruddy ! — Tidings about Heaven are fallen so uncertain, but the Earth
and her ^ojs are still interesting : ' Take to the Earth and her joys ;— let your
soul go out, since it must; let vour five senses and their appetites be well alive.'
That is a dreadful ' Sham-Christian Dispensation ' to be born under ! You M'ouder
at the want of heroism in the Eighteenth Century. Wonder rather at the degree
of heroism it had ; wonder how many souls there still are to be met with in it of
some effective capability, though dieting in that way,— nothing else to be had in
the shops about. Carterets, Belleisles, Friedrichs, Voltaires ; Chathams, Franklins,
Choiseuls : there is an effective stroke of work, a fine fire of heroic pride, in this
man and the other; not yet extinguished by spiritual famine or slow-poison; ?o
robust is Nature the mighty Mother !
1 [Ruskin quotes from memory. The words were "denn hier muss ein jeder
nach seiner fa9on sehg werden," which Carlyle translates : " In this country every
man must get to Heaven in his own way" (Book xi. ch. i.).]
2 [Book xi. ch. i.]
THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
^'But in general^ that sad Gospel^ ^ Souls extinct. Stomachs well alive!' is the
credible cue, not articulately preached, but practically believed by the abject genera-
tions, and acted on as it never was before. What immense sensualities there were,
is known ; and also (as some small offset, though that has not yet begun in 1740)
what immense quantities of Physical Labour and contrivance were got out of man-
kind, in that Epoch and down to this day. As if, having lost its Heaven, it had
struck desperately down into the Earth ; as if it were a heaver-kind, and not a
mankind any more. We had once a Barbarossa ; and a world all grandly true.
But from that to Karl VI., and his Holy Romish Reich in such a state of
'Holiness' — !" I here cut short my abstruse Friend.
12S. I will venture to answer the questions put in this passage [namely,
the one first quoted from Carlyle] with a wider sympathy than Carlyle
had for the aesthetic arts, and the respect of a Merchant's son for Book-
keeping by Double Entry, so it be not double-minded entry.
First for England. That she was made habitable by Cromwell and his
Puritans is so far from the fact, that she has ever since been boiling over
in a more and more furious tide of Emigration.
Secondly, for Austria, — ''AH men may see where Austria now is." They
may ; she is where the Styrian Alps are ; that is to say, extremely fast
where she was before, with such men and women among her peasantry as
the world cannot match, in their kind.
Thirdly, for Spain. All that I actually know of her is that she produces
as good sack as in FalstafT s days, that for courtesy and hospitality there
is not her like among more prosperous nations, and that a Spanish town
is better worth seeing than an English one.
Fourthly, for Italy. She went into Dilettantism, precisely in the degree
that she became Protestant — while she was Catholic, having done the best
real work in Building, Painting, and Carving extant in the world ; and
Fifthly, for France, — " We know of what kind her Protestantism was,"
when it came at last. Is it so clear, then, that it was Heaven's apparition
when it came at first ?
129. That in the disjiuce between men of the world professing con-
trary views of religion, with whicli their worldly interests are connected,
either side will commit crimes of which their adversaries will rejoice to
tell the story, is manifest, too fatally and foolishly, in quarrel of sects and
every ecclesiastical history, but the wonderful thing is that, professing the
strictest love of truth, Protestant history is always the falsest. I will take,
for examination, one of the most striking statements of the faithfullest
of Protestant Historians — wholly candid in heart, — Froude, — made in his
essay on " The Condition and Prospects of Protestantism," ^ respecting the
Catholic deed over which Protestantism chiefly triumphs, the Massacre of
St. Bartholomew : —
"The so-called 'horrors of the French Revolution' were a mere bagatelle, a
mere summer shower, by the side of the atrocities committed in the name of religion,
and with the sanction of the Catholic Church.
"Tlie Jacobin Convention of 1713'3-179-A may serve as a measure to show how
mild are the most ferocious of mere human beings when compared to an exas-
perated priesthood. By the September massacre, by the guillotine, by the fusillade
^ [The passage here quoted will be found in vol. ii. pp. 174-175 of Short Studies
(ed. 1891).]
I V. THE PLEASURES OF TRUTH 517
! at Lyons, and by the drownings on the Loire, five thousand men and women at the
utmost suffered a comparatively easy death. Multiply the five thousand by ten,
and you do not reach the number of those who were murdered in France alone
in the two months of August and September, 1572. Fifty thousand Flemings and
Germans are said to have been hanged, burnt, or buried alive under Charles the
I Fifth. Add to this the long agony of the Netherlands in the revolt from Philip,
the Thirty Years' War in Germany, the ever-recurring massacres of the Huguenots,
and remember that the Catholic religion alone was at the bottom of all these
horrors, that the crusades against the Huguenots especially, were solemnly sanctioned
I by successive popes, and that no word of censure ever issued from the Vatican
1 except in the brief intervals when statesmen and soldiers grew weary of bloodshed,
I and looked for means to admit the heretics to grace."
130. Now, in this passage, I pray the reader to observe, first, the
sentence, The Catholic religion alone was at the bottom of all these
horrors." Thinking but for an instant, you see the sentence is a gross
falsehood, that there were many other causes, alike for the contests and
crimes, than even corrupt Catholicism. Thinking rightly for a due suc-
I cession of instants, you will perceive that Catholicism is answerable for
none of these things, but only the brutal habits of life and fury of temper
generated by war for three hundred years back of continually increasing
ferocity, and luxury of three hundred years back of continually increasing
phrenzy. But the Catholic religion is no more answerable for the death
of Coligny than of Joan of Arc, and is no more to be judged in the
person of her corrupt kings and priests than the Law of Moses in Herod
and Caiaphas.
But secondly, the " so-called " horrors of the French Revolution are
limited by the Protestant Historian to the September massacre — the
guillotine — the Lyons Fusillade, and the drownings in the Loire ! The
French Revolution is alike answerable to France alone for all the Dead
I of France in the Napoleonic wars — from Montenotte to Sedan — for all the
I dead of other nations in contest with herself first — and since among them-
selves. And finally, for whatever degradation and domestic misery have
fallen upon total Europe, in the Atheism of its untaught generations.
[The following pages contain further passages from the MS.]
131. Before entering upon my subject of to-day, I must recapitulate the
! broken statements, and make clear the connected intention, of my last
two lectures. I gave you the period between the Birth of Alfred and
I Death of Coeur de Lion as that in which the Christian Religion, both in
I England and elsewhere, was vigorously and instantly translated into deed
I for the sake of the Pleasure of Doing in the first place— the Life of Man
j being then unendurable to him in idleness, but also, because the entire
! meaning of Christianity to its then disciples was one of eager call to
! Deed. "Fight the good fight." Work while ye have the light." '^Tave
not I agreed with the Labourers for a penny a day } "
Be it building burgs, be it sailing ships, be it weaving broadcloth, be
it slaying Saracens, every belief and strength of Manhood went in those
1 [1 Timothy vi. 12; John xii. 35 ("Walk while . . ."), and ix. 4 ("I must
work while it is day"); Matthew xx. 13.]
518
THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
blessed days straight into deed, nor, ever since earth bore men, were
better strokes struck, better .stones laid, nobler obedience rendered, nobler
order enforced. The King, the Monk, the Knight, the Craftsman, all are
doing, all being, the best that Manhood may.
As far as I know, and as far as I can judge, or feel, and assuredly, as
far as is possible for any of you, my younger hearers, at present to judge
also, the meeting of Hugo of Lincoln with Cceur de Lion before the altar
of Rouen, and the Bishop's " Kiss me, my Lord King," are the grandest
scene and saying, understood in their full significance, yet recorded in
human history. ^
132. With the death of Coeur de Lion for England, with the death of
Pietro de Rossi for Italy,^ a new period begins, of gainful commerce, and
luxurious civilization. The Pleasures of England and of Europe also begin
to be no more in doing for the doing's sake, but, more or less, for pay-
ment, money gain ; her religion, also, no more in direct service to God,
but in service for the sake of what can be got from Him, or may be for-
given by Him. Churches are built not for His honour, but for the town's,
monasteries founded, not for the peace of the Monks, but for that of
the Founder's soul. Avarice and luxury mine and corrupt, stealthily and
steadily, the character and thought of nations ; while yet the vigour of
the faith remains unshaken, but not its honesty. Imagination is gradu-
ally separated from Deed — the deed is feebler or even entirely selfish, —
the Imagination feebler, or even entirely foolish, but in association with
Romance, rampant, fantastic, exuberant, insolent, the changes in its tone
perfectly traceable and measurable within decade periods of 3"ears, a little
later in some countries than in others, but universally from useful and
noble simplicity into wanton extravagance. Of course, the greatest men
in all countries resist alike the power of vanity and avarice, they use all
the opportunity of their time, and defy its disease. Shakespeare dies a
stroller, Botticelli a pauper,^ both of them masters of Fantasy, both of
them servants of Truth, and expressing alike their knowledge and their
vision with the skill inherited through a thousand years of practice and
invention. But the great ones are now alone, the multitude is lost in
tyranny and luxury or misery, and the day has come — of Protestantism
assuredly, of Reformation, if it may be, and of Revolution, if not.
133. Only, once for all, don't confuse — as modern historians and poli-
ticians are perpetually doing — Reformation with Revolution. They are each
other's exact negatives. Reformation — is of a broken Square into a steady
one ; Revolution — the blasting of a tower on a Rock into its own ditch
head downmost. I will wipe Jerusalem as a man wipeth a dish —
wiping it, and turning it upside down." ^
134. And once for all, again, don't — as modern sects and parties always
do — confuse inadvertently, — much more, wilfully, — the corruptions either of
Papacy, Protestantism, or Reformation, with the things themselves. Don't
1 [An account of the scene may be read in Froude's essay on ^^A Bishop of
the Twelfth Century," in Short Studies, vol. ii. pp. 92-94. For another reference to
the scene, see Fors Clavigera, Letter 43, § 11 (Vol. XXVIII. p. 118).]
2 [In 1337 : see Val d'Arno, § 274 (Vol. XXIII. p. 160).]
^ [See Ariadne Florentina, § 197 (Vol. XXII. p. 434).]
* [2 Kings xxi. 13 : quoted, in the same connexion, in Vol. XXIX. p. 387-]
V. THE PLEASURES OF TRUTH
519
confuse Papal Authority with Papal Avarice, Protestant independence with
Protestant pride, or Reformation of Church with the use of its aisles for
stables,! its altars for horse-blocks. I have seen with my own eyes, an
Austrian Catholic Hussar tether his horse to a pillar of the cloister of the
Duomo of Verona, and a Veronese Catholic washerwoman at the same
moment (day at least, to be accurate) tie her clothes-line to the nose
of the griffin who sustains the northern pillar of its porch.2 I watched
presently a priest come out of the cloister, and under the line, apathetic
apparently to both phenomena, for which in reality he was answerable, and
neither the hussar nor washerwoman. But neither of them were in any
sort Reforming " either him, or the Duomo. I am about to-day, therefore,
to trace for you with the severest scrutiny possible the beginning and the
growth to its adult strength of Protestantism, marking what real virtue
and life it had, down to the day when the wine of the grafted clusters
changed into vinegar mingled with gall.
135. We must begin, clearly, with a definition of what Protestantism is
— afterwards marking what it becomes in its corruption, but in its essence
is Not. Protestantism is first the "cry of the Poor"^ — of the oppressed
against the oppressor. It is not needful to say "of the unjustly oppressed " ;
oppression means injustice. And Protestantism in this sense is an old order
— that ye let the oppressed go free, and that ye break away every yoke ; ^
the Lord of Protestants being He that " portas Confregit Averni." ^
On the other hand, Catholicism, as opposed to Protestantism, is the Power
of the Keys — the Claim of Righteous Law to reprove, rebuke, and bind :
" He shall bind their kings with chains, — their nobles with fetters of
iron."^ And both the righteous appeal and righteous power are in har-
mony ; — both become alike corrupt in being unrighteous. It is not the
Protestantism of Paris that throws down the Bastille, nor the Catholicism
of Canterbury that builds a gaol before St. Martin's Church. The text
which defines the Protestant power in exactitude " is — " as free, and not
using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousness " ^ — otherwise, Wat Tyler is
as much a reformer as Wycliffe.
136. Protestantism is, in the second place, the appeal of the Simple
against the Learned — whether in that they keep their learning to them-
selves, or that they are insolent in it— the poor being unable to achieve
anything so grand or virtuous. "Thou wast altogether born in sin, and
dost thou teach xxst"^ And this protest of the natural dignity of the
human soul, learned or simple, " a man's a man for a' that," '^^ gains still
greater authority from Christ's "not many wise, not many noble are
called," 11 and His choice of His own disciples,— and its appeal is the most
For instances, see Vol. I. p. 430, and Vol. X. p. 306 n.]
See Stones of Venice, vol. i. (Vol. IX. p. 439).]
Job xxxiv. 28.]
Isaiah Iviii. 6.]
Bee above, § 109 (p. 501);]
'Psalms cxlix. 8.]
See above, p. 438.]
1 Peter ii. 18.]
John ix. 34.]
Burns : For «' -that and a' that.']
See 1 Corinthians i. 26.]
520 THE PLEASURES OF ENGLAND
majestic on earth, — and far beyond that of Kings, if it be indeed the
appeal of humility against the pride of learning, — but not if it be the
pride of ignorance against that of learning.^
137. Protestantism is, in the third place, the appeal of Truth against
wanton or impious imagination, essential truth of character against the
Desire and Love of Lies; and truth of observation against insanity or
conjecture ; in Religion it is the strength of simplicity, which knows the
law of duty and, by experience, the Help of God in answer to prayer,
and asserts this personal knowledge of God against theology which is only
tradition, or history which is intentionally fictitious. But, since denial is
always easy, understanding always difficult, and experience only the reward
of perseverance (patience worketh experience, and experience hope 2), the
strength of Protestantism is only found among laborious and unambitious
peasantry ; in all its half-educated and aggressive forms it merely means
the scorn of persons incapable of thought for the things they have never
thought of, and of persons who will not look for the things they have not
seen. It is the natural enmity of the material to the spiritual, and of
the base to the pure ; the law which it arrogantly fulfils becomes its worst
corruption ; and the truth to which it narrowly consents, a totality of lie.
1 [The MS. erases: Lillyvick's assertion that he doesn't think nothiuk at all
of that langwidge." See Nicholas Nicklehy, ch. xvi.]
^ [Romans v. 4.]
V
FINAL LECTURES AT OXFORD
(1884)
I. PATIENCE {November 22)
II, BIRDS, AND HOW TO PAINT THEM {November 29)
III. LANDSCAPE {December 6)
[^Bibliographical Note. — The three lectures reported in this Appendix were
delivered at Oxford, in November and December 1884, in lieu of Lec-
tures VI. and Vll. in the course entitled The Pleasures of England (see
above, p. 41o).
They were the last professorial lectures delivered by Huskin at Oxford.
They were reported (by E. T. Cook) in tlie Pall Mall Gazette of
November 24, December and December 10.
The report of the second lecture — that on Birds" — was prepared
with the help of Iluskin's MS. notes ; while that of the third — on " Land-
scape"— was revised by him before publication.
The reports were reprinted in E. T. Cook's Studies in Raskin, 1890
(and again in the second edition of that book, 1801), pp. 2G4-204.]
I
A LECTURE ON " PATIENCE
{Repnnted from the "Pall Mall Gazette," November 2Uh, 1884)
]. No better proof can be given of Mr, Ruskin's popularity at Oxford
than the fact that he played off a practical joke on the five hundred
people who crowded the Museum theatre to hear him on Saturday after-
noon,i and yet aroused no perceptible resentment. They had all come —
an hour before the time, too, many of them— to hear the sixth of his
appointed course of lectures on the " Pleasures of England " ; but he
straightway announced that this lecture would be postponed till Monday
week, and meanwhile he proposed to read them a little essay on Patience.
The innocent joke, it should at once be said, was not altogether of Mr.
Ruskin's own devising. The remaining lectures of the proper course were
ready,2 but pressure had been brought to bear upon him to suppress or
recast them. The details of these lectures had so far fluttered the
dovecots of the vivisectionists " that there had even been threats of the
intervention of a Board of Studies, and of the incarceration of their
single-handed antagonist.^ Why they were so much afraid of his discuss-
ing the Pleasures of Sense he really could not think. All the beautiful
things he had showed them in religious art appealed to the pleasure of
sense. Every religious child is happy ; and all religion, if it is true, is
beautiful ; it is only sham religion — the habit, for instance, of excessive
mourning for the dead^ — and vice that are ugly. When they heard the
lecture^ they would see that he was only going to point out to them
some new and innocent ways of enjoying themselves.
2. The unkind critics who had caused all this confusion were — so it
was said in Oxford— Mr. Macdonald and Dr. Acland. Mr. Ruskin had
taken their rebuke meekly ; but if it was on behalf of science that Dr.
Acland was afraid, Mr. Ruskin clearly means to have his revenge. For
in the meanwhile he promised to give a scientific lecture;^ and Mr.
Ruskin's scientific lectures do not greatly please the recognized professors
of science. I shall not tell you,'* Mr. Ruskin said, " how long a bird's
November 22.]
This statement is incorrect: see above, pp. lii., liii.]
On this subject, see again the Introduction; above, p. Ivi.l
Compare A Joy for Ever, § 70 (Vol. XVI. p. 62), and Crown of Wild Olive,
§ 14 ^(Vol. XVm. p. 395).] „ 1 . ,
^ [Which, however, was never printed ; nor, indeed, written, so far as Ruskni s
MSS. disclose.]
« [The lecture on Birds; below, pp. 527-531.]
' 523
524 FINAL LECTURES AT OXFORD
larynx is, for I don't know and I don't care, but I can tell you some-
thing about its singing. I can tell you about its feathers, but not what
is underneath its skin. Why, I went into your museum to find an
Abyssinian kingfisher — the classical halcyon — but there was only one,
hidden in a dark corner, and that not a good enough specimen to
draw. A very sad thing that, and even sadder that they should pack
away the skins of the birds in drawers in ' stinking camphor.' In the
British Museum, however, you can now for the first time see birds poised,
and how they fly. I told Dr. Giinther,^ the Keeper of Zoology (in the
second chapter of Loves Meinie, for example and he's now telling you."
" Next Saturday," Mr. Ruskin added, " I shall do a little more ' peacocking '
before you, and am going to show you some practical experiments — with
the help of the Balliol College cook — of glaciers and glacier motion." ^
Here, again, Mr. Ruskin has an old quarrel, as every one knows, with the
men of science.
3. The prospect of these two dainty dishes should itself have made the
lesson of patience easier. As Mr. Ruskin told the girls in the Ethics of
the Dust^^ there was obviously no reason why his audience, because they
were the richer by the expectation of playing at a new game — of having
two new lectures thrown in — should make themselves unhappier than when
they had nothing to look forward to but the old ones. And then, even
when the little lecture itself began, Mr. Ruskin often stopped from his
reading to throw sugar-plums to his pupils, Were there any of them
courting, for instance } Then his advice was to continue it as long as pos-
sible. Young people nowadays do not enjoy their courtship half enough ;
it really becomes nicer and nicer the longer it lasts. Besides, you are
all sure to find fault with your wives when you marry them ; it is only
^ [Referring to the above report, Ruskin wrote to the Pall Mall Gazette (Novem-
ber 2G, 1884) as follows:—
^^84, Woodstock Road,
'^Oxford, Noreniher 25th.
Sir, — Again thanking you for the general care and fulness of your
reports, permit irie to correct the sentence referring to the head of the
Zoological Department in the British Museum, as it is given in your
account of niy lecture on J>atiirday. I said that in Love's Meinie I had
for the first time explained to my Oxford pupils how birds flew, and that
now Dr. Giinther had beautifully shown the birds of I^ngland to us all,
in the perfect action of flying. But I never said 1 had ^ told Dr. Giinther'
anything. Everything he has so beautifully done has been his own
bettering of what had been begun by Mr. Gould ; it fulfils, or super-
sedes, much of what I meant to attempt at Sheffield, and leaves me, I
am thankful to say, more free to my proper w^ork here. Dr. Giinther
continually tells me things, in all sorts of kind ways, but I never told,
or could have told, him anything. — I am. Sir, your obedient servant,
'^J. Ruskin."
This letter was reprinted in Igdrasil, vol. ii. p. Go, and again (No. 99) in the
privatelv-printed Ruskiniana, part i., 1890, pp. 92-93.1
2 [S4e Vol. XXV.]
^ [This lecture was not given ; but see Deucalion (Vol. XXVI. pp. 124 seq.),
and compare Ruskin's experiments in the kitchen at Broadlands (Vol. XXIV.
p. xxi. and Vol. XXVI. pp. 177, 232).]
^ [See § 35 (Vol. XVIII. p. 246).]
I. "PATIENCE" 525
during courtship that they are entirely faultless and seraphic; and why
not keep them so as long as you can?" Then there was a little critical
squib, apropos of a citation of Keats's phrase, human serpentry." i "Read
as much Keats as possible, and no Shelley.^ Shelley, with due admiration
notwithstanding, for his genius, is entirely mischievous, Keats entirely
innocent and amusing."
4. As for the little essay on Patience itself, it consisted of readings, with
occasional self-criticism, from the Cestus of Aglaia and St. Mark's Rest. The
first passage read on Saturday was the analysis of Chaucer's " Patience " : —
"Dame Patience sitting there I fonde,
With face pale, upon an hill of sonde." ^
5. Mr. Ruskin apologized for the over-allusive style in which much of
this analysis was written, for " twenty years ago I was always fond of
showing that I knew a good deal and had read a good deal." Elsewhere,
too, he has explained, with reference to these same chapters in the Art
Journal, that he has "three different ways of writing — one, with the single
view of making myself understood, in which I necessarily omit a good
deal of what comes into my head ; another, in which I say what I think
ought to be said, in what I suppose to be the best words I can find for
it (which is in reality an affected style — be it good or bad) ; and my
third way of writing is to say all that comes into my head for my own
pleasure, in the first words that come, retouching them afterwards into
(approximate) grammar." ^ The Cestus of Aglaia was written in this third
style.
6. From the Patience of Chaucer, Mr. Ruskin passed to the Patience
of Venice. The Patience who really smiles at griefs usually stands, or
walks, or even runs. She seldom sits, though she may sometimes have to
do it for many a day, poor thing, by monuments, or like Chaucer's, with
"face pale, upon an hill of sonde." The Patience of Venice is to be found
on a monument — the statue of St. Theodore, whose legend Mr. Ruskin
has explained in Fors Clavigera (March 1877),^ and again in the 2nd chap-
ter of St. Mark's Rest, from which he read on Saturday. 'J' In these later
books of his, when he talks in what Mr. Matthew Arnold calls his " assured
way " about the meaning of legends, he is only collating the results of a
life's work, begun when he was twenty-four years old, and when, by the
good counsel of Dean Liddell, he took to drawing religious art in the
'For another reference to the phrase, see Vol. XIX. p. 84.]
Xompare Vol. I. pp. 253-254 n.]
See Cestus, §§ 30-33 (Vol. XIX. pp. 82-86). Ruskin had the passage set up
in large type for use in this lecture ; the proof, among his MSS., shows that he
made the following revisions : For " by Eridanus side " he read " beside the great
Lombardic river"; for ^^giftless time," "giftless birthdays"; for " other patient
children," other in like manner patient children" ; for ''the yellow light, ' Nis
glory and pity" ; and for "towards grey Vise (who stood pale m . . .), towards
Viso who stood in . . ."]
* [See Vol. XIX. p. 408.]
5 [Twelfth Night, Act ii. sc. 4: compare Vol. XVIII. p. 247.J
« [Letter 75 : see Vol. XXIX. p. 62.]
' [See Vol. XXIV. pp. 225 seq.]
526 FINAL LECTURES AT OXFORD
Christ Church library. All early religious art is symbolic, and the meaning
of the symbols is well ascertainable. The divinity of Botticelli, for instance,
is a science at least as well known as that of the Greek gods, and all
Mr. Ruskin does is to give the result of the Catholic knowledge of the
saints — the interpretation which is universally recognized of their legends.
St. Theodore, then, standing, on a crocodile, as he may be seen on one
of the twin pillars of the Piazzetta at Venice, represents the power of
the Spirit of God in all noble and useful animal life, conquering what is
venomous, useless, or in decay. The victor}' of his Patience is making the
earth liis pedestal instead of his adversarj' ; he is the power of gentle and
rational life, reigning over the wild creatures and senseless forces of the
world — the dragon-enemy becoming by human mercy the faithfuUest of
creature friends to man.
7. Besides the essay on Patience, Mr. Ruskin set to work on Saturday
on a clearing-up and putting right of the "heterogeneous rubble" which
some of the newspapers had made of his remarks on the British Navy last
week. With a pretty compliment to his pupils, he asked them to sympa-
thise with the bewilderment of the paltry British press in its attempt to
reduce to the level of British press understanding lectures which were pre-
pared only for their higher intelligence. Mr. Ruskin then repeated what
he had before said about the loss of the London, the Captaiii, and the Eury-
dice.^ To these disasters he now added a much antecedent one — that of the
Ro/jal George,- which was sunk in the harbour, with most of her crcM',
while the captain was writing in the cabin, because a few of them were
hunting rats half a minute too long in her hull. They had thus four
accurate illustrations of a kind of shipbuilding and ship management of
which there was no parallel whatever, either among the Saxons, Vikings,
Venetians, Carthaginians, Athenians, or Normans. These catastrophes be-
longed exclusively to modern naval history, which had its triumphs, but
was darkened by many more shadows than the features which beautified
it. As for the remedy, Mr. Ruskin has explained long ago, in Fors, the
incompatibility of seamanship with iron. "You need not think," he said,
'^that you can ever have seamen in iron ships; it is not in flesh and blood
to be vigilant when vigilance is so slightly necessary ; the best seaman
born will lose his qualities when he knows he can steam against wind and
tide, and has to handle ships so large that the care of them is necessarily
divided among many persons. If you want sea captains indeed, like Sir
Richard Grenville or Lord Dundonald, you must give them small ships
and wooden ones — nothing but oak, pine, and hemp to trust to, above or
below — and those trustworthv." ^
218).
3
^ [See above, p. o08.]
2 f^For other references to this disaster, see Candida Ca^a, § 18 (above, pp. 217-
Letter 9, § 10; Vol. XXVII. p. 153.]
II
BIRDS, AND HOW TO PAINT THEM
{Reprinted from the "Pall Mall Gazette," December 3rd, 1884)
8. "I HAVE scarcely any heart to address you to-day," Mr. Ruskin beo-an
by saying on Saturday,^ ''so terrified ani I, and so subdued, by the
changes in Oxford which have taken place even since first I accepted
this Professorship, and vi^hich are directly calculated to paralyze all my
efforts to be useful in it. I need scarcely tell any of my pupils that my
own Art teaching has been exclusively founded on the hope of getting
people to enjoy country life, and to care for its simple pleasures and
modest employments. But I find now that the ideal in the minds of all
young people, however amiable and well-meaning, is to marry as soon as
possible, and then to live in the most fashionable part of the largest
town they can afford to compete with the rich inhabitants of, in the
largest house they can strain their incomes to the rent of, v/ith the water
laid on at the top, the gas at the bottom, huge plate-glass windows, out
of which they may look uninterruptedly at a brick wall, a drawing-room
on the scale of Buckingham Palace, with Birmingham fittings, and patent
everythings going of thenoselves everywhere; with, for all intellectual aids
to felicity, a few bad prints, a few dirty and foolish books, and a quantity
of photographs of the people they know, or of any passing celebrities.
This is the present ideal of English life, without exception, for the middle
classes ; and a more miserable, contemptible, or criminal one never was
formed by any nation made under the wondering stars. It implies per-
petual anxiety, lazy and unjustifiable pride, innumerable petty vexations,
daily more poignant greed for money, and the tyrannous compulsion of
the labouring poor into every form of misery; and it implies, further, total
ignorance of all the real honour of human life and beauty of the visible
world. I felt all this borne in upon me, almost to the point of making
me give up all further effort here in England, and going away to die
among the Alps, when I walked early this week across what were once
fields, but are now platforms of mud and bitumen, to what we used to
call the ' Happy Valley,' ^ and the scenes, by Ferry Hinksey (but * in the
two Hinkseys nothing keeps the same '2), of my former endeavours to set
some undergraduates to useful country labour.* Every beautiful view, either
of Oxford or from it, is now scarified and blasted by the detestable con-
ditions of labour, which always mean that a company or a capitalist are
^ [November 29.]
2 "See above, p. 127.]
3 [An interpolation of the reporter s, from Matthew Arnold's Thynis.]
^ [See Vol. XX. pp. xl. seq.l
527
528 FINAL LECTURES AT OXFORD
ruining either themselves or somebody else.^ There is not an old path to
be trodden, or an old memory to be traced, except where the discouraged
and desperate cottagers here and there maintain still a rugged fence or
let run a half-choked ditch round the melancholy yards or gardens which
they can still call their own.
9. "Now, what is the use," Mr. Ruskin went on to ask, "under these
conditions, of my talking to you about birds Are their nests to be built
in the waterworks reservoir? is their song to be heard in the morning
above the steam buzzer 2 and the roll of the tramway.^ have you still
hearts to listen to it, if it could be } What do you want of them now,
but for such deadly science or deadlier luxury as may best feed your itch
for notoriety of some sort — their skeletons or their skins And I have
actually been unable, from the mere distress and disgust of what I had
to read of bird-slaughter, to go on with Love's Meinie. I will make you a
little miserable, with myself, in letting you hear accurately described the
sort of thing that is going on continually."
10. Mr. Ruskin then read two extracts from "a thoroughly trust-
worthy book," Mr. Robert Gray's Birds of the West of Scotland,^ describing,
among other things, how some ornithologist of the party had shot two
parent divers and their little ones. Some others of the party had seen
the little ones the day before, and had given them their first swimming
lesson, but the ornithologists wanted their skins. The other extract told
how the same party (minus the ornithologists this time, it would seem)
had taken on board their yacht a live specimen of the tyste, or black
guillemot, and made a pet of him. When he desired to leave his basket
the little fellow would "raise himself upon his hinder end till he was
almost as tall as a little spruce tree ; and then he would waddle on to
the palm of a person's hand, and sit there flapping his wings as if he
were flying at the 1 ate of fifty miles an hour ; and then he would rest
himself on his abdomen, and shut one eye, and wink with the other at
the sun. But the cabin-boy said from the beginning that he was too good
to live." "The little creature died, I believe," Mr. Ruskin here put in,
"angelically, of being too happy; but does not this show you how natural
it is for men and birds to love each other, and live with each other joy-
fully ? — if it were not for these ghastly skin and bone mongers who call
themselves ornithologists, and the still wretcheder and ghastlier form of
English booby squire, who knows nothing and cares for nothing in all the
earth but how to wink along a gun-barrel till he can sight it to blow
the brains out of something, and he thinks that clever, and the best part
of the life of a lord.""*
11. Mr. Ruskin then went on to illustrate, from a book of scientific
travel, a different method of intelligent destruction — that of "the mob,
^ [Here the reporter interpolated : ''^ Mr. Ruskin need not, though, have put
the alternative, for the Oxford Building Company has ruined both itself and many
others."]
2 [See above, p. 504.]
^ [For another reference to the book, see Loiies Meinie (Vol. XXV. p. 150) ;
the passages here referred to are at pp. 415-416, 430-431.]
* [On Ruskin's view of such sport, see Vol. VII. p. 341, and Vol. XXVI.
p. 822.]
II. BIRDS, AND HOW TO PAINT THEM 529
who, not having guns, take to stones," and the kind of study of birds in
connection therewith. Here is the method of destruction: ''At one place
ten cormorants and three steamer ducks were assembled on three small
rocks, placed side by side, and would not take their departure till I had
thrown a succession of stones at them. . . . One or two which had been
hit with stones lay on their backs on the beach for some minutes, emitting
strange sounds, and waving about their splay feet in the air, in the most
ridiculous manner." And here is an example of what these sportsmen
saw in a bird they had "fortunately killed": ''The stomach was distinctly
divided into a cardiac and a pyloric portion, separated by a short and
narrow interval. Of these portions the cardiac division possessed a com-
paratively feeble muscular coat, and was remarkably glandular; while the
pyloric, of a somewhat flattened spheroidal form, was extremely muscular.
The former I found distended with a firm mass of semi-digested ship biscuit,
while the latter contained the two mandibles of a small cephalopod."
12. This is the way Enghsh men of science look at birds, and English
painters have hardly anything better to tell us of them. Art in this kind
may be divided under four heads. There is first of all common still life —
" dead game, with a cut lemon and a glass and bottle — the most wretched of
human stupidities." Then there is still life, with some enjoyment of colour
— '* fruit pieces, usually with handsome plate — things such as Lance ^ used to
paint, and many other suppliers of the trade — not worth notice." Very
different is William Hunt's work, whether in fruit or birds — " chiefly doves
— unique in excellence, but still not didactic." And finally, there is the
animal painting of Landseer and Mr. Briton Riviere. Landseer, however,
is "strictly only a horse and dog painter; he seldom attempted birds, and
wheri he did he failed. Riviere has done some wonderful ornithology — of
a comic kind — as, for instance, in his 'An Anxious Moment,' in which a
flock of geese are debating whether they may with safety pass by an
old hat."
IS. The true portraiture of birds, then, is one of the things which
English painters have still to do, and Mr. Ruskin's pupils would find
plenty of examples in his own studies in plumage in his dra wing-school. ^
But artists will never be able to paint birds so long as they study in
modern schools of science. "The true artist," Mr. Ruskin said, in a
former Oxford lecture, "if he wishes to paint a dog, looks at him and loves
him, does not vivisect him."^ So is it with birds. Whatever Science may
be concerned with on its own account, as a foundation for Art it must
look at a bird's plumage, not at the contents of its stomach. Mr. Ruskin
laid, therefore, some of this true scientific groundwork on Saturday, by
some notes on feather analysis. Birds, he said, have three kinds of
feathers: (!) feathers for clothing, which again may be subdivided into
flannel feathers and armour feathers ; (2) feathers for action— either feathers
1 [For another reference to George Lance (1802-1864), see Vol. XII. p. 400;
for William Hunt's fruits and birds, Vol. XIV. pp. 377 seq., 440 seq. ; for Landseer,
see the General Index. For other references to Mr. Briton Riviere, see Art of
England, § 63 (above, p. 810); his "Anxious Moment" was at the Royal Academy
in 1878 ; the picture is at Holloway College.]
2 [See the Index in Vol. XXI. pp. 325-826.]
3 [See Vol. XXII. p. 508.]
XXXIII. 2 ^'
530 FINAL LECTURES AT OXFORD
of force in the wing, or of steerage in the tail; and (3) feathers for
decoration and expression ^ — which either modify the bird's form (crests, e.g.,
or tassels), or its colour, by lustre or pigment.
14. It should be noted generally that the underclothing, the down,
is always white in adult birds ; and the prevailing colour of the upper
feathers, in land birds of temperate zones, brown, and in sea birds white.
"The theorists of development," continued Mr. Ruskin, "say, I suppose,
that partridges get brown by looking at stubble, seagulls white by looking
at foam, and jackdaws black by looking at clergymen. The theory at first
is plausible, as are the ideas of development in general, to people who
like guessing better than thinking ; but you may see its fallacy in an
instant by reflecting that if sea birds were really coloured by the sea, thoy
would be blue, not white ; if land birds were coloured by their woods, t!iey
would be green, not brown; and that birds of darkness, both in feather
and spirit, must have been suited with sable, not by our cathedral, but
our manufacturing towns." Coming next to force feathers and decorative
feathers, Mr. Ruskin noted that they are usually reserved and quiet in
colour. "There is no iridescent eagle, no purple and golden seagull; while
a large mass of coloured birds — parrots, pheasants, humming birds — seem
meant for human amusement. Seem meant — dispute it if you will : no
matter what they seem, they are the most amusing and infinitely delicious
toys, lessons, comforts, amazements of human existence. Think of it, for
here is a curious thing."
15. "Ever since I have known children," Mr. Ruskin said, in con-
clusion, "or heard talk of them, I have noticed that they liked running
after butterflies, and are represented in poetical vignettes as if that were
an amiable occupation of theirs. I would give any child I had the care
of, a good horsewhip or ponywhip cut over the shoulders if I caught it
running after a butterfly. The way to see a butterfly is, as for everything
else, to see it alive. If you're quiet enough it will settle under your nose
or on your sleeve ; and if it's a rare one, and you don't kill it, it will be
less rare next year, until you may have pur})le emperors flying about, as
plentiful as now you have smuts. But also when you've got it and piimed
it wriggling on a cork, what's the good of it? It is merely an ill-made
bird, the intermediate thing between a bird and a worm. It has wings,
but is for the most part more blown about by them than lifted ; it has
legs, but it can't hop with them or catch anything with them ; it has
brains, but never has the least idea where it's going ; it has eyes, but
doesn't see anything particular with them that I know of ; ears, perhaps,
I don't know ; voice, I don't know ; anyhow, it can't whistle. Feathers it
has, which rub off if you touch them, like so much mildew. A precious
sort of thing to catch and transfix what poor little life and succulent
pleasure the creature has evermore out of its body, that you may pin it
on your hat and say it's the Jackiana Tomfooliensis ! But I will tell you
what you can catch, and catch innocently, — feathers ; and a single feather
has more to study in it than fifty butterflies. Here's Christmas coming —
general roast turkey and goose-pie time. You know I'm no vegetarian.
I wouldn't have you dine on nightingales' tongues ; but quantities of birds
are born, like sheep, to be finally dined on. Well, you go and help the
^ [See, further, on this classification. Laws of Fesole, Vol. XV. p. 397.]
11. BIRDS, AND HOW TO PAINT THEM 531
cook to pluck her game, and in a single Christmas you may gather plumage
enough to be a wonder to you all your days. Begin with the pheasant.
Put the characteristic breast, shoulder, wing, and tail feather into expli-
cable order, prettily stitched down on cardboard, or velvet, or anything
that sets them off. Then put the feathers of any other birds you can
get hold of into the same order— that is to say, put the main feather
of a seagull's wing, a swallow's, an owl's, a pheasant's, and a barn-door
fowl's side by side — similarly the main central types of breast feather,
tail feather, and so on. Then draw their outUnes carefully, then their
patterns of colour, then, analyzed up to the point of easy magnifying,
their shafts and filaments, and see what a new world of beauty you will
have entered into — before the sun turns to go up hill again.
16. And when he does turn up hill again, if any of you care to put
your lives a little to rights, and to prime your own feathers for what
flight is in them — don't go to London, nor to any other town in the
spring 1 — don't let the morning winds of May find your cheeks pale and
your eyes bloodshot with sitting up all night, nor the violets bloom for
you only in the salesman's bundles, nor the birds sing around, if not above,
the graves you liave dug for yourselves before your time. Time enough
you will have hereafter to be deaf to their song, and ages enough to be
blind to their brightness, if you seek not the sight given now. If there
be any human love in your youth, if any sacred hope, if any faithful
religion, let them not be defiled and quenched among the iniquities of
the multitude. Your Love is in the clefts of the Rock, when the flowers
appear on the earth, and the time of the singing of birds is come, and
the God of all Love calls to you ^from the top of Amana, from the top
of Shenir and Hermon,' calls to every pure spirit among the children of
men, as they to those they love best —
" ^ Arise, my love, my fair one, and come away.' " ^
1 [Compare Two Paths, § 137 (Vol. XVL p. 372).]
2 [Canticles ii. 12 ; iv. 8 ; ii. 10.]
Ill
A LECTURE ON LANDSCAPE
(Reprinted from ihe ''Pall Mall Gazette,'' December lOfk, 1884)
17. Mr. Ruskin's final lecture to his pupils for this term, given at Oxford
last week,i began with an expression of the disappointment and surprise
which, on reviewing the results of my lecturing and working here for
upwards of twelve years,^ I feel in being forced to the sorrowful confession
that not a single pupil has learned the things I primarily endeavoured to
teach, nor used of his own accord, so far as I know, in a single instance,
the examples which I put before him as most admirable in my especial
department of art, landscape."
18. How complete and numerous these examples are every one knows
who has visited the Taylorian picture-gallery or seen in the '' Ruskin
Drawing-school " the insides of the cabinets filled with Mr. Ruskin's own
drawings.^ You may wonder," continued Mr. Ruskin, "why the examples
I have given you of landscape in the school are my drawings and not
Turner's. But Turner's are of a finesse beyond what has ever else been
attained, and for that reason not useful as working examples.^ But I am
proud to think that these drawings of mine " (several of which were ex-
hibited at the lecture), "done thirty years ago at the foot of the Matter-
horn, are entirely right as examples of mountain drawing, with absolutely
correct outline of all that is useful for geological science or landscape art.
And I am proud to think, too, that though at the time I did them I had
never seen Turner's drawings, mine are on exactly the same plan as his —
that is to say, I always drew an absolutely right pencil outline before
putting in any colour whatever. But though ' 1 have been preaching,
crying, shrieking to you that this is the method of all true landscape
painting,^ there is not one of you who sharpens his pencil point, instead
of seizing his biggest brush and going dab at the mountains with splashes
of colour. And then in the gallery upstairs there is the unequalled collec-
tion of Turner drawings, which with some self-denial I gave you twenty
years ago, and which has lately been completed by the kindness of the
Trustees of the National Gallery, at the intercession of Prince Leopold." ^
1 [On December 6.]
^ [The years of Ruskin's professorship were ten (1870-1877 and 1883-1884) ; but
he includes, no doubt, the work done in his Drawing School during the inter-
mediate years.]
3 [See now Vol. XXL]
* [Compare Art of England, % 157 (above, p. 373).]
^ [See, for instance, Vol. XII. pp. 487 seq.. Vol. XIII. pp. 241 seq.. Vol. XV.
pp. 136, 857, and Vol. XXI. p. 237.]
" [See above, p. 268.]
532
III. LANDSCAPE
533
19. Why was it, then, Mr. Ruskin returned to ask, that none of his
examples in landscape had been used, none of his principles adopted?
"I perhaps trusted too much to what I had before written on the subject
of landscape, and in the first years of my professorship drew the atten-
tion of my pupils only to the higher conditions of pictorial imagination,
which had been occupied in religion and ethics. As it has turned out, the
religion of England being in its practical power extinct before her science,
and the ethics of England extinct before her avarice, everything that I
have written of the religious painting of Italy has been useless, until
lately in the form of guide-books ; 1 while the value of the few words I
spoke on landscape was still more hopelessly effaced by the vast irrup-
tion of sensual figure-study, patronised by the now all-powerful Republican
demi-monde of the French capital. Respecting the general relations and
dignities of landscape and figure-painting, I purpose very earnestly and
carefully to address you in a spring lecture. 2 But with respect to the
especial danger and corruption of existing schools of the figure, I must
point out one or two chief facts for your immediate consideration.
20. "First, landscape, however feeble or fantastic, cannot be definitely
immoral. It neither mocks what is venerable nor recommends what is
lascivious. But the sale of figure sketches or paintings, by persons of
inferior talent, depends almost exclusively on its being addressed to the
vanity, the lust, or the idle malice of the classes of society developed by
the corruption of large towns.
21. '^Secondly, the idea of greater dignity naturally attached to figure
painting of higher pretension, because it implies a strict course of pre-
vious academical study, entirely ignores the primary law of human educa
tion, that the more you teach a fool the more manifold a fool you make
him. Nothing is so melancholy, nothing so mischievous, as the academical
imitations of the great men by the little ones, and the pompous display
of laboriously artificial attainments by men of faculties inherently and
natively contemptible. During the first half of this century the artists
of England were divisible, almost without exception, into two classes —
men of modesty, sense, and industry, who were forming a pure school
of pathetic and meditative landscape, rising with the quiet flow of a moun-
tain well out of the formality of the older 'views' of this and that; and
men, on the other hand, of mean ambition, foolish sentiment, and vulgar
breeding, who reduced the figure-painting of the Academy to the inanity
from which it was only rescued by the splendid indignation of Rossetti,
Millais, and Holman Hunt — all of them, observe, introducing, if not as
the basis, at least as an essential and integral part of their conception, a
landscape elaborated to the last grass blade and flower petal.
22. "Thirdly, I will not in this brief notice touch on the actual
difficulties of landscape, as compared with figure painting, but I beg you
to observe the requirement for it of far greater industry. With an hour's
work a good figure painter can produce a satisfactorily realistic image of
the fairest human creature; set him to paint a heathy crag or a laurel
1 [Mornings in Florence (Vol. XXIII.), St. Mark's Best, and Guide to the Venetian
Academy (Vol. XXXIV.).] ^ . „
2 [Ruskin, however, resigned his chair in the spring, and this was the last ot
his professorial lectures.]
XXXIII. ^ ^2
534 FINAL LECTURES AT OXFORD
coppice, and see what he will make of it, giving him an hour for every
former minute, or sixty hours instead of one. Why, then, paint it with
so much care, do you say, when the painting of the pretty lady is so
much nicer? Well, my own answer to that would be. Because the pretty
lady herself is so much nicer than the painting, and will always be there
if you ask her ; but the laurel coppice or the heather crag won't come for
the asking; you must paint them or forget them. Returning to my main
point, note that the painting of landscape requires not only more industry,
but far greater delicacy of bodily sense and faculty than average figure
painting. Any common sign-painter can paint the landlord's likeness, and
with a year or two's scraping of chalk at Kensington any cockney student
can be got to draw, effectively enough for public taste, a straddling gladiator
or a curly-pated Adonis. But to give the slightest resemblance to, or
notion of, such a piece of mountain wildwood or falling stream as these,
in this little leap of the Tees in Turner's drawing,^ needs an eagle's keen-
ness of eye, fineness of finger like a trained violinist's, and patience and
love like Griselda's or Lady Jane Grey's.
23. "Without, however, further reasoning just now why or with what
feelings we should try to paint landscape, I return to my immediate busi-
ness, to ask you why in no single instance any of you have painted a
bit in my way. For one of you that used to go to Scotland or Switzer-
land, a thousand fw now ; for one descriptive passage in poetry or novel
that used to be given before Scott and Byron told you that nature was
beautiful, a thousand romancers and troubadours paint now their landscape
backgrounds for personages whom they couldn't make else of any account ;
and yet here are twelve years I have been your drawing-master, and not
one of you has brought me a bit of Alpine snow, of Greek sea, or of
English greenwood, drawn with as much pains or heart as dear old William
Hunt put into a horn tankard. I do not know what your answer would
or will be. But my own explanation of this scorn of landscape will cer-
tainly surprise you. I attribute it, and I attribute it with a very strong
conviction, to your having no sympathy with the people who inhabit the
countries you visit. No passage of niy old books is more often quoted than
that in the Seven Lamps as to the entire interest of landscape depending
on our sympathy with its history and inhabitants." 2
"But this point," Mr. Ruskin said, "I have never enough reinforced.
The lecture in which I partly did so was never published ;2 and you all
go rushing about the world in search of Cotopaxis and Niagaras, when all
the rocks of the Andes and all the river drainages of the two Americas
are not worth to you, for real landscape, pathos, and power, this wayward
tricklet of a Scottish burn over its shelves of low-levelled sandstone."
Mr. Ruskin here showed the early Turner which he has lately acquired,
and to which he referred in a former lecture.^ " Its whole force," he said,
^ [See No. 2 in the Standard Series: Vol. XXI. p. 11.]
* [The passage in question is that in which Ruskin describes *'the broken
masses of pine forest which skirt the course of the Ain above the village of
Champagnole, in the Jura" : see Vol. VIII. pp. 221-224.]
^ [The first of the Lectures on Landscape, delivered in 1871, not published till
1898 : see now Vol. XXII. pp. 12 seq.]
^ [See above, p. 506.]
III. LANDSCAPE
535
consists in a dreamy and meditative sense that men were once living
there, and that spirits are still moving there — that it was full of traces of
the valour of our ancestors, just as it may still be full, if you will, of the
sanctities of your love."
24. To illustrate the contrary case — the absence of delight in land-
scape, accompanied and conditioned by a want of sympathy for the people
— Mr. Ruskin read from Evelyn's Diary a series of extracts written for
him by his god-daughter with a type-writer — ''the only kind of machine of
which I do approve." First there was English enjoyment of English land-
scape at Spie Park, where the house had "not a window on the prospect
side." 1 That is the rough type ; for the gentle type Mr. Ruskin referred to
Evelyn's building "a study, a fishpond, an island, and some other solitudes
and retirements" at Wotton, which ''gave the first occasion of improving
them to waterworks and gardens." 2 As for English travellers' enjoyment
of French landscape, "we passed through a forest (of Fontainebleau), so
prodigiously encompassed with hideous rocks of white, hard stone, heaped
one on another in mountainous height, that I think the like is nowhere
to be found more horrid and solitary." For an example of " French and
characteristically European manufactured landscape," Mr. Ruskin referred to
Evelyn's description of Richelieu's villa, with its "walks of vast lengthes,
so accurately kept and cultivated, that nothing can be more agreeable," and
its " large and very rare grotto of shell-worke, in the shape of satyrs and
other wild fancys." The human sympathy involved in manufactured land-
scape is to be seen in its cost — " He has pulled downe a whole village to
make roome for his pleasure about it " — making a solitude, and calling it
delight.^ And then, lastly, Mr. Ruskin read an account of how Evelyn
took his pleasure in the Alps, passing through " strange, horrid, and fearful
craggs," and treating the natives — as only the British tourist knows how.
The pious Evelyn, or one of his party, had a water spaniel, "a huge,
filthy cur," that killed a goat, "whereupon we set spurrs and endeavoured
to ride away"; but inasmuch as "amongst these rude people a very small
misdemeanour is made much of, we lay'd down the money, though the
proceedings seemed highly unjust." These proceedings occurred on the
Simplon Pass ; and Mr. Ruskin showed, in contrast to them, a drawing
of the St. Gothard, by Turner, in which, as in other scenes, it is a human
interest that gives the grandeur. The reader will remember in this con-
nection Mr. Ruskin's description of the Pass of Faido, in Modern Painters,
where, in "Turnerian topography," the "full essence and soul of the scene
and consummation of all the wonderfulness of the torrents and Alps lay in
a postchaise with small ponies and postboy." *
1 [July 16, 1654.]
2 [See the Diary for May 21, 1643. For Fontainebleau (March 7, 1644), compare
Prceterita, ii. § 76, where Ruskin again quotes the passage ; for Richelieu's villa, see
February 27, 1643-1644; the next passage ("He has pulled down," etc.), in the
Diary for September 7, 1649, is said of " President Maison's palace," near Pans ; for
the passage of the Simplon, see 1646.]
3 [" Solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant " (Tacitus, Agricola, 30) ; translated by
Byron in The Bride of Abydos, canto ii. stanza 20.] , , .
' 4 [See Modern Painters, vol. iv. (Vol. VI. p. 39). The drawing shown by Ruskm
was of "The Pass of Faido," reproduced on Plate IV. of Vol. XXII. (p. 32).J
586 FINAL LECTURES AT OXFORD
25. " Now, I dare say/' said Mr. Ruskin, resuming, " you all think you
have improved greatly in sense, and good-nature, and love of scenery since
Evelyn's time. I admit there are a certain number of you very different
creatures indeed. But there is nothing to me so amazing in Evelyn's in-
justice to the poor peasants, and terrified hatred of their Alps, as there is
in the total absence from the papers of the Alpine Club of the smallest
expression of any human interest in anything they see in Switzerland
except the soaped poles they want to get to the top of/ and their con-
tinual exultation, over their cheese and beer, in their guides' legs and
their own, without ever appearing conscious for an instant that every
valley of which the blue breaks through the cloud at their feet is full of
the most beautiful human piety and courage, being gradually corrupted and
effaced by European vice, after contending for long ages with conditions of
hardship and disease, prolonged by European neglect, folly, and cruelty.
And of the less adventurous Englishman, content with flatter mountain
tops, here without question is the central type for this hour." Mr. Ruskin
here showed Punch's cartoon of "The Old Lion Aroused," to which he
had referred in a former lecture,'- and in doing so he apologized for any
pain that had been caused by his thus accidentally ridiculing Mr. Bright —
for whose character he had in most things a great respect, although it was
"an awful sign of the times" that so honourable and excellent a man
should have stood up on a memorable occasion in the House of Commons
to defend the adulteration of food as a legitimate form of competition. ^
" You are all of you," Mr, Ruskin resumed, with reference to this cartoon,
"resolving yourselves, and that with rapidity, into this kind of British
person, and this kind of British standard-bearer — consumer of all things
consumable, producer of nothing but darkness and abomination, with his
foot on all that he once revered, his hope lost in all that he once wor-
shipped, a god to himself, and to all the world an incarnate calamity.
26. " Your way out of all this I told you full fourteen years ago, in
my inaugural lectures, to not one word of which any of you have prac-
tically attended. I have, indeed, one pupil-friend, an accomplished and
amiable artist, another a conscientious and prosperous lawyer^ — of formal
school or consistent disciples no vestige whatever. The time may yet
come ; anyhow next year I have again, with the ever-ready help of Mr.
Macdonald, to begin at the beginning, and meanwhile I will close my
discourses to you for this year by re-reading the conditions of prosperous
art work which I laid before you in 1870." The passage which Mr.
Ruskin read is in the fourth of his inaugural Lectures on Art, on " The
Relation of Art to Use," in which it was laid down that after recover-
ing, for the poor, wholesomeness of food, the next steps towards founding
Schools of Art in England must be in recovering for them decency and
wholesomeness of dress and of lodging, and then after this that " nothing
be ever made of iron that can be as effectually made of wood or stone,
and nothing moved by steam that can be as effectually moved by natural
1 [See Sesame and Lilies, § 35 (Vol. XVIII. p. 90).]
2 See above, p. 470.]
3 [See Fors Clavigera, Letter 37 (Vol. XXVIII. pp. 16, 17).]
* [The two translators for Ruskin of The Economist of Xenophon : see Vol. XXXL
p. 30.]
III. LANDSCAPE
537
forces. . . . And until you do this, be it soon or late, things will continue
in that triumphant state to which, for want of finer art, your mechanism
has brought them ; that though England is deafened with spinning-wheels,
her people have not clothes ; though she is black with digging of fuel,
they die of cold ; and though she has sold her soul for gain, they die of
hunger. Stay in thzt triumph, if you choose ; but be assured of this, it
is not one which the Fine Arts will ever share with you." ^
27. " All this," said Mr. Ruskin, in conclusion, is called impossible.
It may be so. I have nothing to do with its possibility, but only with its
indispensability.2 And at any rate this much is possible to you — to prefer
life in the country, though it be dull, to life in London, though it is
merry ; to look at one thing in the day, instead of at twenty ; and to
think of that one in such a way as will give you some love for man and
some belief in God."
1 [§§ 122, 123 : Vol. XX. pp. 111-114.]
2 [Compare, again, Lectures on Art, § 128 (Vol. XX. p. 113).]
END OF VOLUME XXXIII
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